Articles de revues sur le sujet « Rangpo town »

The article uses the example of the town of Engels (Saratov Region) to explore the case of duplicate naming in the local usage, i.e. the use of the historical oikonym Pokrovsk (until 1931) and its derivatives along with the official name of the town or instead of it. The author showcases that in the local speech, the historical name of the town has become a living alternative used in almost every sphere except business and documentation. At the same time, there are some testimonies to the gradual demarcation of the language contexts associated with the old town name and its derivatives. Until the mid-1990s, the name Pokrovsk and the adjective pokrovskii were regarded nearly as equivalents to the corresponding official names. Currently, their use is confined to Russian Orthodox circles (due to the religious origins of the name Pokrovsk derived from Pokrov ‘the Intercession of the Theotokos’ — an Orthodox holiday). Apart from that, the derivatives with pokrovsk- component can occur in proper names, mainly of commercial (names of business entities and products) and cultural (names of holidays) types. Other usage cases refer to mass media or urban naming. Meanwhile, the demonym pokrovchane, which in the Soviet period was only limited to historical contexts, reclaimed its positions in the 1990s. Currently, it is widely used in the local press and everyday speech, being more popular than the formal variant engelsity (and even less frequent engelsites, engelstsy, engel(s)chane). The reason why pokrovchane proved more usable lies in both the inconsistency and variability of the Engels-based demonyms in the mid-20th and early 21st centuries. The author also addresses the case of “hybrid” naming with both old and new oikonyms combined: Pokrovsk-Engels (Engels-Pokrovsk) and their derivatives. The mentioned onyms are mainly used in local contexts (city’s holiday celebrations, cultural events, local history, etc.). The article was prepared under the RANEPA state assignment research program.

The ‘neotraditional’ planning movement in the USA is criticized through an analysis of promotional materials for the urban village of Rancho Santa Margarita in Orange County, CA. The ‘traditions’ of towns and villages are viewed as recent ‘inventions’ created by corporate planners; they are attempts to validate the establishment of residential communities through ambiguous, yet familiar, historical symbols. Yet the identities constructed for neotraditional towns and urban villages make sense only in relation to the ‘other’. In southern Orange County, corporate planners present their master-planned communities as ‘distant’ from the suburbs and cities located in Los Angeles and in northern Orange County according to a scale of temporal, geographic, and social values. Implicit to neotraditionalism is a geography of otherness. This geography reinforces existing social and spatial divisions, promotes reactionary and exclusionary territorial identities, and legitimizes the status quo.

Los asentamientos de rango menor (ARM) aglomeran población en los espacios rurales constituyendo, tradicionalmente, centros de servicios para las poblaciones residentes y las actividades presentes. En el contexto actual de transformaciones que alcanzan a los espacios rurales pampeanos y de renovación de los vínculos con los espacios urbanos, aún cuando las actividades de servicio a la producción agrícola continúan predominando, se observa el desarrollo de nuevas funciones (residenciales, turístico-recreativas y de revalorización de la naturaleza). Este trabajo tiene como objetivo detectar problemáticas ambientales producidas por la coexistencia e interacción de funciones productivas-residenciales-turísticas en Gardey (Partido de Tandil). Se presentan resultados de investigación que exponen las situaciones de molestia generadas por la interacción de los usos presentes en el asentamiento: la coexistencia de tradicionales y nuevas funciones va configurando un patrón de usos del suelo cuya interacción da origen a incompatibilidades que requieren ser estudiadas desde una perspectiva integrada. La presencia de usos vinculados con el acopio de cereales produce efectos en el ambiente como la emisión de material particulado, la generación de ruido y el incremento del movimiento vehicular, entre otros. Las formas de almacenamiento de insumos para el agro y de mantenimiento de maquinaria agrícola afectan a distintos factores ambientales. La expansión del uso residencial y el desarrollo de emprendimientos turísticos han puesto de manifiesto principalmente problemáticas asociadas a la calidad del agua de consumo. Describir y explicar estas problemáticas ambientales constituyen tareas necesarias para el desarrollo de diagnósticos ajustados a la escala del asentamiento que contribuyan a su gestión sustentable. Abstract The small town agglomerate population in the rural spaces constituting, traditionally, centers of services for the resident populations and the present activities. In the current context of transformations that Pampas rural areas reach to the rural spaces and of renovation of the links with the urban spaces, still when the activities of service to the agricultural production continue prevailing, is observed the development of new functions (residential, tourist - recreative and of revaluation of the nature). This work has as aim detect problematic environmental produced by the coexistence and interaction of productive functions - residential - tourism in Gardey (Partido de Tandil). Presented research results exposed situations discomfort generated by the interaction of the applications present in the settlement: coexistence of traditional and new functions being shaped pattern whose interaction land use gives rise to inconsistencies that require studied from a integrated perspective. The presence of uses associated with grain storage effects on the environment as the emission of particulate matter, noise generation and increased vehicular movement, among others. Storage forms for agricultural inputs and agricultural machinery maintenance affect different environmental factors. The expansion of residential use and development of tourism enterprises mainly have revealed problems associated with the quality of drinking water. Describe and explain these environmental problems are tasks necessary for the development of diagnostics adjusted to the scale of the settlement that contribute to sustainable management.

La carrera de Sir Aston Webb (1849-1930) es posiblemente una de las más impresionantes de todos los arquitectos tardovictorianos y de la época eduardiana. En una importante época de la sociedad, la política y la historia británicas, la carrera de Webb y su salto a la fama anduvieron paralelos a uno de los períodos más excitantes en la historia de la arquitectura británica, alcanzando su pico de protagonismo cuando le concedieron el rango de Presidente del Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA), el de Presidente de la Royal Academy (RA) y el de Presidente de Town Planning de la RIBA. El célebre historiador de arquitectura Alastair Service, por ejemplo, apuntó que, a pesar de los ideales arquitectónicos del período, el mayor arquitecto en términos de volumen total de trabajo o de dinero ganado fue Webb, aunque la historia haya ignorado casi absolutamente su importancia, debido en parte a que sus proyectos carecían de la creatividad estilística que poseían muchos de sus coetáneos. Es por ello que en este artículo se intenta rectificar esta situación, subrayando la importancia del trabajo más grande de Webb, el proyecto del Queen Victoria Memorial (1901-1912) –una empresa monumental a la misma altura que los proyectos American City Beautiful, que junto al plan London County Council’s Kingsway-Aldwych “haussmanizaron” la metrópolis. De este modo, este trabajo también demostrará que Webb no era simplemente un arquitecto de incomparables aptitudes, sino que posiblemente fue el diseñador que más ayudó en este período a definir el diseño cívico y la planificación urbana británicas de un modo práctico, antes del comienzo de la Primera Guerra Mundial en 1914.

Los Drenajes Ácidos de Mina representan un riesgo para la salud humana y el medio ambiente cuando no se gestionan adecuadamente; con el fin de promover una estrategia innovadora y económica para su adecuado tratamiento enfocado en la neutralización del pH, se elaboraron cinco filtros con relave minero y otros materiales siguiendo la metodología de Desing Thinking. Los principales resultados muestran que es posible neutralizar los DAM con pH de 2,5 procedentes de una mina en California, Santander y dejar su efluente con valores de pH en un rango de 6,0 a 8,1. La conclusión es que la composición arcillosa con presencia de calcio y carbonatos en el relave minero permite que los filtros elaborados con este material puedan neutralizar los DAM a tal punto que es viable desarrollar un proyecto a gran escala en donde se incluyan estos filtros, lo cual permitirá tratar los DAM y mitigar los pasivos ambientales relacionados con la acumulación de residuos sólidos. Acid Mine Drainage represents a huge risk to people’s health and the environment when is not managed properly. Therefore, in order to promote an innovative and economic strategy that involves an adequate treatment focused on pH neutralization, five filters were made with mining tailings and other materials following the Design Thinking methodology. One of the main results show that it’s possible to neutralize AMD with a pH of 2.5, this, from a mine in the town of California, Santander, Colombia, leaving its effluent with pH values in a range of 6.0 to 8.1. The conclusion was that the clayey composition having the presence of calcium and carbonates, made with the mentioned material in the mining, allows filters to neutralize AMD to such an extent that it is feasible to develop a large-scale project where these are included, which in the future will allow treating AMD and mitigating environmental liabilities related to the accumulation of solid waste.

Objective: The present survey aimed to interact with the vendors, analyze, examine, and document the herbal medicinal products sold in retail stores, pharmacies, AYUSH stores, generally closed and open markets in the local area of Sikkim, mainly rural towns – Gangtok, Ranipool, Singtam, and Rangpo. It was a first of its kind study on the selected topic in Sikkim – India. Material and Methods: The methodology followed during the survey was a cross-sectional study, open ended semi-structured questionnaire, and survey data collection tools were employed; descriptive and inferential statistics were done. Results: The results were summarized in the different tables. From, it was found that old age (46+) uses most of the herbal products (66.6%), adult (20–45 years) uses 42.6% of herbal products, adolescent (13–19) uses 16.6%, and child (1–12) uses 14.5%. Females use more herbal products than males at 57%, and males at 43%. It was found that a large number of herbal products in Sikkim are manufactured outside Sikkim (98%) and 2% of the products were manufactured in Sikkim. Herbal product packaging is mostly secondary (66%), followed by primary (28%) and tertiary packaging (6%). It was found that a large number of solid dosage (47%) form of herbal products is available in the market followed by liquid dosage form (38%). According to brand wise or company wise, Patanjali (41%) products accounted for a big share on the market followed by Baidyanath (19%), other brands (15%), AYUSH (11%), Himalaya (8%), and Dabur (6%). Based on diseases treated, digestion, and metabolism (21%) followed by bone and joint pain (17%), diabetes mellitus (14%), cough and cold (12%), piles (11%), hypertension (7%), thyroid (3%), and other other common diseases categories represents about 15%. Highlights the situation after the COVID-19 pandemic indicating drastic increases in market value (in Lakhs) and the sale of herbal products in Sikkim. Conclusion: The data highlighted above were the first of its kind in a study done in Sikkim – India; no data were available in any scientific repositories to date.

<p>Se presenta el catálogo de la vegetación epifita vascular de un sector del Parque Nacional Natural Paramillo (PNNP) y zona amortiguadora (Córdoba, Colombia). Se realizaron muestreos en un área de 0,1 hectárea, donde se colectaron todas las epífitas vasculares distribuidas en los forófitos que presentaron un DAP ≥2,5 cm en cuatro sectores, El Silencio (interior del PNNP), Tuis Tuis, Tuis Tuis Arriba y Alto de Chibogadó (zona amortiguadora), correspondientes al bosque húmedo tropical (Bh-T) en el municipio de Tierralta. Se encontraron 2504 individuos de epífitas vasculares. El catálogo contiene 73 especies distribuidas en 41 géneros y 18 familias. El sector Tuis Tuis presentó el mayor número de especies (33). Las familias mejor representadas corresponden a las Araceae, Bromeliaceae y Orchidaceae, destacándose por mayor número de especies y géneros la familia Orchidaceae (20/15). Los géneros más diversos fueron <em>Anthurium</em> con ocho especies, <em>Guzmania</em> seis, <em>Tillandsia</em> y <em>Aechmea</em> con cinco cada uno. Los helechos reúnen solo el 6 % de la flora epifita. Se reportan nuevos registros de especies para el departamento de Córdoba (39), ampliando el rango de distribución de este grupo de plantas en el país. </p><p><strong>Catalogue of Vascular Epiphytic Sector Silencio (Natural National Park Paramillo) and Buffer Zone, Cordoba, Colombia</strong></p><p>The catalogue of the vascular epiphyte vegetation of Silencio sector (Paramillo National Natural Park) and buffer zone (Córdoba) is showed. Sampling was conducted in an area of 0,1 ha, collecting all vascular epiphytes distributed in phorophytes with a DAP≥2,5 cm, in four sectors. Collections were performed in the Silencio sectors (PNNP), Tuis Tuis, Tuis Tuis Arriba and Alto Chibogadó (buffer zone) of the tropical rain forest (Bh -T) in Tierralta town. 2504 individuals were recorded as vascular epiphytes. The catalog includes 73 species in 41 genera and 18 families. The sector Tuis Tuis showed the greatest representation of species (33). The families with the highest representation corresponds to Araceae, Bromeliaceae and Orchidaceae families. The Orchidaceae family had the highest diversity with 20 species and 15 genera. The most diverse genera were <em>Anthurium</em> with eight species, <em>Guzmania </em>with six species and <em>Aechmea</em> and <em>Tillandsia</em> with five species each one. Ferns are presented only in 6 % of the epiphytic plants. 39 new species records for the department of Córdoba - Colombia are reported, extending the range of distribution of this group of plants in the country.</p>

Introducción Es notorio que el desarrollo demográfico, económico, social y tecnológico que ha sufrido el mundo y por ende nuestro país, ha cambiado los consumos de agua potable de nuestra población. La Norma Ecuatoriana de la Construcción, CPE INEN 005-9-1, que se refiere al diseño de sistemas de agua potable, tiene señalada una tabla de “dotaciones recomendadas”, que se utiliza con mucha frecuencia como dato de partida en los cálculos para determinar las dotaciones en el diseño de captaciones y sistemas de agua potable. Tal tabla sugerida, NO ha sufrido cambios significativos durante las últimas tres décadas, permaneciendo estática, pese a la vertiginosidad con la que el mundo y nuestro país han cambiado. La investigación se enfoca en establecer los consumos de agua potable de la zona urbana del cantón Mocha y de la zona rural del cantón Tisaleo, mismos que forman parte del frente sur occidental de la provincia de Tungurahua, y registran poblaciones mayores a 5.000 pero menores a 15.000 habitantes, además comparten amplias similitudes en cuanto a sus características físicas, geográficas, climáticas, culturales y socioeconómicas. Una vez que se han logrado determinan los valores de consumo, entonces éstos han sido contrastados con las dotaciones sugeridas en la Norma Ecuatoriana. Objetivos Caracterizar las curvas de consumo diario de la red de agua potable de la zona urbana del cantón Mocha y de la zona rural del cantón Tisaleo, zonas ampliamente similares del frente sur occidental de la provincia de Tungurahua, para hacer con ellas un análisis comparativo. Método Se ha realizado una investigación de tipo EXPLORATORIA -se ha medido los caudales-, ANALÍTICA -se hace una tabulación, interpretación y análisis de los datos recolectados- y DESCRIPTIVA -se deja datos experimentales sobre los consumos de agua potable-. Principales resultados La información que se ha obtenido, corresponde al registro del volumen de consumo diario en cientos de viviendas -seleccionadas mediante un método estadístico- dentro de la zona urbana y de la zona rural de la zona de estudio -cantones pertenecientes al frente sur occidental de la provincia de Tungurahua, con poblaciones mayores a 5.000 habitantes, pero menores a 15.000 habitantes-, para un periodo de cuarenta y cinco días. El consumo promedio en la zona urbana del cantón Mocha se establece alrededor de 167 lt/hab-día, mientras que en la zona rural del cantón Tisaleo en alrededor de 116 lt/hab-día. La Norma CPE-INEN 005-9-1, contempla un valor máximo de 200 lt/hab-día para poblaciones de clima frío, cuya población se halle en un rango comprendido entre 5.000 y 50.000 habitantes. Esta diferencia de 33 lt/hab-día en el caso de la zona urbana y de 84 lt/hab-día para la zona rural, representaría un exceso del 19,7% y del 72,4% respectivamente, en cuanto a la dotación necesaria; que podría resultar en un sobre dimensionamiento de los sistemas de agua potable para poblaciones similares a las del estudio, con la consabida demanda de mayor presupuesto para la ejecución de estas obras. Conclusiones Los resultados de la aplicación del modelo destacan importantes diferencias porcentuales entre dotaciones y consumos de agua para la zona urbana y la zona rural del frente sur occidental de la provincia de Tungurahua. La información generada es útil para los ingenieros proyectistas que deberían considerar las particularidades de cada población en el cálculo de dotaciones.

En la corona metropolitana de Barcelona, durante las décadas de desarrollo urbano más activo, han proliferado las parcelaciones residenciales de casas aisladas al margen de la planificación reglada. Vinieron a ocupar áreas extensas de suelo en lugares de geografía desfavorable, conectadas de manera precaria a las distintas ciudades menores de la región metropolitana. Con todas sus deficiencias y dificultades, estas áreas se reiteraron hasta alcanzar a ser hoy una parte nada desdeñable de la metrópolis, que da cobijo a una proporción importante de su población. Así se ha alcanzado a componer una cuestión no resuelta en tanto crecimiento residencial de proporciones gigantescas sin las condiciones urbanas debidas. Lo que aquí se articula es una pauta de orientación de algunas posibles intervenciones reparadoras para hacer ganar cualidades a tales desarrollos en una perspectiva metropolitana. No cabe duda de que la complejidad de la situación no se presta a soluciones fáciles o comunes, sino que se necesitarán métodos variados y suma de acciones de escala distinta. En esa línea, se plantea aquí un medio de intervención que puede resultar eficaz: La atención al orden geográfico como recurso para afrontar la recuperación adecuada para la ciudad de algunas de estas áreas. Al no haber contado con los favores de la geografía como aliado de primer orden para el asentamiento de tales parcelaciones se desaprovechó un capital de gran valor. Aquí se muestra cómo, sobre la base de unos casos seleccionados, al recuperar las jerarquías espaciales y el potencial de servicio del medio geográfico se pueden encontrar algunas vías para la elevación del nivel urbano y el rango metropolitano adecuado de tanto crecimiento suburbano. During the second half of the 20th century in the metropolitan area of Barcelona, single-family housing plots proliferated. Without being officially planned, such developments came to take up large portions of land in geographically unfavourable places, only poorly connected to minor towns in the metropolitan area. With all their inefficiencies and difficulties, these areas expanded all around the suburbs and have now become a considerable part of the metropolis, accommodating a significant part of its population. Thus, an unsolved challenge has emerged constituted by a residential growth of gigantic dimensions without the proper urban conditions. The aim of this paper is to propose some guidelines for the intervention in such areas, with the goal of providing some urban improvements in a metropolitan context. There is no doubt that the complexity of the situation cannot be tackled with easy answers or common solutions. On the contrary, it seems that various methods and different scale actions must be applied. Along these lines, we put forward a method that could prove to be effective: observing the landscape and its characteristics and use it as a key resource in the improvement of some of these areas. At the time when these suburban areas were settled, the order of the landscape was not taken into account, and so a resource of great value was wasted. In this paper we attempt to show, through some selected case-studies, that it is possible to make improvements to the clustering of single-family housing plots using the spatial hierarchies of the landscape, and thus raising its urban quality and its metropolitan fitting.

The paper is devoted to the analysis of the main con- temporaty notions of metropolization in the doctrine of the EU, its development, pluses and minuses and to the consideration of the present processes taking place in this respect in modern- day Lithuania. In the beginning the author widely points to the main terms, such as metropolis, region metropolitan region, and shortly reviews the history of the EU, its territory planning principles. He reveals the early roots of these conceptions found in the works of utopian thinkers – Sir Thomas More, Robert Owen – productively continued in the territory planning blueprints of the19th century accomplished by A. Soria у Mata and E. Howard. An important stage of modern regional planning, paving the way to the later EU steps in this sphere, were wide-scale planning projects of the early decades of the 20th century and especially post-war regional programmes like Great London development. All these achievements of the past in regional planning enabled to arrive at an idea of uniting efforts on a European scale which took place in 1970 and to proclaim the Europe’s Regional Planning Chart seventeen years later. The prominent Maastricht Treaty signed in 1992 finally balanced the interests of the whole Europe and laid down the fundamentals of its “common home”. The regional situation in Lithuania, as in all the new EU member states, is rather multipartite. Its greatest drawback is lack of its own representative in the highest echelon of the Baltic Sea Region urban categories – in the composition of cities officially included into the list of the so-called european Cities. This status provides the most prestigious situation and evident advantages in the international urban network as well as in the intercon- nectional relations and cooperation of the largest metropolies. Eventually the grade of euro City presents as if an important “gate” to the wide field of various beneficial actions overgrowing national borders. The author reports his position towards Lithuania’s abilities “to delegate” its representative to the top of the BSR city hierarchy. According to the arguments given in the paper, an exclusive chance to achieve this international appreciation is through employing a unique and unprecedented situation of the country, namely, existence of the twin cities of Vilnius and Kaunas, similarity of their size and typological feature, their close many-sided cooperation, distinction by intensive oncoming commuting flows and so on. Studies of labour market show that in this spontaneous urban belt a qualitatively new model of “job-residing” location comes into being: to settle in one city and to work in the other one. Together with improving communication between these cities and mounting traffic rate, this process will certainly flourish. By a reasonable regulation and stimulation of these spontaneous processes, a great combined metropolitan unit (“dipolis”) containing Vilnius and Kaunas can be formed. Inexorable processes of globalization definitively stimulate necessity to shake-up local and national economies, to revise essentially inveterate principles of territory planning. Processes taking place globally within the last decades show unceasing trends to join cities, towns and townships network into united polycentral or bipolar systems along the main communication channels. A model of concentrated location of urban units (as the opposite to their geographically dispersed, gradually developed network suggested by W.Christaller) seems to be more rational and advantageous in numerous aspects. Therefore, resuming all these considerations, a new essential question arrises: is the idea of sustainable development formulated in 1987 by Gro Harlem Brundtland the only and undisputed alternative in territorial development? Metropolizacijos procesai ES teritorinio planavimo doktrinoje ir Lietuva Santrauka Peržvelgiama Europos Sąjungos sukūrimo chronologija, jos teritorinio planavimo doktrinos ištakos, pagrindiniai Europos „bendrųjų namų“ pamatus padėjusios Mastrichto sutarties teiginiai. Atskleidžiamos šiuolaikinių globalizacijos procesų stimuliuojamų didelių metropolinių regionų formavimosi procesų priežastys. Pritariama vis dažniau pasigirstančioms abejonėms, ar kelis dešimtmečius vyravusios darniosios plėtros samprata teritorinio planavimo procese yra vienintelė ir nenuginčijama alternatyva. Šiuo požiūriu Baltijos jūros regiono ir nusistovėjusių teritorinių struktūrinių vienetų (NUTS ) kontekste Lietuva stoko ja ryškaus urbanistinio centro, galinčio pretenduoti į oficialiai pripažintų European City rango miestų sąrašą. Vienintelė galimybė tokiam metropoliniam centrui sukurti – tai Lietuvos Respublikos teritorijos bendrajame plane numatytas Vilniaus ir Kauno potencialų sujungimas.

A partir de nuestro trabajo etnográfico tomamos como objeto de reflexión los imaginarios sociales locales –incluidos los ciberimaginarios e imaginarios massmediáticos- referenciados en la llegada a la ciudad de Olavarría de simpatizantes de la banda de rock Los Fundamentalistas del Aire Acondicionado liderada por Carlos “Indio” Solari en dos oportunidades, mediadas por un lapso temporal de 20 años. El análisis conduce a visualizar algunos aspectos de los procesos de construcción de otredades y fronteras morales en una ciudad bonaerense de rango intermedio y su vinculación con la disyuntiva conceptual de ser identificada como pueblo o como ciudad.Palabras clave: Ciudad de rango intermedio. Imaginarios sociales urbanos. Fronteras morales.City or town? Social imaginaries and nomads otredades in a middle cityAbstractStarting from our ethnographic work we take as an object of reflection the local social imaginaries - including cyberimaginary and imaginary mass media - referenced in the arrival to the city of Olavarría of sympathizers of the rock band Los Fundamentalistas del Aire Acondicionado led by Carlos "Indio" Solari on two occasions, mediated by a temporary span of 20 years. The analysis leads to the visualization of some aspects of the processes of construction of otherness and moral boundaries in an intermediate city in the Province of Buenos Aires and its connection with the conceptual dilemma of being identified as a town or as a city.Keywords: Intermediate city. Urban social imaginaries. Moral boundaries

The Rancho Bernardo Study began in 1972 as one of 12 Lipid Research Clinic Prevalence Studies sponsored by the National Heart Institute. Each site was allowed to select its own epidemiologist, who could then select a cohort of 5000 to 6000 individuals. I was given the great opportunity to choose the San Diego LRC cohort. I chose Rancho Bernardo for several reasons, of which perhaps the most important was that it was a new town with many “old people” over the age 50 years. Beyond any expectation, Rancho Bernardo is now in its fortieth year of continuous funding from the NIH, plus intermittent and critically important additional grants to junior faculty and visiting scholars from the American Heart Association. In the beginning, I knew little about cohort studies or heart disease epidemiology. I did know that heart disease had 6 accepted risk factors: age, male sex, cholesterol, smoking, blood pressure, and diabetes. Every clinician knew male sex was a strong heart disease risk factor, but clinical studies of sex differences were few. The LRC had not planned to study diabetes, which “belonged to another institute,” but I managed to add fasting glucose and 2 pages about noncholesterol risk factors, including diabetes, to the baseline 2-page questionnaire. During the next 40 years, that small beginning allowed me and many new colleagues the opportunity to try to understand the interface between sex differences in coronary heart disease and diabetes. This talk summarizes cardiovascular insights based on epidemiological data from the Rancho Bernardo Study. I am grateful to the many scholars at diverse levels of training who began their careers using Rancho Bernardo data and the many who continue to do so.

It has been conducted an inventory of amphibians and reptiles in the Paredón community located in the town of Miacatlán, Morelos, Mexico. To achieve this, there were monthly outflows from September 2012 to August 2013, each lasting four days. Transect variable method was used. The herpetofauna of the community consists of a total of 39 species, consisting of six families, 11 genus and 16 species of amphibians and eight families, 15 genus and 23 species of reptiles. Of the 39 species recorded, 54% are endemic to Mexico and 74% in Mesoamerica. 38% of the species are included in a risk category. Four species of amphibians and three reptiles’ species as new records for the State of Morelos are reported. Abundance, frequency and diversity was determined, also the Jaccard index was apply, as a result we can know that there is 76% similarity among the study area with the Sierra de Huautla and caves of Cacahuamilpa, 54.98% with Jungapeo, 56.5% was applied to Taxco and Sierra del Carmen, and 12% El Rancho de las Papas. It was determined that the highest value of diversity in amphibians was 0.81 and 0.86 in reptiles.

Las ciudades de Castilla-La Mancha muestran en su forma la fiuella de los diferentes procesos de urbanización que se tian sucedido a través del tiempo, destacando dentro de ellas sus centros históricos por la importancia del patrimonio urbanístico e histórico acumulado, la belleza y espectacularidad de sus emplazamientos. Muchas localidades, incluidas algunas de menor rango funcional y demográfico que las capitales, proporcionan un variado muestrario de respuestas urbanísticas a necesidades concretas de las sociedades del pasado y se singularizan con fuerza dentro del patrimonio urbano español.The cities of Castille-La Mancha show in their shape the trace of the different urbanization processes following one another in time, standing out among them their historie centers, due to the importance of the urban and historie heritage gathered through the years, and to the beauty and spectacular nature of their sites. Many towns, including some with a less functional and demographic rank than the capitals, provide a varied collection of samples of urban responses to particular needs of the oíd societies, distinguishing themselves strongly among the urban Spanish heritage.

Since 2015, Spanish local councils have had to comply with the Transparency Act, which includes the duty to publish information on their activity on a website, electronic headquarters, or transparency portal. To do so, they often have the help of provincial councils, autonomous communities, or the State. Previous studies on compliance with this rule ignored town councils with fewer than 10,000 inhabitants, i.e., more than 90% of them. This paper presents an introductory analysis on the presence of transparency information on websites and transparency portals offered by municipalities of all populations. A sample of municipalities, divided into 14 population ranges, was studied, covering 20-30% of municipalities, extracted proportionally and randomly for each range and from each province. The analysis includes variables such as the existence of a municipal website and specific transparency portal, the connection and publicity between the two, and the minimum presence of information within such portals. Despite support from larger institutions, one out of six municipalities did not have a website, and half of the municipalities did not offer real information on transparency. The three main causes identified (in order) are that their transparency portals are empty, that they do not actively advertise their portal on the website, or to a lesser extent (one in ten) that they do not have a transparency portal. This result occurs mostly for municipalities with fewer than 20,000 inhabitants. The municipalities that do offer transparency information mainly use tools provided by the State, which are associated with an electronic site. Efforts by other (autonomous or provincial) institutions to promote transparency are also detected, although only massively in some provinces. Resumen Desde 2015 los ayuntamientos españoles deben cumplir con la Ley de transparencia, que incluye el deber de publicar información sobre su actividad en una web, sede electrónica o portal de transparencia. Para ello, cuentan en muchos casos con la ayuda de diputaciones provinciales, comunidades autónomas o el Estado. Los estudios previos sobre el cumplimiento de esta norma han dejado aparte, en buena parte de los casos, a los ayuntamientos menores de 10.000 habitantes, es decir, a más del 90%. Este trabajo ofrece un análisis introductorio sobre la presencia de información de transparencia en webs y portales de transparencia ofrecida por ayuntamientos españoles de todos los rangos de población. Se ha estudiado una muestra de municipios, divididos en catorce rangos, que abarca entre un 20 y un 30% de municipios, extraídos proporcional y aleatoriamente para cada rango y cada provincia. El análisis incluye variables como la existencia de sitios web municipales y de portales de transparencia específicos, la conexión y publicidad entre ambos, y la presencia mínima de información dentro de los portales de transparencia. Los resultados muestran que, a pesar del apoyo de instituciones de ámbito mayor, uno de cada seis ayuntamientos no tiene web, y la mitad de los municipios no ofrece información real sobre transparencia. Esto es debido a tres causas: sus portales de transparencia están vacíos, no hacen publicidad activa de su portal en la web o, en menor medida (uno de cada diez) no tienen portal de transparencia. Este resultado ocurre en los municipios de menos de 20.000 habitantes. En cuanto a los municipios que sí ofrecen información sobre transparencia, emplean sobre todo la aplicación facilitada por el Estado que está asociada a una sede electrónica. La actividad de otras administraciones (autonómicas o provinciales) para fomentar esta transparencia municipal también aparece, aunque sólo de forma masiva en algunas provincias.

Culture: Its Many Meanings One of the problems we encounter in dealing with culture is that there are so many different meanings and definitions attached to the term. We think of culture two ways: first, in terms of aesthetic matters (relative to thearts) and second, as a concept used by anthropologists to describe the way people live. There are, so I understand, something like a hundred different definitions of culture used by anthropologists. The Origins of the Term "Culture" The word 'culture' comes from the Latin cultus, which means 'care', and from the French colere which means 'to till' as in 'till the ground'. There are many terms that stem from the word culture. For example, there is the term 'cult' which suggests some kind of a religious organisation. We are continually amazed at the power cults have to shape our behavior, to brainwash us -- to turn intelligent and educated people into fanatics. Here we are dealing with the power of charismatic personalities and of groups over individuals. If cults can exercise enormous power over individuals and groups of people, can't we say that cultures also can do the same thing, though usually not to the same extreme degree? There is also the term 'cultivated', which means something that has been grown or, in the realm of aesthetics and the arts, sophisticated taste. Just as plants only exist because they are cared for by some cultivator, over a period of time, so people's taste and cultivation only are developed by education and training. It takes time to develop a refined sensibility, to become discriminating, to appreciate texts that are difficult and complex and not immediately satisfying. Bacteriologists also speak about cultures, but they use the term to describe the bacteria that are grown in Petri dishes if they are given suitable media (sources of nourishment). This matter of bacteria growing in media may be an important metaphor for us: just as bacteria need media to grow into culture, so do human beings need cultures to survive and develop themselves. We don't do it all on our own. In the chart below I show the interesting parallels: Bacteriology Bacteria Grow in media Form cultures Sociology/Anthropology Humans Affected by media Form cultures Of course we are much more complex than bacteria; in truth, each of us form a kind of medium for countless kinds of bacteria that inhabit our mouths and various other parts of our bodies. Bacteriology involves the cultivation and study of micro-organisms (bacteria) in prepared nutrients and the study of media (and what is often called cultural criticism nowadays) involves the study of individuals and groups in a predominantly, but not completely, mass-mediated culture. Not all culture is mass mediated. An Anthropological Definition of Culture Let me offer a typical anthropological definition of culture. It is by Henry Pratt Fairchild and appeared in his Dictionary of Sociology and Related Sciences: A collective name for all behavior patterns socially acquired and transmitted by means of symbols; hence a name for all the distinctive achievements of human groups, including not only such items as language, tool-making, industry, art, science, law, government, morals and religion, but also the material instruments or artifacts in which cultural achievements are embodied and by which intellectual cultural features are given practical effect, such as buildings, tools, machines, communication devices, art objects, etc. (80) Let's consider some of the topics Fairchild mentions. Behavior Patterns. We are talking about codes and patterns of behavior here that are found in groups of people. Socially Acquired. We are taught these behavior patterns as we grow up in a family in some geographical location and are profoundly affected by the family we are born into, its religion, and all kinds of other matters. Socially Acquired. We are taught these behavior patterns as we grow up in a family in some geographical location and are profoundly affected by the family we are born into, its religion, and all kinds of other matters. The Distinctive Achievements of Human Groups. It is in groups that we become human and become enculturated or acculturated (two words for the same thing, for all practical purposes). We have our own distinctive natures but we are also part of society. Artifacts in which cultural achievements are embodied. The artifacts we are talking about here are the popular culture texts carried in the various media and other non-mediated aspects of popular culture (or not directly mediated) such as fashions in clothes, food preferences, artifacts (what anthropologists call 'material culture'), language use, sexual practices and related matters. We know that a great deal of our popular culture, while not carried by the media, is nevertheless profoundly affected by it. We can see, then, that culture is a very complicated phenomenon that plays some kind of a role in shaping our consciousness and our behavior. You may think you are immune from the impact of the media and popular culture, but that is a delusion that is generated, I would suggest, by the media. We think we are not affected in significant ways by the media and popular culture (sometimes called mass mediated culture) and culture in general but we are wrong. Culture affects us but it doesn't necessarily determine every act we do; though some scholars, who believe the media are very powerful, might argue with this point. Falling Off the Map: What Travel Literature Reveals For a graphic example of how cultures differ, let me offer two quotations from the travel writer Pico Iyer from his book Falling Off the Map: Some Lonely Places of the World, a collection of travel articles about seldom-visited places (by American travelers, at least). Saigon: the only word for Saigon is 'wild'. One evening I counted more than a hundred two-wheel vehicles racing past me in the space of sixty seconds, speeding around the jam-packed streets as if on some crazy merry-go-round, a mad carnival without a ringmaster; I walked into a dance club and found myself in the midst of a crowded floor of hip gay boys in sleeveless T-shirts doing the latest moves to David Byrne; outside again, I was back inside the generic Asian swirl, walking through tunnels of whispers and hisses. "You want boom-boom?" "Souvenir for you dah-ling?" "Why you not take special massage?" Shortly before midnight, the taxi girls stream out of their nightclubs in their party dresses and park their scooters outside the hotels along 'Simultaneous Uprising' Street. (134-5) Compare his description of Saigon with his portrait of Reykjavik, Iceland, equally as fascinating and fantastic but considerably different from Saigon. Even 'civilization' seems to offer no purchase for the mind here: nothing quite makes sense. Iceland boasts the largest number of poets, presses, and readers per capita in the world: Reykjavik, a town smaller than Rancho Cucamonga, California, has five daily newspapers, and to match the literary production of Iceland, the U.S. would have to publish twelve hundred new books a day. Iceland has the oldest living language in Europe; its people read the medieval sagas as if they were tomorrow's newspaper and all new concepts, such as 'radio' and 'telephone', are given poetical medieval equivalents. Roughly three eldest children in every four are illegitimate here, and because every son of Kristjan is called Kristjansson, and every daughter Kristjansdottir, mothers always have different surnames from their children (and in any case are rarely living with the fathers). The first day I ever spent in 'Surprise City' (as Reykjavik is called), I found golden-haired princesses and sword-wielding knights enacting fairy-tale sagas on the main bridge in the capital. (67-8) We can see that there are considerable differences between Saigon and Reykjavik, though just as (to be fair) Iyer points out the incredible differences between cities in Vietnam, such as the differences between Saigon and Hue. Iyer's description of the landscape of Iceland may help explain the national character of the Icelanders. As he writes: I knew, before I visited, a little about the epidemic oddness of the place: there was no beer in Iceland in 1987, and no television on Thursdays; there were almost no trees, and no vegetables. Iceland is an ungodly wasteland of volcanoes and tundra and Geysir, the mother of geysirs, a country so lunar that NASA astronauts did their training there. (67) There has to be some influence of this remarkable landscape and climate, of the Iceland geographical location, the amount of light and darkness in which people live, upon the people who live there and there has to be some influence of the jungle and the climate of Vietnam on its people. What we become is, it seems to me, due to some curious combination of factors involving our natures (that is, the hard-wired elements of our personalities) and our cultures, with the matter of chance playing a big role as well. What we become is, it seems to me, due to some curious combination of factors involving our natures (that is, the hard-wired elements of our personalities) and our cultures, with the matter of chance playing a big role as well. References Fairchild, Henry Pratt. Dictionary of Sociology and Related Sciences. Totawa, NY: Littlefield, Adams & Co., 1967. Iyer, Pico. Falling Off the Map: Some Lonely Places of the World. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Arthur Asa Berger. "The Meanings of Culture." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.2 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/meaning.php>. Chicago style: Arthur Asa Berger, "The Meanings of Culture," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 2 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/meanings.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Arthur Asa Berger. (2000) The meanings of culture. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(2). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/meaning.php> ([your date of access]).