Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Red Guerrilla Resistance »

In our country, 2020 has been declared the Year of Memory and Glory by a decree of the President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin. More than 25 million citizens of our country gave their lives for the Victory. The Republic of Bashkortostan made a significant contribution to the victory over fascist Germany. The names of such heroes of the Great Patriotic War as Minigali Shaimuratov, Musa Gareev, Tagir Kusimov, Dayan Murzin, Alexander Matrosov and Minigali Gubaidullin became known outside the republic and country. The article is devoted to the combat path of Dayan Bayanovich Murzin, who was an active participant in the guerrilla movement and the Resistance Movement in Czechoslovakia, the hero of Czechoslovakia. The assistance of the Red Army to the Slovak popular uprising is examined, the role of the Soviet Union in the organization of the Resistance Movement in Eastern Europe is shown.

The purpose of this study is to analyze and examine the social phenomenon of the formation of the TNI. This research is focuses on elevating the role and contribution of PETA in the formation of the TNI in terms of history and defense science. The research method used is a literature study method with a qualitative approach. The results showed that the Republic of Indonesia in general had been colonized by several European countries such as the Netherlands, Portugal and Japan. However, the suffering of colonialism was most felt when the Japanese Occupation Period formed the Defender of the Homeland Army (PETA). PETA is a security institution that was formed during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia in September 1943. PETA has contributed a lot to the forerunner of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia since before independence in the form of defiance and resistance to the Japanese army, securing the independence procession and being the first to raise the saka red and white. , changed its name to the People's Security Agency (BKR) to the Indonesian National Army (TNI). During the process of changing the name of the institution there have been several incidents ranging from rebellion to military aggression by the Dutch. As for the resistance and operations carried out ranging from guerrilla warfare, physical to non-physical. The Historical Approach is a condition of PETA's military since it was first formed until it turned into the TNI in various regions in Indonesia and the Defense Science Approach in the form of a tactical step/independence movement which led to PETA's contribution to Indonesia.

In 1971, the civil war in the Pakistani state and consequent genocide in present Bangladesh (erstwhile East Pakistan) led to a great influx of refugees who were desperately crossing the porous borderlands of the eastern states of India. Despite the abject living conditions in the saturated refugee camps and the stringent regimentation of the youth camps and muktijoddhā (Liberation Warrior) training sectors in West Bengal, Tripura and Assam borderlands, the space inhabited by the refugees was charged with powerful national imaginaries laced with an eclectic blend of emotions – resistance, hope, nostalgia, desire, aspiration. Drawing on ethnographic and anthropological research, the essay aims to explore various folk forms of poetry which emerged out of these refugee camps and guerrilla army training sectors during the war, such as kabigān (a form of lyrical oral poetry where the poet spontaneously composes verses to be performed at a public gathering) or hāture kabitā (poems to be read aloud in the middle of a hāt or marketplace) written and performed by refugees from Assam’s Barak Valley in North-East India, and later collected by Bangladeshi historian Shahid Quader Chowdhury. Besides problematising aesthetic practices and their relationship to the idea of border-crossing, refugeehood and national identities, to what extent do these poems – loka kabitā or oral folk poetry, open up a discursive space where shared cultures, histories and memories play a momentous role in political mobilisation and in the creation of a radical alterity within the “national” culture and history? To what extent do these aesthetic registers succeed in combating the irrepresentability of violence, injustice and trauma? These are primarily the questions that this essay aims to ask and resolve.

The USSR placed great emphasis on fighting national resistance movements, due both to the Soviet leadership’s intention to ensure security to the rear of the invading Red Army and to the threat these movements posed to the prospect of Sovietization of the seized areas. Documents revealed in recent years in Russia indicate that in summer 1945, despite the end of World War II in Europe, Poland and Lithuania saw a series of dragnet operations targeting guerrilla fighters. According to the authors, these operations were connected with the fact that the Soviet leadership had seriously considered the hypothetical failure of the Potsdam Conference and the outbreak of World War III. The roundup carried out by the Soviet 50th Army in the Augustów Forest was the bloodiest of these dragnet operations. During the roundup, more than seven thousand individuals were detained, including at least around six hundred who were subsequently shot dead by SMERSH, which viewed them as hostile elements. Death sentences were pronounced without trial, on the basis of an administrative decision issued by Soviet bodies. In the authors’ view, this was the last mass execution of World War II. Despite censorship having been imposed, the memory of this crime remained vivid among the residents of this region throughout the entire period of the communist rule in Poland.

Performance of resistance in Croatia: A chronotopic review from the 1990s onwardsI follow the performance of resistance in performance art in Croatia from the 1990s – i.e. from the disintegration of Yugoslavia – in correlation with the visibility of the performance of resistance in public spaces, with an emphasis on the individual guerrilla action by Igor Grubić (1998), which is considered the first action and provocation in Croatia of the 1990s that was triggered by civic self-initiative. Due to socialist legacy and the war, it was only in 1998 that an action could occur in Croatia that would be as powerful action in terms of media influence as had been the case in the revolutionary year of 1968 in Yugoslavia with the action Red Peristyle, upon the aura of which Grubić’s Black Peristyle was built. I conclude this review of the performance of resistance in Croatia from the 1990s onwards with the story of Black Nylon Peristyle as the civic performative reaction on the occasion of the accession of Croatia to the EU. Thereby I follow chronotopically the performance of resistance in Croatia between 1998 and 2013 (and partly further, up to and including 2017) with regard to the performative centres, placing the starting and endpoint in Split i.e. Peristyle as the art forum of the performance of resistance in Croatia. Performans oporu w Chorwacji. Przegląd chronotopiczny od lat 90.W artykule prześledzono performans oporu w sztuce performansu w Chorwacji od lat dziewięćdziesiątych, tj. od rozpadu Jugosławii – w odniesieniu do kwestii widzialności performansu oporu w sferze publicznej. Akcent został położony na indywidualnej akcji partyzanckiej Igora Grubicia (1998), uważanej za pierwszą akcję i pierwszą prowokację jako przejaw inicjatywy obywatelskiej w Chorwacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych. W związku z panującą wojną i trwającym okresem postsocjalizmu dopiero w 1998 roku w Chorwacji miało miejsce działanie, które pod względem medialnym było porównywalne do rewolucyjnego roku 1968 w Jugosławii, kiedy to odbyła się interwencja Czerwony Perystyl, do której odnosiło się przedsięwzięcie Grubicia – Czarny Perystyl. Przegląd performansów oporu w Chorwacji od lat dziewięćdziesiątych zamykam opowieścią o Czarnym Nylonowym Perystylu jako obywatelskiej reakcji performatywnej na przystąpienie Chorwacji do Unii Europejskiej. Tym samym śledzę w sposób chronotopiczny performans oporu w Chorwacji w latach 1998–2013 (i częściowo dalej, aż do roku 2017) z uwzględnieniem centrów performatywnych, umieszczając punkt początkowy i końcowy w Splicie, a dokładnie na Perystylu jako artystycznym forum performansu oporu w Chorwacji.

Abstract The roots of Anglo-Irish rivalry go back, according to mythology, to prehistory. In historical times, it began in the twelfth century with the Norman invasion of Ireland after the heirs of William the Conqueror had established firm control over England. Ireland remained a vassal state of sorts until 1541, when Henry VIII named himself king of Ireland as well as England. Over the next five decades an English administration slowly tried to exert its control over a population that it at once despised and feared. Strict English control was limited to an area known as the Pale along the eastern coast, but “beyond the Pale” the remainder of the island was deemed savage. In the 1570s the English began to spread from the Pale into the remainder of the country and to meet resistance when the earl of Essex began pacifying Ulster with extreme brutality. Not until the 1590s, however, was any effective and organized resistance mounted. The primary leader of the Irish was Hugh O’Neill, earl of Tyrone in the northern province of Ulster. He had been raised in England and brought up Protestant, as a member of the English army he had campaigned in Ireland. In 1585 he acceded to the earldom and maintained fairly close relations with Queen Elizabeth’s government, but in 1595 began a guerrilla campaign against the English forces in Ireland and in 1598 was declared a traitor when he led Irish forces to a victory over the English at the battle of Yellow Ford. His chief ally was “Red Hugh” O’Donnell, earl of Tyrconnel on Ulster’s western coast.