Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Ramesse II »

Il graffito Sakkara T (riedito in K. A. Kitchen, Ramess. Inscript. 3, 438), datato all' anno 48 del regno di Ramesse II, è piuttosto interessante: iscritto sulle pareti di uno dlegli edifici del complesso funerario del Faraone Djoser, esso è composto da due testi distinti (A: 1-4; B: 5-7), redatti da due persone diverse che forse sono andate assieme per turismo culturale o religioso a Sak.kara. B è costituito da una serie di auguri funebri piuttosto banali, mentre A, molto mal conservato, pone problemi esegetici fastidiosi. Dopo la datazione e la citazione del nome del redattore, compare un poco comprensibile ]hry wtś-R' [, che il primo editore del testo ha ritenuto equivalente alla designazione della necropoli.

Publikace vešebtu (20,4x5,3x3,5 cm) staroegyptského kresliče Parahotepa (obr. 1), známého a váženého člena privilegované komunity kvalifikovaných řemeslníků a umělců v Dér el-Medíně, kteří tesali a zdobili skalní hrobky faraonů a členů jejich rodin v Údolí králů a Údolí královen v období Nové říše (cca 1545-1081 př.n.l.). Parahotepův vešebt z malované pálené hlíny, který byl součástí jeho pohřební výbavy, umožňuje identifikovat zaznamenaný titul a jméno. Kurzivní hieroglyfický text (obr. 2, 3), uspořádaný v 8 řádcích, obsahuje 6. říkadlo Knihy mrtvých. Památku je možné datovat přibližně do doby poloviny vlády Ramesse II. (okolo roku 1260 př. n. l.). Vešebt byl pravděpodobně součástí velké egyptské sbírky barona Franze von Kollera (1767-1826), přičemž ho následně vlastnil český průmyslník Votěch Lanna (1836-1909). Nyní se nachází v soukromé sbírce.

Naučení Duachetiho pro jeho syna Pepiho, též známé jako “Satira na povolání“, bylo sepsáno na samém počátku Střední říše (za vlády Amenemheta I., cca 1991-1962 př.n.l.). Text naučení je znám díky téměř 300 úryvkům na papyrech, ostrakách, kožených svitcích a dřevěných tabulkách pocházejících teprve z Nové říše (zvláště z Ramessovské doby). Celý text naučení se dochoval pouze na papyru Sallier II z konce 19. dynastie. Pro svou velkou oblibu sloužilo Duachetiho naučení jako učební text ve školách. Na druhé straně však jeho obliba vedla ke komolení původního textu, chybám a neporozuměním způsobených nedbalým opisováním žáky písařských škol. Článek obsahuje nový český překlad celého naučení. V Národním muzeu – Náprstkově muzeu asijských, afrických a amerických kultur v Praze jsou uložena dvě vápencová hieratická ostraka obsahující části tohoto naučení. První z nich (P 3838: obr. 1,2) se datuje do 19. dynastie, druhé (P 3804: obr. 3,4) do 20. dynastie (zřejmě doba vlády Ramesse III.). Tato dosud neurčená hieratická ostraka, která pocházejí z Dér el-Medíny, jsou dokumentována fotograficky a rovněž jsou opatřena hieroglyfickým přepisem a překladem.

The description of a statuette-base bearing the names and titles of the Ramesside vizier (University College of Swansea, Wellcome Museum of Antiquities W.232) is followed by an annotated catalogue of his monuments. In an appendix it is argued that certain titles occurring upon four statues of Paser refer to the cult of Ramesses II, and are perhaps to be translated ‘Priest of Usermaatre the pre-eminent’, and ‘Priest of Ramesses, sun of the isles’.

Alice Lieder, the wife of the Revd J. R. T. Lieder, visited Memphis, and made squeezes of the inscriptions on thirteen statues lying there, in May 1853. Most of the sculptures had been found by Hekekyan in 1852. They included a fragment of a statue of Ramesses III, and one of a colossus of Ramesses VI, a statue of the vizier Paser, a statue of Khaemwese, and a standard-bearing statue of Ramesses II. The previous identifications of the last as Ramesses VI or VII are disputed. The discovery of several statues dated to the reign of Psammetichus I near the Abû'l-ḥôl colossus suggests the presence of an early Saite gateway in the area of the Ramessid southern entrance to the temple of Ptah, and thus corresponds to the accounts of building activities of Psammetichus I by Herodotus and Diodorus.

Saqqara in particular, and the Memphite necropolis in general, constituted the arena for the prolific and significant monumental self-presentations of Prince Khaemwaset, fourth son of King Ramesses II (c. 1279–1213 BCE). The present paper explores the role of the prince in fashioning a persona that addressed past, present and future audiences. This discussion is used to contextualise results of the 2009 Saqqara Geophysical Survey Project, showing the greater-than-expected extent of the New Kingdom necropolis south of the Unas Causeway. It considers responses to the deep palimpsest of the sacred landscape of the Memphite necropolis by—and later commemorations within it of—this notable Ramesside individual.

Since the discovery of the Apis bull catacombs known as the Serapeum in the 1800’s by Auguste Mariette, Saqqara has become a topic of interest amongst archaeologists and Egyptologists. This in turn has prompted many new research attempts to try and better understand the function and significance of the funerary practices which took place there. The nearby town of Memphis was home to the Apis bull god who represented Ptah though in death it came to represent Osiris. This paper is an attempt to provide a new interpretation of the New Kingdom Apis bull funerary monuments placed within the Saqqara landscape from Amenhotep III’s reign through to Rameses II’s reign, with a special focus placed on the Serapeum. For this paper landscape archaeology was used to better understand the choice of location by Amenhotep III. The aim is to reveal why the Serapeum was built in the first place and by whom. It was found that whilst Amenhotep III began the burial practice, the change from individual to multiple burials occurred under Rameses II’s reign. Canopic jars as well as a dedication stela were used to determine that the shift occurred under Khaemwaset’s influence it is argued that the Serapeum was built to connect the graves to strengthen the ties between past and present kings. This connection was made as a way to promote their right to rule.
Ända sedan upptäckten av Apis-katakomberna, även känd som Serapeum, år 1851 av Auguste Mariette, har Saqqara genererat stort intresse bland arkeologer och egyptologer. Detta har lett till det gjorts flertalet studier kring att försöka förstå dess funktion och betydelse kring de begravningsceremonier som där hölls. Apis var en gud gestaltad som tjur och hade sin hemvistelse i den närliggande staden Memfis Apis i döden representerade av guden Ptah, medan Apis i livet representerade guden Osiris. Denna uppsats gör ett försök att ge en nytolkning av kring Apis-tjuren och de begravningsmonument som är placerad i Saqqara-regionen, där fokus ligger på just Serapeumet under Nya riket-epoken, en tidsepok som sträcker sig från Amenhotep III till Rameses II. För att bättre förstå valet av Serapeums placering och vem som byggde det, användes landskapsarkeologi som arbetsmetod.I denna uppsats framgår det, trots att Amenhotep III började med individuella begravningsceremonier, skiftades detta till multipla begravningsceremonier i och med att Rameses II kom till makten. Vidare upptäcktes det i arbetets gång att Kanopiska kärl samt dedikationsstela användes för att fastställa att detta skifte inträffade under Khaemwaset’s inflytande och att Serapeum byggdes för att binda samman tidigare konungar med nuvarande och därmed stärka banden mellan dessa. Syftet med denna sammanbindning var så att nuvarande konungar bättre kunde hävda sin rätt att regera.

This thesis discusses a small, red granite, Egyptian royal portrait head in the collection of the Michael C. Carlos Museum in Atlanta, Georgia. The head is determined to be a fragment from a group depicting the king in front of the monumental figure of a divine animal, probably a ram or baboon. Scholars have attributed the head to the reigns of various New Kingdom pharaohs, including Horemheb and Seti I, but on more careful examination its style demonstrates that it dates to the reign of Ramesses II (1304-1237 B.C.).

In conclusion, this thesis concentrates on the iconography and style in the statuary of Ramesses II. The present work has achieved three goals: First, studying Schools (Centers) of sculpture in the statuary of Ramesses II. Second, identifying the sculptures of earlier times usurped by the King. Third, preparing a catalogue containing the statues of the Pharaoh. The present study of Schools (Centers) related to the statuary of Ramesses II, revealed the occurrence of a specific number of workshops in Delta, Luxor and Nubia; these Centers show a large variety of attitudes, styles, dimensions and materials. As a result, the thesis managed to frame a comprehensive and integrated analysis of the repertoire of Ramesses II. Summarizing, the iconographic, anatomic and stylistic features in the statuary of Ramesses II: 1)The bodies of the statues The relatively short torsos of Ramesses II show a schematic treatment: the arms, although well carved, are rather vertical, the shoulders often marked by a now-simplified pattern which looks like an engraved ms sign. The muscle of the forearm (brachio-radialis) is generally shallow; the wrist, in most cases adorned by a bracelet, is either cylindrical or has the styled of the ulna barely suggested. It protrudes only on some examples in Upper Egypt, like the red granite fallen colossus in the Ramesseum Temple. 2)The back slab “ back pillar” The back slab is never found on the colossi of Ramesses II; the later statues in his reign are usually provided with narrow back pillars, round-topped or in some cases, ending in the form of an obelisk. 3)The Ramesside statues’ shape of the legs They are extremely massive. The knee-caps are round or have rounded corners; they are surmounted by a shallow reversed V-shaped muscle, sometimes only engraved. The articulations of the femur are executed in lower relief, and the condyles are placed horizontally; the calves hardly project, if at all .Knees and ankles are extremely broad. The malleali are schematized, the fibula is rendered by two parallel lines engraved along the side of the leg or suggested by thin and slight depressions. 4)The shape of the faces in the sculptures of Ramesses II They are triangular on most of the colossal statues, or else they have a rather compact, round shape, particularly on the statues wearing the round ibes wig; they are never long and rectangular. 5)Headdresses On the majority of the statues of Ramesses II, the king wears the nemes – headdress combined with the double crown, the round ibes wig with double or composite crown, or the double crown without additional coiffures and sometimes the blue crown. On the very few examples where the king wears the white crown, the uraeus is present as is generally the case on New Kingdom royal statues with the white crown. 6)Collars and the Bracelets Collars and the bracelets are usually rendered in relief on Ramesside colossi. 7)The Kilts The type of royal kilt favored since the end of 18th Dynasty was the longer ceremonial pleated kilt with an elaborated sporran. Sndyt, still widely in use, is rather densely pleated on statues of Ramesses II; it is long and its central tab is rather wide. 8)The objects in hands of the statues representing the King The front projections of the handkerchief and its etui are either flat or concave, but never rounded or convex .Furthermore, on most of the colossal statues of Ramesses II this surface was used to display the royal names engraved in ring. 9)The eyes 2 They are almost almond-shaped, with softer inner canthi which dip downwards slightly; the upper eyelids are lowered as if the king looks downward (not only for the colossal statues), a practice in use since Amenophis III and the Amarna Period. 10)The mouth On the Ramesses colossi the mouth is usually curved, the corners often drawn upwards in a faint smile. Even on portraits of Ramesses II with accentuated lower lids, drilled mouth corners, and a chin marked by side furrows, the general expression is serene and lacks the sternness of the Memphis colossus (cat.nos38, 39). Furthermore, even if the drilled mouth corners are original. 11)The ears The ears of Ramesses’ statues are small and in most cases in the statuary originally made for him are pierced. With respect to the usurpations, the study allowed to identify three types of usurpation in the sculptures attributed to Ramesses II: a) The names and epithets of Ramesses II are simply added without erasing the original name of the sovereign or changing the appearance of the statue. b) Removing the titles and names of the original owner of the statue and replacing them with names and epithets of Ramesses II. c) A more or less profound reworking of the statue’s facial features, in addition to changing the style and royal insignia; the original texts being always replaced with new ones (second degree of usurpation). The reasons leading to the choice of one or another of these processes still remain obscure. In many cases, the discussion is still open. In spite of the existence of many schools in the statuary of Ramesses II, there are still several sculptures characterizing all of them.
Praca niniejsza, zatytułowana „Ikonografia i styl w rzeźbie pełnej Ramzesa II”, jest pierwszym holistycznym opracowaniem bogatego i ważnego zespołu rzeźb przedstawiających Ramzesa II, w tym również rzeźb grupowych ukazujących go w towarzystwie bogów egipskich. Po przedstawieniu stanu badań, zwracając uwagę na cząstkowość dotychczasowych opracowań i braki dokumentacyjne, autor wyróżnia „szkoły” rzeźbiarskie odpowiadające największym ośrodkom kultury i sztuki poświadczonym w zachowanym materiale z okresu panowania tego władcy. Charakteryzuje specyfikę każdej z nich. Szczególnie istotne jest wyodrębnienie warsztatów dolnoegipskich i nubijskich, jako że dotychczasowe opracowania zdominowane były całkowicie perspektywą tebańską, choćby ze względu na liczebność zabytków i łatwość dostępu do nich. Poza kryterium topograficznym (ośrodki produkcji) w układzie pracy znajduje też odzwierciedlenie kryterium chronologiczne. Rzeźby inskrybowane dla Ramzesa II zostały podzielone na trzy grupy: a) posągi wykonane w okresie panowania władcy; b) posągi wcześniejsze (szczególnie z okresu Średniego i Nowego Państwa) uzurpowane przez Ramzesa II; c) posągi Ramzesa II uzurpowane za panowania władców i dynastii późniejszych. Wypracowane w tych rozdziałach kryteria ikonograficzne i stylistyczne mają służyć egiptologom - archeologom w datowaniu rzeźb anepigraficznych, a także dzieł noszących inskrypcje wtórne, mogące sugerować mylną atrybucję. Rdzeń pracy stanowi katalog 146 posągów, oparty na dokumentacji sporządzonej lub zdobytej przez autora dysertacji drogą wieloletnich studiów przeprowadzanych najczęściej na samych obiektach. Najistotniejszy jest bogaty materiał ilustracyjny, w tym ogrom zdjęć wykonanych przez autora zarówno w Egipcie, jak i w zbiorach europejskich, do których dotarł osobiście. W opisie tych rzeźb zwrócono uwagę szczególnie na te aspekty warsztatu rzeźbiarskiego, które pozostawały niezauważone w dotychczasowych opracowaniach. Opisowi każdej rzeźby towarzyszy pełna bibliografia jej dotychczasowej obecności w literaturze naukowej. Ważną częścią pracy jest bibliografia wszystkich dzieł wykorzystanych w dysertacji. Obejmuje ona prawie 40 stron, a większość cytowanych opracowań pojawia się wielokrotnie w tekście rozprawy.

The Battle of Kadesh fought between the Hittites and Egyptians in Syria is one of the biggest chariot battles in ancient Near Eastern history. Previous research has shown that the significance of the Battle of Kadesh is derived predominately from a tactical and strategic level. This dissertation introduces the idea that although this is a tactical battle, its overall importance comes from applying a holistic approach, in particular, investigating the causes and consequences, alongside the battle. By extending prior work on tactics and strategy to include an identified cause, the Zannanza Affair, and the consequences, the Treaty of Kadesh and the Royal Marriages it makes allowances for a wider evaluation of the battle. Attention is paid to textual, iconographical and archaeological sources to gain a better understanding of the battle. The findings provide support for the argument that the murder of the Hittite prince in the Zannanza Affair led to crucial military innovations and operational changes adopted by the Hittites and Egyptians, which impacted how they fought on the battlefield. While a considerable amount of research has been done on the Hittite and Egyptian military organisations, the role of the elite units on the battlefield has largely not been explored. The Treaty of Kadesh and the Royal Marriages were a critical turning point in Hittite-Egyptian relations offering a strong alliance and unprecedented peace in the ancient Near East. Traditionally, the Battle of Kadesh has been viewed as a tactical battle. However, for further advances, the contribution of this study prompts a rethinking of the latter by placing the operational details of the battle in a broader context encouraging new research on the social, cultural and political aspects, which is crucial for the understanding of the importance of the Battle of Kadesh, on and off the battlefield.
Biblical and Ancient Studies
M. A. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies)

In this dissertation, I investigate the impact of the extended religious and political elements in the ancient Near East of the Late Bronze period that influenced the reigns of Hattušili III, his consort, Queen Puduhepa, circa 1267 to 1237 BCE and their son Tudhaliya IV circa 1237 to 1228 BCE. As rulers of the Hittites, they were not the greatest and most influential royals, like the great Suppiluliuma I circa 1322 to 1344 BCE, but their ability to adopt an eclectic approach similar to that of their great predecessors regarding religion, politics, international diplomacy and signing treaties made this royal triad a force to be reckoned with in the ancient Near East. Therefore, central to this investigation will be the impact of Hattušili III’s usurpation of the throne and Puduhepa’s role in the Hurrianisation of the state cult and pantheon. Also included is a brief investigation into the continuation of the reorganisation and restructuring of the Hittite state cult and local cult inventories by Tudhaliya IV and his mother Puduhepa after the death of Hattušilli III. By researching this royal triad, their deities, their Hurro-Hittite culture and the textual evidence of their rule, it becomes possible to assemble some of the elements that impacted on their rule. I have used available transliterated translated texts and pictures to support and illustrate the investigation of this complex final period in the history of the Hittite Empire.
Biblical and Ancient Studies
MA (Ancient Near Eastern Studies)

L’area archeologica di Antinoupolis (la città fondata dall’imperatore Adriano nel 130 d.C.) è una delle più vaste e interessanti che l’Egitto ci abbia conservato. Nel corso delle ricerche condotte dal 1935 fino ai nostri giorni, l’attività dell’Istituto Papirologico «G.Vitelli» si è concentrata non soltanto sul recupero di materiali scritti (papiri, pergamene, iscrizioni), ma anche sull’impegno di ricostruire ‘archeologicamente’ la città antica. In questo volume si raccolgono contributi che spaziano da studi sulle mura urbane, sul tempio di Ramesse II, sull’edilizia in terra cruda, fino ai rilevamenti geofisici, all’identificazione di discariche domestiche e industriali, alla Via Nova Hadriana nella sua connessione ad est della città; vi si trovano note preliminari, progetti, ma anche studi definitivi, sul teatro, sull’area del martyrium di San Colluto, sul monastero di Deir el-Hawa a nord della città, l’analisi e il catalogo dei materiali da costruzione scolpiti – capitelli, nicchie – provenienti dalle due grandi basiliche portate alla luce in questi ultimi anni in una zona mai indagata prima. Il volume si conclude con la pubblicazione dello scavo ad Antinoe di John de Monins Johnson (1913-1914), illustrato con le fotografie dell’epoca e la descrizione degli oggetti depositati al British Museum.

‘Kingship’ assesses Egyptian kingship and the nature of Egyptian kings. The metaphor and symbolism involved in the Egyptian kings' names and iconography has made it difficult for modern scholars to arrive at a sense of the individual characteristics and activities of particular kings, as opposed to the general idea of kingship. Indeed, one has to consider the ancient stereotypes that the original Egyptian texts present and the unconscious contemporary stereotyping of which Egyptologists themselves are sometimes guilty. The stereotypical portrayal of Amenhotep II and Hatshepsut provides an interesting topic here. A considerably more conventional—but nevertheless still stereotyped—view of Egyptian kingship is encountered in the case of Ramesses II.