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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Radicalism – Italy »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Radicalism – Italy"

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Whelehan, Niall. « Youth, Generations, and Collective Action in Nineteenth-Century Ireland and Italy ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no 4 (octobre 2014) : 934–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000450.

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AbstractThis article examines concepts of youth, maturity, and generations in nineteenth-century Ireland and Italy and perceived connections between young people and political and social unrest. I demonstrate that, rather than being consistent, the involvement of younger generations in radicalism was uneven, and varied significantly with historical contexts. I argue that the authorities frequently exaggerated associations between young people and radicalism as a subtle strategy of exclusion, as a means of downgrading the significance of collective action and portraying it as a criminal, emotional, or even recreational matter rather than a political one, a tendency that has often been reinforced in the historiography. Descriptions of youth and maturity should not be understood as merely reflections of age. They were not value-free, and served as indicators of individuals' social standing and political agency or lack thereof. Yet fighting in a rebellion offered an alternative to marriage, owning property, or education for the achievement of “manhood,” or adult status and political agency. The article also investigates how the Great Irish Famine shaped generational consciousness in the second half of the nineteenth century through an analysis of the participants in nationalist and agrarian violence. In all, over four thousand participants in collective action in Ireland and Italy are examined.
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Cotterrell, Roger. « Still Afraid of Legal Pluralism ? Encountering Santi Romano ». Law & ; Social Inquiry 45, no 2 (23 juillet 2019) : 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lsi.2019.24.

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The second edition of Santi Romano’s book, The Legal Order, now appearing in its first English translation (2017), is a pioneer text of legal pluralism. Its interest lies in its extreme radicalism and in the fact that, although it is written by a lawyer, its argument has many important political implications and addresses core conceptual issues in contemporary sociolegal studies of legal pluralism. The social and political context of Romano’s book in early twentieth-century Italy is far from being solely of historical interest. Issues that surrounded his juristic thinking in its time resonate with important political and social issues of today.
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BALDOLI, CLAUDIA. « ‘With Rome and with Moscow’ : Italian Catholic Communism and Anti-Fascist Exile ». Contemporary European History 25, no 4 (14 octobre 2016) : 619–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000448.

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This article aims to explore the interplay between religion and political radicalism in Europe by focusing on the case of Italian ‘White Leagues’ (Catholic trade unions) in the interwar period. Interest in this movement stems partly from the opinion that the understanding of politics in early twentieth-century Europe has often been distorted by the historiographical focus on the political polarisation between communism and fascism, which has led to the neglect of the complex ideological area in between. The article will focus in particular on the main organiser of the peasant ‘White’ unions in Italy, Guido Miglioli. He developed a network of political contacts across Europe with the aim of resuscitating the anti-fascist struggle in Italy and launching a campaign for the liberation of the peasantry. This was to be achieved through a European peasant International that would draw from the Soviet example while maintaining its Christian roots.
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Arbatova, N. « The Evolution of the Phenomenon of Terrorism in Italy ». World Economy and International Relations 66, no 9 (2022) : 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-9-29-38.

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European security today faces new challenges that are not directly related to military force. Among them, first of all, is the threat of terrorism, which has both internal and external dimensions. The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of terrorism in the European Union on the example of Italy. The author analyses four types of this threat posed by terrorists according to their political motivation: separatism, left- and right-wing domestic political terrorism, and Islamist terrorism. Italian law distinguishes between the concepts of terrorism, radicalism and subversion. According to the 2015 law, terrorism is defined as conduct that, by its nature or context, may cause serious harm to a country or an international organization. It is aimed at intimidating the population or forcing the State or international organizations to commit or refuse to commit any action. The evolution of the phenomenon of terrorism in Italy is of particular interest because it reflects both general and specific features of the terrorist threat in Europe. From the late 1960s to the 1970s and until the beginning of the 1980s, Italian society had been facing the most brutal manifestations of terrorism. During this period, terrorism evolved from ideological far-right extremism to ultra-left revolutionary extremism, which turns to violence against the State and its servants, calling for a communist transformation of society. By the end of the 1980s, the terrorist threat in Italy had been significantly reduced. The decline in terrorist activity in the 1980s is explained, in addition to the increased effectiveness of the intelligence services and the police, by the decline in political activity in Italy after the upheavals of the 1960s and 1970s. The author draws attention to one of the paradoxes of Islamist terrorism in Italy. Despite the fact that Italy bears the main flow of migration waves that can carry the threat of terrorism to Europe, the country has so far been spared from the large-scale threat of such kind. The example of Italy is also important because today the country’s leadership is the most effective in counterterrorism in comparison with other EU states.
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Wolff, Elisabetta Cassina. « CasaPound Italia : ‘Back to Believing. The Struggle Continues’ ». Fascism 8, no 1 (1 juillet 2019) : 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00801004.

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This article aims to be a contribution to the ongoing debate among scholars concerning the question whether recently formed right-wing radical parties represent a new phenomenon and a break with the fascist tradition or whether they remain close to a fascist ideology. The author focuses on a specific national radical right-wing party: CasaPound Italia (cpi), founded at the beginning of this century, which declares itself to be ‘fascist’. While existing research insists on the intervention of external factors such as the economic crisis of 2008 in order to explain a new ‘wave’ of right-wing radicalism in Italy, this article will show the constant evolving of right-wing radical discourse over a longer historical period. The analysis will mainly delve into the ideological and political role played by three leading exponents of the Italian and European radical right: Pino Rauti, Roberto Fiore and Gabriele Adinolfi. Through a narrative style, and using a historical approach and qualitative analysis, this paper argues that their experiences represent the roots and sources for Gianluca Iannone’s project with cpi.
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Camaioni, Michele. « Reformas franciscanas y Reforma : el caso de los primeros capuchinos (1525-1542) ». Archivo Ibero-Americano 79, no 288-289 (2019) : 433–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.48030/aia.v79i288-289.148.

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This paper aims to contribute to the historiographical debate about the impact of the Protestant Reformation among the Friar Minors by discussing the case-study represented by the first development of the Capuchin Order. The Capuchins were approved by Clement VII in 1528, just few years after the bull Ite vos (1517) attempted to prevent new divisions within the Franciscans. Their reform movement stood out for its asceticism and mystical spirituality, which attracted the accusation of Lutheranism from the more conservative exponents of the Roman Church. Actually, the «freedom of the Spirit» preached by the Capuchins was not linked to the idea of the «freedom of the Christian» fostered by Luther; it was, instead, influenced by the medieval mystical radicalism of the Spiritual Franciscans whose doctrines were taken up again in 16th century writings. Friars read such works like the heterodox Union of the the soul with God by the observant Bartolomé Cordoni. Nevertheless, a minority of the first Capuchins adhered to Lutheran ideas. Among them was the renowned preacher Bernardino Ochino, who in 1542 left the Catholic faith with some companions from Italy to Calvin’s Geneva and put at risk the very same existence of the Capuchin Order.
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Stivachtis, Yannis A. « A Mediterranean Region ? Regional Security Complex Theory Revisited ». Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no 3 (20 septembre 2021) : 416–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-3-416-428.

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This article argues that the shift from the bipolar structure of the Cold War international system to a more polycentric power structure at the system level has increased the significance of regional relations and has consequently enhanced the importance of the study of regionalism. It makes a case for a Mediterranean region and examines various efforts aimed at defining what constitutes a region. In so doing, it investigates whether the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) can be utilized to define a Mediterranean region and argues that the patters of amity and enmity among Mediterranean states are necessary but not sufficient to identify such a region. It suggests that economic, energy, environmental, and other factors, such as migration and refugee flows should be taken into consideration in order to define the Mediterranean region. It also claims that the Mediterranean security complex includes three sub-complexes. The first is an eastern Mediterranean sub-complex that revolves mainly - albeit not exclusively - around three conflicts: the Greek-Turkish conflict, the Syrian conflict, and the Israeli-Palestinian/Arab conflict. The second is a central Mediterranean sub-complex that includes Italy, Libya, Albania and Malta and which revolves mainly around migration with Italy playing a dominant role due to its historical ties to both Libya and Albania. The third is a western Mediterranean security sub-complex that includes France, Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Spain and Portugal. This sub-complex it centered around France, the migration question and its associated threats, such as terrorism, radicalism, and human trafficking. In conclusion, it is concluded that the Mediterranean security complex is very dynamic as there are states (i.e. Turkey) that seem eager and capable of challenging the status quo thereby contributing to the process of the complexs internal transformation.
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Shaparov, Aleksandr, et Ekaterina Sin'kova. « The Resurgence of the Radical Right in European Policy ». Contemporary Europe, no 98 (1 octobre 2020) : 182–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52020182192.

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This article analyzed the rise of far-right political parties and movements in the most developed European countries - Germany, France, Sweden, Austria, Denmark, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway as well as in the Visegrád Group. The current direction of the political and social development of those major European states shows great resemblance to the 1980s. The political framework is defined by escalating disappointment in social and governmental institutions, growing political fragmentation and increasing complexity of political communications. Under such circumstances radical right parties firmly secured their presence in the national parliaments and enhanced it over the last decade. Alongside their electoral success on the supranational level, it indicates significant alterations in the European political landscape. A new reality is being built while the right radicalism strives to demarginalize itself with its high adaptivity to the essential political institutions. The article analyzed causes and consequences of the ongoing changes. It suggested a new angle to assess the present radical right’s policy effects. Proceeding from the neoinstitutional approach it provided an insight into the key assumptions of radical right, far-right contagion and institutional isomorphism, while outlining the electoral dynamics and distribution of the radical right parties and assembling the concepts of their classification.
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Jørgensen, Thomas Ekman. « The purest flame of the revolution : working class youth and left wing radicalism in Germany and Italy during the Great War ». Labor History 50, no 1 (février 2009) : 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00236560802615210.

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Nielsen, Jorgen S. « The Contribution of Interfaith Dialogue toward a Culture of Peace ». American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no 2 (1 avril 2002) : 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i2.1954.

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Dialogue among the adherents of the major world religions has alwaystaken place, especially, but not only, among the Abrahamic faiths: Judaism,Christianity and Islam. Excellent examples of this may be found in themidst of shared histories where we are more often presented with a recordof conflicts. The high points must be the enormously rich and creative interactionswhich took place in medieval Islamic Spain and southern Italy andat various times in places as far apart as Central Asia, Baghdad, Delhi,Cairo and the Ottoman Empire.As a movement with its institutions and full-time professionals, andnetworks of activists, interreligious dialogue is primarily a phenomenonof the twentieth century. It is the pressures of this century which havedemanded that we mobilize the resources of the great religions for dialogueand peace, purposes which have historically often seemed marginal.In India, the realization that a reasonably unified independence wouldonly be achieved if religions could work together, actually provides asignificant impetus towards the cooperation of religious leaders andinstitutions.The horrors of Nazi genocide in Europe spurred post-war generationstowards a radical review of traditional Christian attitudes towards Judaism.Out of regional tragedies, like the wars in Lebanon and in the formerYugoslavia, have come strengthened efforts across the social spectrum todisarm religious hatreds. The resurgence, in the last couple of decades, ofpolitical radicalism motivated by religion and expressed in religious terms, ...
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Thèses sur le sujet "Radicalism – Italy"

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Francescangeli, Eros. « La sinistra rivoluzionaria in Italia. Politica e organizzazione (1943-1978) ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3425284.

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This dissertation analyzes that peculiar political front that in the 1970s called itself, and was generally called «revolutionary left», in alternative to the «official», «traditional», or «historical» left represented by the Italian Communist Party (Pci) and the Italian Socialist Party (Psi). The research, however, embraces a longer time span of Italian socio-political history and the international labor movement, starting with the anarchist movement and the dissident organizations that in 1943-44 appeared within the socialist-communist traditions (Trotskyites, Bordigists, socialist left, etc.), and ending with the Marxist-Leninist and operaista (“workerist”) organizations of the sixties and seventies. The cross-sectional analysis of the sources has revealed both continuities and discontinuities in the political activism of the revolutionary left before and after 1968. In any case, the former seem to outnumber the latter
Questa ricerca analizza quella peculiare area politica che negli anni settanta si rappresentò, e in genere venne rappresentata, come «sinistra rivoluzionaria», alternativa a quella definita «ufficiale», «tradizionale» o «storica» (Partito comunista italiano e Partito socialista italiano). La ricerca, tuttavia, abbraccia un arco temporale relativamente ampio della storia politico-sociale italiana e del movimento operaio italiano e internazionale. Partendo dal dissidentismo anarchico e social-comunista (trockisti, bordighisti, sinistra socialista, ecc.), che si manifesta a partire dal 1943-1944, si arriva alle organizzazioni rivoluzionarie degli anni sessanta e settanta: marxisti-leninisti e operaisti. Dallo studio incrociato delle fonti è emerso come il rapporto tra il Sessantotto e la militanza politica nei gruppi della sinistra rivoluzionaria pre e post-sessantottina fosse caratterizzato sia da elementi di continuità-omogeneità sia da elementi di rottura-eterogeneità. In ogni caso, i primi sembrano sopravanzare i secondi
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DELLA, PORTA Donatella. « Organizzazioni politiche clandestine : Il terrorismo di sinistra in Italia durante gli anni Settanta ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5249.

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Defence date: 20 March 1987
Examining Board: Prof. A. Melucci, Università di Milano ; Prof. G. Pasquino, Supervisor, Università di Bologna e Johns Hopkins University ; Prof. A. Pizzorno, I.U.E. e Harvard University ; Prof. P. Schmitter, Supervisor, I.U.E. e Stanford University ; Prof. S. Tarrow, Cornwell University
First made available online on 10 September 2013.
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Livres sur le sujet "Radicalism – Italy"

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Pini, Massimo. L' assalto al cielo : Le avventure dell'illusione rivoluzionaria. Milano : Longanesi, 1989.

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The politics of left-wing violence in Italy, 1969-85. Basingstoke : Macmillan, 1989.

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The politics of left-wing violence in Italy, 1969-85. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1989.

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Berardi, Franco. Alice è il diavolo : Storia di una radio sovversiva. Milano : Shake edizioni underground, 2001.

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1952-, Guizzardi Valerio, et Mita Massimiliano 1974-, dir. Avete pagato caro, non avete pagato tutto : La rivista Rosso (1973-1979). Roma : DeriveApprodi, 2008.

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Sylvère, Lotringer, et Marazzi Christian, dir. Autonomia : Post-political politics. Cambridge, Mass : Semiotext(e), 2007.

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Teodori, Massimo. Marco Pannella : Un eretico liberale nella crisi della Repubblica. Venezia : Marsilio, 1996.

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Feltrinelli, Carlo. Feltrinelli. New York : Harcourt, 2001.

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Feltrinelli, Carlo. Senior service. London : Granta Books, 2001.

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Feltrinelli, Carlo. Senior Service : Das Leben meines Vaters Giangiacomo Feltrinelli. Munich, Germany : Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 2003.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Radicalism – Italy"

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Dal Lago, Enrico. « Radicalism and Nationalism : Northern “Liberators” and Southern Laborers in the United States and Italy, 1830–1860 ». Dans The Age of Lincoln and Cavour, 21–36. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137490124_2.

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Everest, Kelvin. « Shelley and his Contemporaries ». Dans Keats and Shelley, 128–45. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192849502.003.0009.

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This chapter surveys the extent of Shelley’s fame and notoriety while he was alive. The period before his move to Italy in early 1818 was mainly isolated, but he was nevertheless known about in the privileged circles into which he was born—a landed aristocratic family, Eton, and Oxford. His eccentricity and strong views set him apart from his own class, but the extremity and free expression of his radicalism also alienated fellow radicals. In poetic terms he was astute in recognizing those contemporaries of lasting value. Specific attention is given to Wordsworth, Coleridge, and Thomas Moore. The years in Italy were also isolated except for the period of the ‘Pisan Circle’. Keats and Byron are an important presence in Shelley’s later work, rather than overt influences.
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Levy, Carl. « Intellectual Unemployment and Political Radicalism in Italy, 1968-1982 ». Dans Speaking Out and Silencing, 132–45. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315087764-10.

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Villani, Stefano. « Seventeenth-Century Italy and English Radical Movements ». Dans Varieties of Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-Century English Radicalism in Context, 145–59. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315548395-8.

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Mansfield, Nick. « Overseas Military Adventurers, 1770–1861 ». Dans Soldiers as Citizens, 122–50. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620863.003.0006.

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This chapter covers largely forgotten overseas military adventurers, who served in private armies between 1815 and 1860. They were mainly contracted as mercenaries by liberal or nationalist revolutionaries in South America and parts of Southern Europe. Given the intense government prosecution of radicalism in the post Waterloo period and the failure of potential or actual insurrection, some ex-soldiers went overseas to avoid persecution. The complex wars of liberation, particularly in South America, enabled these men to pursue their old trade whilst serving a progressive cause. The careers of both officers and rankers are analysed in the Americas, Greece, Spain, Portugal and Italy, with an assessment of their commitment to political radicalism. A special study is made of the largest group – the British Auxiliary Legion, 1835-8 - raised by the threatened Spanish liberal government.
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Everest, Kelvin. « ‘Newly unfrozen senses and imagination’ ». Dans Keats and Shelley, 201–18. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192849502.003.0013.

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When Shelley arrived in Italy in spring 1818, his first sustained literary endeavour was a translation of Plato’s Symposium. The translation is a brilliant achievement: it testifies to Shelley’s genius as a translator (Euripides, Homer, Goethe, Calderón). Shelley’s decision to translate was motivated by a desire to demonstrate for Mary (who could not read Greek) the true character of Athenian culture, with its emphasis on homosexuality. The Platonic ideas are also of significance in the context of Shelley’s experience of English society in the period leading up to his departure for Italy. His overt and published radicalism, sexual libertarianism, and atheism had cost him custody of his children, and the need to mute his views is demonstrated in his recognition that the Symposium translation could not legally be published in England. Its dramatic structure also points to new dimensions in the mature Italian work which immediately followed the translation.
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Vaidhyanathan, Siva. « Conclusion ». Dans Antisocial Media, 223–54. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190056544.003.0010.

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This chapter recounts how the United States joined Brazil, India, Hungary, Poland, the Philippines, Israel, Italy, and other countries of the democratic world in enduring a sudden surge in anti-democratic sentiment in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. It mentions the reputation of the United States in being the site of extremist, white-nationalist violence. It also analyzes the 2019 American-style mass shootings driven by white nationalism and anti-Islamic radicalism which killed dozens of victims in Norway and New Zealand, countries not known for their violent cultures. The chapter talks about the ease of movement of people and capital which had put stresses on national identity and wealth in many places, igniting a lethal combination of xenophobia and fear of status slippage for dominant groups. It looks at widespread assumptions on the decentralized nature of the internet, which eroded the power of incumbent institutions, like news networks and newspapers.
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« The Importance of Thinking as Anarchists ». Dans Thinking as Anarchists, sous la direction de Giovanna Gioli et Hamish Kallin, 3–37. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474483131.003.0001.

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This introduction explains the importance of the 1984 international gathering of anarchists in Venice and grounds Volontà in the history of 20th century anarchism. After May 1968 and the militant radicalism in 1970s Italy, the leading intellectuals of the international anarchist movement were trying to think through “what now?” Anarchism, like the revolutionary left more broadly, was caught between a series of epochal shifts. The early 1980s saw the onset of what we would now call “neoliberalism”, entailing a dramatic transformation of the role of the state, work, rates of inequality, and the rise of consumerist individualism. Industrial employment went into freefall across the Global North, reconfiguring the global geographies of exploitation and class. Anarchism itself endured an existential challenge, subsumed in its political form under the so-called “new social movements”, with the ecological and feminist movements in particular taking the lead. These issues are not historical curiosities: the essays in this volume have lost none of their power in attempting to address these paradoxes not only in theory, but with the urgency of renewing a sense of what anarchism is (and could be) within a libertarian movement that can realistically strive to change the world.
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Duggan, Christopher. « Giuseppe Mazzini in Britain and Italy : Divergent Legacies, 1837–1915 ». Dans Giuseppe Mazzini and the Globalization of Democratic Nationalism, 1830-1920. British Academy, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264317.003.0011.

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This chapter examines how Mazzini's exile in England, and his adoption by sections of the British radical movement, led to the more illiberal aspects of his thought, especially in connection to the nation, being overlooked. This is one important reason why Mazzini has often been hard to situate on the European political map. Whilst British radicals accentuated the progressive and democratic elements of Mazzini's political and social thought, and overlooked many ideas that they did not find congenial, in Italy it was his illiberal fusion of religion and politics as an instrument for creating a new unified Italy that arguably had a more enduring legacy. The chapter looks at how Mazzini's influence in Italy dwindled in the face of socialism in the years immediately following his death in 1872, but underwent a major revival after the turn of the century with the emergence of nationalism.
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Cummins, Ian. « International perspectives ». Dans Mental Health Services and Community Care, 95–110. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447350590.003.0007.

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This chapter will examine deinstitutionalisation in Italy, the United States, and post-apartheid South Africa. In examining the different drivers and outcomes of policies in these areas, similar themes to the UK experience emerge. These include: the role of scandals in the pressure for change, the role of fiscal considerations in the development of policy, an initial period of optimism and the impact of scandals. In Italy, the work of the psychiatrist, Franco Basaglia was seen as a possible blueprint for wider reforms. Basaglia’s work became very influential amongst radicals and the anti-psychiatry movement. The USA was at the forefront of the deinstitutionalisation policy. The links between the closure of psychiatric facilities and the expansion of the use of imprisonment have been most closely examined in this context. Finally, the chapter examines the total policy failure that led to the deaths of one hundred and forty-four patients in Gauteng Province, South Africa in 2014
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