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Madryha, Tetiana, Oleksandr Kornievskyy, Yevgen Pereguda, Irina Bodrova et Stepan Svorak. « Transformation of civil society in the context of political radicalism in eastern Europe ». Cuestiones Políticas 40, no 74 (25 octobre 2022) : 268–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4074.14.
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The aim of the article was to identify the current state of the process of civil society transformation in the context of political radicalism in Eastern Europe. Comparative law and statistical analysis were the main methodological tools. The research showed that the development of political radicalism in Eastern Europe leads to the transformation of civil society. A more persistent and contentious public makes new demands on the political process. It also creates multidimensional tensions and conflicts. Representatives of radicalism gain strong positions in the political environment of society by supporting illiberalism, ethno-nationalism, culture wars and alternative knowledge. The process of merging militant and violent radicalism with family ethnonationalism is ongoing in the countries of Eastern Europe. It is concluded that this phenomenon requires constant implementation of political, legal and security strategies to prevent manifestations of political radicalism. The appropriateness and prospects of the activities of the Radicalization Awareness Network, developed by the European Union, were established.
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BETZ, HANS-GEORG. « Contemporary Right-Wing Radicalism in Europe ». Contemporary European History 8, no 2 (juillet 1999) : 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002076.
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Herbert Kitschelt in collaboration with Anthony J. McGann, The Radical Right in Western Europe. A Comparative Analysis (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 323 pp., $49.50, ISBN 0-472-10663-5.Peter Merkl and Leonard Weinberg (eds.), The Revival of Right Wing Extremism in the 90s (London: Frank Cass, 1997), 304 pp., £18.50/$24.50, ISBN 0-714-64207-X.Urs Altermatt and Hanspeter Kriesi, L'Extrême droite en Suisse. Organisations et radicalisation au cours des années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix (Fribourg: Les Éditions Universitaires, 1995), 293 pp. (pb.), SFr. 42.00, ISBN 2-827-10727-9.Mike Cronin (ed.), The Failure of British Fascism. The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (London: Macmillan, 1996), 182 pp. (hb.), £35.00, ISBN 0-333-58438-4.Gerhard Feldbauer, Von Mussolini bis Fini. Die Extreme Rechte in Italien (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1996), 224 pp. (pb.), DM 29.40, ISBN 3-885-20575-0.Helmut Reinalter, Franko Petri and Rüdiger Kaufmann (eds.), Das Weltbild des Rechtsextremismus. Entsolidarisierung und Bedrohng der Demokratie. Gesellschaftliche Bedingungen, Strukturen und Wirkungen rechtsextremen Denkens (Innsbruck/Vienna: Studienverlag, 1998), 576 pp., DM 82.00, ISBN 3-706-51258-0.Tore Bjørgo, Racist and Right-Wing Violence in Scandinavia: Patterns, Perpetrators, and Responses (Oslo: Tano-Aschehoug, 1997), 386 pp., Kr 298.00, ISBN 8-251-83665-4.Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjørgo (eds.), Nation and Race: The Development of a Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 273 pp. (pb.), £19.00, ISBN 1-555-53331-0.
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Golovin, Mikhail. « Theoretical aspects and discursive practice of the right-wing ideology in the political processes of modern Europe ». Socium i vlast 2 (2020) : 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2020-2-29-40.
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Introduction. The article discusses the main approaches to the concept “right radicalism” in modern Russian and foreign political science. In addition, the author shows how actors in political processes use ideology in the framework of political struggle as exemplified by the ideological discourse of the far-right British National Party. The aim of the study is to trace the specifics of constructing the nationalist discourse of the rightwing political forces in modern Europe (using the example of the British National Party) and formulate the author’s definition of the term “right-wing radicalism”. Methods. The author uses comparative and historical-retrospective methods to comprehensively consider the phenomenon of the right-wing radicalism, as well as discourse analysis of a political party’s text, which contributes to a better understanding of the features constructing the discourse of these actors in political processes. Scientific novelty of the study. The work provides comprehensive analysis of the concept “right radicalism” in the context of political processes of modern Europe, the author suggests his own definition of the phenomenon considered. Results. From the vast scientific heritage devoted to issues of the right-wing radicalism, ideology, and functioning of right-wing political parties, the author choses several approaches presented in both domestic and foreign political science, which makes it possible to disclose essential ideas of the “right-wing radicalism”. In addition, as a result of the discourse analysis of the British National Party program document, the author identifies the main points that are key to the nationalist discourse of the modern European right-wing radical party. Conclusions. As a result of the study, we can conclude that the concept “right radicalism” is one of the most debatable in modern political science and the relevance of its study is not in doubt. The analysis of the program document of one of the oldest extreme right-wing parties in Europe shows that ideological discourse is formed from various components and, using various methods, the researcher can analyze its structure in detail, understanding how political forces form this discourse within the framework of the political struggle.
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Tsurkan, Аnna. « Europe : Islamic radicalism vs. modernization of Islam ». Contemporary Europe, no 2 (9 avril 2014) : 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope22014131142.
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Mareš, Miroslav. « Environmental Radicalism and Extremism in Postcommunist Europe ». Journal for the Study of Radicalism 2, no 1 (2008) : 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsr.2008.0033.
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Kis-Benedek, József. « JIHADISM AND RADICALISATION IN SELECTED REGIONS OF EUROPE, THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA – A CASE STUDY ». CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/3 (15 septembre 2018) : 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.3.5.
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Povzetek Terorizem in z njim povezani pojavi, kot sta radikalizem in džihadizem, so eni največjih izzivov našega časa. S pomočjo ustreznih primerov v nekaterih pomembnih državah avtor analizira vzroke in posledice terorizma. Pomembno je, da se pri tej tematiki osredotočimo le na nekaj držav, saj se vzroki za radikalizem in džihadizem razlikujejo in s časom spreminjajo ne le znotraj regije, temveč tudi znotraj posameznih držav. Radikalizem in džihadizem sta večinoma tesno povezana s kriznimi območji. Poleg analize tematike so v študijo vključeni tudi predlogi za obvladovanje in reševanje tega problema. Key words: terorizem, džihadizem, radikalizem, tuji bojevniki, Bližnji vzhod, Evropa, Severna Afrika. Abstract One of the biggest challenges of our time is terrorism and its concomitant phenomena, such as radicalism and jihadism. The author analyses the causes and consequences of terrorism by describing relevant cases in certain significant countries. Reducing this topic to some concrete countries only is important, because the causes of radicalism and jihadism are different and can change over time not only across a region, but also within a single country. Radicalism and jihadism are mostly closely connected to crisis areas. Beyond the analysis of this topic, the study also touches upon proposals to handle and solve this problem. Key words: terrorism, jihadism, radicalism, foreign fighters, Middle East, Europe, North Africa.
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Okoński, Krzysztof. « „Chcecie totalnej wolności słowa?” Kultura w Niemczech u progu lat dwudziestych (XXI wieku) wobec radykalizmu, wielokulturowości i konfliktów etnicznych. Próba rozpoznania problemów ». Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 8 (22 juillet 2021) : 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.8.5.
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This article attempts to present selected phenomena of contemporary German culture in the context of political radicalism, multiculturalism and ethnic conflicts. Starting with the criticism of the student protests of 1968 (using the example of the novel Örtlich betäubt by Günter Grass) and discourses on Europe in the early 1990s (Grass, Enzensberger), and ending with debates on freedom of expression, political correctness or “cancel culture” (Wallraff, Pirinçci, Nuhr, Eckhart), this article analyses the consequences of left- and right-wing radicalism, anti-Semitism and Islamism for literature and cabaret in Germany on selected examples.
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Vainshtein, G. « Islam in Urban Space and Public Conscience of Europe ». World Economy and International Relations, no 6 (2013) : 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-6-29-37.
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Conflicts of new kind are spreading in Europe, caused by the growing ethnic, cultural, and religious polarization of society. Old tensions between the core population and the immigrants, particularly Muslims, are being exacerbated by growing attempts of local spiritual community leaders to assert Islamic identity of the increasing number of newcomers. The policy of multiculturalism, once acclaimed as a reliable means of integration, draws more criticism. The right-wing radicalism is intensifying. The disenchantment is rising.
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Kaloeva, Elena. « BOOK REVIEW : MARKOVIć L. NIJE DOBRO ALI IMA NáDE. EUROPA I NJEZINE DILEME. [MARKOVIC L. NO THAT IT’S GOOD, BUT THERE’S HOPE. EUROPE AND ITS DILEMMAS] ». Filosofiya Referativnyi Zhurnal, no 1 (2021) : 234–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rphil/2021.01.14.
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This paper is a review of the book written by the famous Croatian-German researcher L. Markovic, containing answers primarily to such challenges facing Europe as the migration crisis, the confrontation of Christianity and Islam, abd the upsurge of right-wing radicalism. The author makes an attempt to help «a little» man overcome his fears associated with finding a rightful place in the modern world.
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Demidenko, Sergey V., et Anastasia A. Kutuzova. « The Transformation of Radical Islam in a Post-Industrial Society ». RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no 4 (15 décembre 2020) : 690–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-690-712.
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In a post-industrial society, radical Islam has undergone significant evolutionary changes, that contributed to its transformation from a religious ideology to a political one. The key element of the updated doctrine was the idea of creating a world Islamic state - caliphate - through global jihad. This article explores a new stage in the history of the phenomenon of Islamic radicalism, which has developed outside the Muslim world, where it has acquired features of a specific subculture. Global jihad is gaining popularity among young Muslims in Europe, the US, and Southeast Asia. A variety of cultural manifestations of Islamism, united by the term jihadi-cool, form an attractive image of a Salafist-jihadists through a special manner of clothing, new types of music (jihad rap and jihad rock), etc. Members of this subculture tend to join terrorist organizations, spread radical ideas among young people and attract new supporters. One of the most important causes of the radicalization of Muslims in Europe and the Americas is considered to be the complex socio-economic and cultural preconditions created by Western policies towards the States of the Middle East and the local Muslim diaspora. As part of the research, a historical-genetic analysis of the evolutionary transformations of Islamic radicalism has been conducted. The statistical method has been used to track the number of terrorist acts in the EU and the USA. Content analysis has been applied in the article in order to examine lyrics of jihad-rap musical compositions. The interdependence of jihad-rap popularity and the general interest in the ideology of jihad has been assessed based on the analysis of statistics of search queries. Biographical methods have been used to study the relationship between belonging to a jihadist subculture and joining radical Islamic organizations. The results of the study demonstrate, first of all, the high adaptability of Islamic radicalism to the changing conditions of the global world. Secondly, they indicate the specific evolution of a phenomenon that gradually overcomes sectarian differences. And third, they note increasing prevalence of this destructive doctrine in Europe, USA, South and Southeast Asia. All the results confirm that Islamic radicalism is not a local phenomenon, but a real threat to global political stability.
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Rizvi, Sajjad H. « Islamic Political Radicalism ». American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no 2 (1 avril 2008) : 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.1477.
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As jihadi ideology shifts from articulating a perpetual conflict against the“far enemy” (read: the United States and its allies) and the “near enemy”(read: the United States’ clients) within the Middle East and the wider Muslimworld to taking the conflict to the heart of the far enemy in NorthAmericaand Western Europe, it is time for academics to take stock of what hashappened, how it has happened, and why. The “radicalization” debate, as itis called, tries to ask the pertinent question of why some Muslim male citizensof these “western” states feel so disenchanted, dis-integrated, and alienatedfrom their immediate communities that they can perpetrate such grossacts of violence as the bombings in Madrid in March 2004 and 7/7 in London.The challenge of such violent radicalism (and it is important to qualifyit as such, since radicalism traditionally has been a political virtue of the Leftdemanding change) affects security policy as well as the integrity and dignityof Muslim communities. Tahir Abbas, a reader in sociology at the University of Birmingham anda leading expert on the sociology of Britain’s Muslim communities, hasassembled a vibrant interdisciplinary circle of specialists, comprisingMuslimand non-Muslim academics and activists, to tackle this question. The collectionbrings together studies in political science, political sociology (the primaryfocus for the debate on radicalism), anthropology, psychology, criminology,and related disciplines.The contributors concentrate on Britain, albeitwithin a European context, and thus this book might be of value for thosestudying Islamismin otherMuslim-minority contexts (particularly the UnitedStates) and even in Muslim-majority contexts as a base of comparison ...
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Samaddar, Ranabir. « Occupy College Street : Student Radicalism in Kolkata in the Sixties ». Slavic Review 77, no 4 (2018) : 904–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.288.
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1968 saw a wave of protests and student radicalism in India, some of the tactics and issues of which were reminiscent of those in Europe and North America. The anti-imperialist theme was similarly strident, and the student and youth movement posed serious challenges to the old established Left, sharing traits of a global New Left agenda. The upsurge of post-independence radicalism in India, however, drew on different historical legacies, and exhibited many specific features, all of which culminated in the student and youth upsurge of 1968–69. In order to demonstrate the complex history and legacy of 60s radicalism in India, this essay takes us back to the sixties in Kolkata when the insurgent movement in West Bengal had developed the tactic of occupation, which helped the movement crystallize and caused, ironically, the undoing of the mobilization in the end. Occupy as a tactic thus has a history, and the radicals of today perhaps in their enthusiasm for the New Left ethos have ignored the history of the insurgent tactics of the past, especially tactics developed in the postcolonial context.
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Sergeev, S. A., et S. V. Kuzmina. « NEW LEFT RADICALISM AND POPULISM IN WESTERN EUROPE : WHAT'S NEW ? » KAZAN SOCIALLY-HUMANITARIAN BULLETIN 11, no 5 (octobre 2020) : 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24153/2079-5912-2020-11-5-49-53.
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The article is devoted to the study of the features of the new left radicalism in Western Europe on the example of three parties: SYRIZA (Greece), "Unconquered France" (France) and "Podemos" (Spain). In 2012 - 2019 these three left-wing radical parties made a rapid political and electoral spurt. The first and main feature of these parties, which largely predetermined their successes, is populism. As an ideological platform, they chose left-wing populism in the form as it was justified by E. Laclau and consisting in the rejection of the class approach and in the persistent opposition of "we" - "they", "people" - "caste", "oligarchs" etc. The discursively constructed "people" are supposed to be honest, pure and poor, the "caste" or "oligarchy" is corrupted and depraved both politically, economically and morally. The second feature is the widespread use of Web 2.0, various digital technologies, platforms and social media, with the help of which thousands of party members could submit their proposals and discuss them. Rising on a wave of dissatisfaction with austerity policies, SYRIZA and Podemos were able to really participate in the formation of the government (and Unconquered France - to claim that its candidate would become one of the two or three main contenders for the presidency). However, radical socio-economic reforms are likely not included in the plans of the current Western European radical left. Judging by the rapid decline in the tone of the election campaigns, their goal was to oust and replace the existing Social Democratic parties (which SYRIZA succeeded in) and to pursue a moderate policy in a neo-Keynesian spirit.
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Pogorelskaya, S. « “Always Late” : Right Populism and Right Radicalism in Westem Europe ». World Economy and International Relations, no 3 (2004) : 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2004-3-51-63.
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Awan, Akil N. « Antecedents of Islamic Political Radicalism Among Muslim Communities in Europe ». PS : Political Science & ; Politics 41, no 01 (janvier 2008) : 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096508080013.
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Ameur, Ahmed Ameur. « The Islamic Marketing and Branding in Europe ». International Journal of Islamic Banking and Finance Research 2, no 1 (24 mars 2018) : 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/ijibfr.v2i1.39.
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The Islamic markets, labelled “Halal Markets”, are nowadays experiencing an active, an amplified and a wide spread which drawa lot of attention in Europe; this led many researchers and academics to delve in this area, besides setting a base to “Islamic Marketing” which goes with the western actuality along with competing in the capitalist traditional market.In the following paper, we exposetwo conflicting elements, in an attempt to examine and analyse them; on the one hand, we attempt to address Western companies’ radicalism, in its pureWestern production orientation; on the other hand, the Islamic lifestyle among youth, overseas Muslims’ children.By the end of the paper, we concluded that numerous Western companies succeeded locally,via exploiting the Islam Pillars, in conquering the Islamic market by which they founded the Islamic marketing in Europe, obtained huge profits. In addition to that, it succeeded in tamingoverseas young generation, who were looking for a typical halal lifestyle and creating their own lifestyle based on a culture built on well-established Islamic beliefs.
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Umland, Andreas. « Challenges and promises of comparative research into post-Soviet fascism : Methodological and conceptual issues in the study of the contemporary East European extreme right ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no 2-3 (juin 2015) : 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.002.
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The international study of fascism has, over the last 25 years, experienced considerable consolidation. Inspired by influential theoretical publications of Roger D. Griffin and others, a new sub-discipline, “comparative fascist studies,” has emerged that proceeds from a largely common conceptualization of fascism. It explicitly includes and particularly promotes the cross-cultural, as well as inter-epochal investigation into ultra-nationalisms outside Central and Western Europe after the year 1945. The concepts, approaches and hypotheses of this new sub-discipline are well-suited to be applied to the study of interwar and post-Soviet right-wing radicalism in Eastern Europe. However, before comprehensive classification and informative comparison becomes possible, the putative fascist phenomena of Eastern Europe need more thorough descriptive analysis, field research, and empirical investigation by researchers, in the region.
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Babkina, Olga, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska et Olena Balatska. « Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe ». Cuestiones Políticas 40, no 73 (29 juillet 2022) : 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.38.
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The article studies the current changes taking place in the civil society sector of Eastern European countries under the impact of intensifying radical action on the political environment. One of the key areas of progress of modern states is a further development of democratic values, which depends largely on the activity of the civil society sector. In this regard, the aim of the study was to examine the main problems and areas of change in the development of the civil society sector during the period of intensification of political radicalism in some Eastern European democracies. Methodologically, they used the empirical results of a survey of citizens of Eastern European countries to determine areas of development and key issues of civil society. In conclusion, a comparative analysis of the level of development of the civil sector and the degree of radicalization in Eastern European countries revealed the correlation between the development of civil society and radical policy frameworks.
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Minkenberg, Michael. « The Renewal of the Radical Right : Between Modernity and Anti‐modernity ». Government and Opposition 35, no 2 (avril 2000) : 170–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00022.
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FIFTY-FIVE YEARS AFTER THE FALL OF FASCISM AND THE END OF THE Second World War, right-wing radical movements and parties are part of the political normalcy in many Western democracies. In the face of the twentieth-century experiences of fascism and state socialism, and their failures, this stubborn persistence seems at the same time anachronistic and frightening. While there is no shortage of explanations and interpretations of this phenomenon in an evergrowing body of literature, most studies focus on national trends and derive their criteria from country-specific histories and discourses. Serious comparative scholarship on the radical right is still in its infancy.This article is a plea for more comparative research on rightwing radicalism at the turn of the century. It begins by highlighting the three central dimensions of the problem. First, one must state that contemporary right-wing radicalism is an international phenomenon. Thus, more than before, comparative studies are needed both to analyse the international quality and to specify the nation-specific characteristics of the radical right in each country. Secondly, it must be borne in mind that contemporary right-wing radicalism is a modern phenomenon. It has undergone a phase of renewal, as a result of social and cultural modernization shifts in post-war Europe. Thus it is only vaguely connected with previous versions. Terms like ‘fascism’ or ‘neo-fascism’ which suggest a historical continuity from Munich to Mölln and Magdeburg in Germany, or from Vichy to Vitrolles in France, become increasingly obsolete. The third factor to bear in mind is that contemporary right-wing radicalism is a complex phenomenon. The ongoing specialization and compartmentalization in the social sciences, such as discourse analysis, party and electoral research, and youth sociology – to name but a few of the approaches applied to the radical right – fail to do justice to the complexity of the subject. Clearly, the many faces of right-wing radicalism require clear analytical distinctions, but ultimately they need to be approached in a truly interdisciplinary way.
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Bartoszewicz, Monika Gabriela. « 50 Shades of Radicalism : an Analysis of Contemporary Radical Parties in Europe ». International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 17, no 1 (30 décembre 2015) : 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2015-0003.
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The paper provides a comprehensive overview of European radical parties. The main aim of this paper is to examine whether there are common patterns regarding these parties, and to analyse the implications of this phenomenon. In order to achieve the above, the paper proceeds as follows: Firstly, the phenomenon of political radicalisation in contemporary Europe is explored. This leads to mapping the radical political landscape in Europe. Finally, the paper concludes with the analysis of the possible outcomes of radicalisation of European politics including the possible societal effects. By doing so the paper argues that a fresh theoretical approach to comprehend the phenomenon is necessary.
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BALDOLI, CLAUDIA. « ‘With Rome and with Moscow’ : Italian Catholic Communism and Anti-Fascist Exile ». Contemporary European History 25, no 4 (14 octobre 2016) : 619–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000448.
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This article aims to explore the interplay between religion and political radicalism in Europe by focusing on the case of Italian ‘White Leagues’ (Catholic trade unions) in the interwar period. Interest in this movement stems partly from the opinion that the understanding of politics in early twentieth-century Europe has often been distorted by the historiographical focus on the political polarisation between communism and fascism, which has led to the neglect of the complex ideological area in between. The article will focus in particular on the main organiser of the peasant ‘White’ unions in Italy, Guido Miglioli. He developed a network of political contacts across Europe with the aim of resuscitating the anti-fascist struggle in Italy and launching a campaign for the liberation of the peasantry. This was to be achieved through a European peasant International that would draw from the Soviet example while maintaining its Christian roots.
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Gaborit, Maxime. « Disobeying in Time of Disaster : Radicalism in the French Climate Mobilizations ». Youth and Globalization 2, no 2 (31 décembre 2020) : 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-02020006.
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Abstract Since 2018, climate mobilizations have been shaping political life in Europe. Young people are at the heart of this mobilization, both because of their massive nationwide presence in intergenerational demonstrations, but also because of their own modes of action, such as the climate strikes that have been emerging since January 2019. Within these mobilizations, forms of radicalism are expressed through an important support for civil disobedience, such as blocking actions, as well as support – for a significant part of protestors – for material damage. This paper analyzes the new forms of youth radicalism in their link to the social determinations of the awareness of the climate catastrophe. Based on a demonstration survey concerning three French cities for the strike of March 15, 2019, and in Paris for the strike of September 20th, which collected more than 1,800 questionnaires, this paper sets out to show the sociological profiles of radical individuals, which distinguish themselves by significant cultural capital and left-wing familial political socialization. The exploitation of the data collected shows that these new forms of radicalism are conditioned by an awareness of the climate emergency, deeply linked to family legacies and specific academic curricula. The radicalization of inherited dispositions leads these individuals to go beyond the legality/illegality framework, and to favor a debate on the effectiveness of the means of action, in which the link with conventional democratic participation is constantly questioned.
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Herdi Sahrasad et Ibnu Rusyd. « Political Islam, European Muslim and Terrorism Issues : A Reflection ». Konfrontasi : Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 8, no 3 (7 septembre 2021) : 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v8i3.153.
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In the period 2014-2015, the European Union was shaken by the influx of migrants from the Middle East, North Africa, and the Balkans (Eastern Europe) who increasingly flooded the western region of the white continent. In a March 2015 report, UNHCR said the conflicts in Iraq and Syria brought the number of asylum seekers in Western countries in 2014 to the highest level in 22 years. There were an estimated 866,000 asylum seekers in 2014. That number is a 45 percent increase compared to 2013. And, during the 2014-16 refugee crisis from the Middle East and Africa, millions of refugee flows from the Middle East and Africa were rejected. In this regard, Olivier Roy sees that in Europe itself there is a danger of radical Islamism, a Muslim terrorism movement that undermines European peace and undermines Western trust on Muslim communities and political Islam. This paper explains Roy's perspective and Islamic radicalism in Europe which does not benefit the position and image of Muslims in Europe and the West in general.
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Minardi, Anton. « Multiculturalism in Europe : Rise of Islam ». Kamaya : Jurnal Ilmu Agama 3, no 1 (14 janvier 2020) : 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37329/kamaya.v3i1.376.
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After 9/11 there was a rise of “islamophobe” with the spreading of negative views on it besides anti-semite and anti-immigrants. Islam in some cases is seen as fundamentalism, radicalism and has a close meaning to terrorism. More than few were found some mistreatment to Muslim community in Europe such as shouting, blaming, exile and another form of discrimination in public sphere. This paper analysis European multiculturalism descriptifly. Europe is a region which not only recognises cultural and ethnic plurality but also multiculturalism. Its recognition was based on Europe’s identity as a modern and secular society. The population accepted other culture and ethnic rather than only welcomed immigrants. The migrants in Europe especially who came from Asia, Africa and Arab have differentiation in races, languages, habits, religions and their own views. In one hand, the differentiation enriches Europe culture but in the other hand, they have realised that it can be a threat to their identity. We found a lot of Europeans put their focus in particular on Islam which was spreading and growing as immigrants and new convertions. Nowadays they see the plurality especially to Islam as the integral religion both in private and public sphere as the challenge for their multiculturalism and reviewing to come, to assimilate, and to protect the European majority of Christians identity. Some European leaders agree that minority have to assimilate to the majority.
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Prestholdt, Jeremy. « Resurrecting Che : radicalism, the transnational imagination, and the politics of heroes ». Journal of Global History 7, no 3 (19 octobre 2012) : 506–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000307.
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AbstractThis article explores the symbolic appeal of Che Guevara within radical Left circles of the 1960s and 1970s. Che's importance as a shared political reference offers a unique window on aspirational symbols and the desire for meaningful transnational solidarity. By tracing Che's resonance in Latin America, western Europe, the United States, and the Middle East, the article brings into conversation the study of post-war radicalism, political iconography, and the cognitive dimensions of interconnectivity. As a means of understanding Che's appeal to both protest movements and guerrilla organizations, the article develops the notion of a ‘transnational imagination’, or mode of perception that frames local circumstances in a world historical trajectory and thereby affects collective aspirations and actions.
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Fernengel, Ágnes. « Radicalism and indifference : memory transmission, political formation and modernization in Hungary and Europe ». Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 25, no 3 (2 septembre 2017) : 390–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2017.1401842.
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Waller, Michael. « The Radical Sources of the Crisis in West European Communist Parties ». Political Studies 37, no 1 (mars 1989) : 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00264.x.
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The wave of radicalism that swept through Europe from the late 1960s did not pass the communist parties by but struck them with particular force. Evidence of this impact can be found in a study of the social composition of congress delegates, and from recent accounts of the experiences of the communist parties during the 1970s. The story of this trauma over one decade requires us to rethink the notion of Eurocommunism. What emerges from such a reconsideration is a distinction between a process of modernization on which many communist parties have embarked in the post-war period, and particularly since 1956, and a ‘new member’ factor which characterized the radical surge of the 1970s. This ‘new member’ factor brought a new style of militancy into the communist parties which challenged their traditional norms. This radicalism raised the fortunes of the communist parties during the 1970s, but it also brought about the crisis of the end of the decade. Whilst it has been responsible for the destruction of the crisis period, it has also provided the ideas and the forces for possible new strategies.
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Hutter, Swen, et Rens Vliegenthart. « Who responds to protest ? Protest politics and party responsiveness in Western Europe ». Party Politics 24, no 4 (13 juillet 2016) : 358–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816657375.
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This article addresses the questions of whether and why political parties respond to media-covered street protests. To do so, it adopts an agenda-setting approach and traces issue attention in protest politics and parliament over several years in four West European countries (France, Spain, the Netherlands and Switzerland). The article innovates in two ways. First, it does not treat the parties in parliament as a unitary actor but focuses on the responses of single parties. Second, partisan characteristics are introduced that might condition the effect of protest on parliamentary activity. More precisely, it assesses the explanatory power of ideological factors (left-right orientation and radicalism) and other factors related to issue competition between parties (opposition status, issue ownership and contagion). The results show that parties do respond to street protests in the news, and they are more likely to respond if they are in opposition and if their competitors have reacted to the issue.
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Pelagidis, Theodore, et Michael Mitsopoulos. « Deepening the single market and enhancing EU democracy : A justification for ‘more Europe’ ». European View 18, no 1 (avril 2019) : 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819843207.
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The need for ‘more Europe’ stands out today in an international environment that is contaminated by populism, authoritarianism and demagogy. Consequently, when confronting political radicalism, the domains that the EU should henceforth concentrate on in a positive way must be specified, explaining practically and with pragmatism the reasons for ‘more Europe’. In particular, the EU must deliver concrete benefits that citizens can see in their daily lives, but, at the same time, it has to give them more democratic control over their representation in EU bodies and in the way EU law is shaped and implemented. To accept such progress, the EU must first recognise the critical flaws in its current economic and political architecture, before proceeding to adopt policies that will adequately restore the dynamism of the European dream, leading to a more efficient and just EU. More democracy will help gather support, and ensure renewed progress towards a closer Union in which the single market is meaningfully deepened.
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Badaeva, A. « Radical Right Parties and Immigration in Scandinavian Countries ». World Economy and International Relations, no 12 (2012) : 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-12-78-86.
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In recent decades, radicalism has become an integral part of the political scene in Europe. Many countries, including Scandinavia, see an electoral success of nationalist parties. This trend is due to decrease in extent of the “party identification” and disillusionment of the electorate in the earlier dominant parties. The achievements of ultra-right forces do not accidentally coincided with an unprecedented influx of immigrants in the Scandinavian countries. Radical forces stand for preservation of national values and are ready to respond to the pressing social challenges of integrating world. According to the author, these forces are likely to reach the greatest success and to exert a significant impact on government policies.
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Palhau, João, Patrícia Silva et Edna Costa. « Populismo nos partidos políticos portugueses – Os programas eleitorais de 2019 ». População e Sociedade 35 (30 juin 2021) : 60–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.52224/21845263/rev35a4.
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Portugal has been systematically described as an exception to the wave of (right-wing) populism growth in Europe. This article aims to re-examine this claim considering the context of the Portuguese 2019 legislative elections. Drawing on content analysis of party manifestos, we seek to identify, measure, and characterize the presence of populist dimensions in parties’ proposals. Moreover, the article explores the interactions between populist dimensions and other party policies. Our findings suggest that parties’ electoral platforms are highly impervious to the salience of populism, even when considering a radical right-wing populist party that won a seat in Parliament. A positive correlation between the salience of populism and the degree of ideological radicalism has been identified.
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Staszczyk, Artur. « The Position of European Parliament on the Migrant Crisis in Europe ». Reality of Politics 7, no 1 (31 mars 2016) : 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201612.
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The migrant crisis in Europe, which reached its zenith in 2015, made EU politicians realize the urgent need for a more effective migration policy that would rely more on supranational cooperation. Absence of this policy triggers migrant influx to Europe, in particular of unqualified labour force, and enhances illegal migration from which organized criminal groups profit enormously. Moreover, uncontrolled migration processes give rise to a number of social, economic, political and cultural problems all across the EU, and thus nurture the Eurosceptic mood. This leads to societal negation of the European integration project and provides fertile soil to the spread of radicalism and xenophobia. The aim of the study is to capture the position of European Parliament on recent migrant crisis. The Parliament, a democratically legitimate body, which claims the right to represent European societies, advocates adoption of systemic EU approach to migration which should be based on the respect of human rights and creation of legal migration pathways for refugees and workers needed by Europe. The solution of the present migrant crisis is sought by the EP in moving towards a common, comprehensive European immigration policy and enhanced solidarity of EU member states in response to increased influx of refugees from conflict zones.
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Tkachenko, Vasyl. « The Precariat : The Phenomenon of Socio-Political Radicalism ». Diplomatic Ukraine, no XX (2019) : 585–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-36.
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The article discusses the reasons for the emergence of the precariat as a phenomenon of socio-political radicalism. The commercialization of public institutions and mechanisms of the global capitalist market and the transfer of a number of production cycles to countries with cheap labour have led to consumption in the industrialized countries of North America and Europe exceeding incomes. This abuse led to a violation of the principle of market equilibrium: the pole of economic life was shifted from the production sector to the financial sector, and bankers and brokers began to assert their real power. Social inequality among the world’s population has increased rapidly, and a significant number of people are in debt. All this was reflected in the formation of the social structure of post-industrial society. The problem of social inequality, which has reached fantastic proportions in today’s globalized world, will inevitably require an appropriate solution. But in the future, this problem can not be avoided, because the situation will only get worse with almost complete replacement of human machines. The author notes that the leaders of the leading States, outstanding scientists and experts are already looking for alternatives. The article expresses the hope that Ukrainian identity will focus on the social mutual responsibility of civil society and the state, ensuring an active dialogue between them on key social issues, as well as on the form and principles of participation in joint social projects in compliance with the position of protecting national interests. Only under such conditions will identity act in its characteristic role of self-determination of Ukrainians, who seek to achieve justice, social solidarity and confidence in the future, without descending to manifestations of radicalism and extremism. Keywords: precariat, social inequality, commercialization, production sphere, financial sector, capitalist market.
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Yeh, Wen-hsin. « Middle County Radicalism : The May Fourth Movement in Hangzhou ». China Quarterly 140 (décembre 1994) : 903–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000052838.
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The May Fourth Movement of 1919 occupies a special position in scholars’ consideration of modern China as a result of the convergence of two sets of historical constructions. In China, according to official textbooks explaining the rise of the People's Republic that were first promulgated by the new socialist state in the 1950s, 1919 was identified as the very moment of origin when cultural iconoclasm was joined to a political activism of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle: the watershed affecting the flow of all subsequent revolutionary history. In the West, as presented in Chow Tse-tsung's highly influential 1964 volume, May Fourth was singled out as the time of patriotic awakening reached as a result of intellectual exposure to such Western liberal values as science, democracy, liberty and individualism. The May Fourth Movement has since been characterized variously as a response to Western liberal influence; as a product of education abroad in Japan, Europe or America; as an awakening to the call of international Bolshevism; and as an evaluative rejection of traditional Confucianism as the primary source of authority. Whether liberal or revolutionary, these intellectual developments were then seen as the inspiration for a unified national political movement that spread outward from Beijing and Shanghai into the provinces.
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Wildan, Muhammad. « PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI TENGAH FENOMENA ISLAMOFOBIA DI JERMAN ». TEMALI : Jurnal Pembangunan Sosial 2, no 2 (3 juillet 2019) : 244–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jt.v2i2.4694.
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Although Islam in Europe is not a new phenomenon, Muslims in Germany are still quite remarkable to study. The dynamic of Muslims both internally and externally is the most interesting thing. Internally, Muslims in Germany who are coming from many different ethnics and races in Asia and Africa is a such a big challenge for Muslims to unite and integrate. Externally, Islam which is historically not a “homegrown” religion in Europe is facing such a big challenge to adjust to such a “new” circumstances. Judeo-Christian has long been the cultural tradition of Germans and Europeans in general. The influx of a number of Muslims from some conflict areas in the Middle East and Africa recently adds another notable phenomenon. This article is trying to portray the development of Islam and Muslims in Germany and the way how they mingle with German counterparts along with the growing of islamophobia in the country. Eventually, this article will also observe some resistance of Muslims in the form of radicalism in the country and their efforts to integrate into Western society.
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Tismaneanu, Vladimir. « Personal Power and Political Crisis in Romania ». Government and Opposition 24, no 2 (1 avril 1989) : 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1989.tb00115.x.
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COMPARED TO OTHER COMMUNIST STATES IN EAST-CENTRAL Europe, Romania offers a fascinating case of neo-Stalinist radicalism cloaked in nationalistic language. A hyper-centralized model of leadership, based on clan instead of party dictatorship, an obedient, corrupt and strikingly incompetent political class, a marked preference for coercive rather than persuasive methods of domination, and stubborn opposition to reforms have contributed to the development of a deep and potentially explosive social, political, and economic crisis. But the price for this unabated commitment to the Stalinist model has been a gradual institutional erosion, the growing deterioration of the social fabric, the heightening of economic tensions, and intellectual asphyxiation. The conflict between state and society has been exacerbated by president Nicolae CeauSescu's wilful and increasingly idiosyncratic behaviour.
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Pickel, Andreas. « Is Cuba Different ? Regime Stability, Social Change, and the Problem of Reform Strategy ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no 1 (1 mars 1998) : 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00029-9.
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The survival of socialism in Cuba eight years after the collapse of Communist regimes in Eastern Europe has come as a surprise to many observers. This analysis surveys Cuba's current economic, political and social conditions, discusses regime stability and reform pressures in light of the Eastern European experience, and identifies the major processes and sources of social change. The same factors that account for the survival of the regime—charismatic leadership and the fusion of nationalism and socialism, reinforced by a confrontationist US foreign policy—open a window of opportunity for an approach to fundamental reform that could avoid the costs of both neoliberal radicalism and political immobilism. The analysis concludes by sketching the main elements of such an alternative reform strategy.
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Korolkov, K. A., V. S. Shvyrkov, M. S. Tantsura et T. Yu Samokhvalova. « Islamization of Radicalism : The Genesis and Mechanisms in Europe in the Context of French Republic) ». Общество : политика, экономика, право, no 1 (2021) : 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2021.1.2.
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Nafpliotis, Alexandros. « From radicalism to pragmatism via Europe : PASOK’s stance vis-à-vis the EEC, 1977-1981 ». Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 18, no 4 (17 septembre 2018) : 509–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2018.1519686.
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Gomez, Raul, Laura Morales et Luis Ramiro. « Varieties of Radicalism : Examining the Diversity of Radical Left Parties and Voters in Western Europe ». West European Politics 39, no 2 (7 août 2015) : 351–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2015.1064245.
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Shumilin, Alexander. « SHIITE COMMUNITIES IN EUROPE : MODERATES VS. RADICALS. PART 1 ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 27, no 3 (30 juin 2022) : 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran32022105112.
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The author of the article focuses on a topic that has not been sufficiently studied by experts and analysts – the role of the Shiite factor in the religious and political life of Muslim communities in Europe. This situation is partly due to the small size of the Shia communities and the increased loyalty of most of their members to the authorities of the host country in comparison with the Sunni communities, which are much more numerous and have a longer history of coexistence with the indigenous population on the European continent. As part of the study of the problems of Islamic radicalism and extremism in Europe, the previous issues of the Bulletin examined in detail the structure, system and features of the activities of the cells and organizations of the international association of the Sunni Muslim Brotherhood there. They are almost openly patronized by such states as Turkey and Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt and a number of other Arab states are trying to expose in the eyes of Europeans and limit the influence of «brothers» in the Old World. Behind the Shiite radicals in Europe are, of course, Iran and groups like Hezbollah sponsored by it, as well as international organizations of Shiite Muslims. The author notes the strengthening of radical sentiments in the Shiite communities of European countries. This is due not only to the efforts of Iran’s paramilitary structures, extremist Hezbollah, but also in many respects – paradoxically – the rapprochement between Sunni and Shiite radicals on European territory.
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Nonn, Christoph. « Putting Radicalism to the Test : German Social Democracy and the 1905 Suffrage Demonstrations in Dresden ». International Review of Social History 41, no 2 (août 1996) : 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113860.
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SummaryThroughout the long debate on whether the workers' movement of Imperial Germany was predominantly radical or reformist in nature, little attention has been paid to attitudes at the grass-roots level. It is argued here that during the years of 1905–1906, when all Europe was witnessing turmoil and an intensification of social conflict, the German Social Democratic leadership deliberately put the radicalism of the masses to the test. The Dresden suffrage demonstrations of December 1905 were the first to end in violent clashes between participants and police. However, contrary to what has been written to date on this incident and those similar to it, the great majority of the demonstrators were not militant. But they did exhibit a remarkable readiness to engage in civil disobedience, which the Social Democrats could use to press the party's political aims.
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Ferhat, Ismail. « Did Youth Destabilize Politics ? Western European Social Democracies and Student Movements in «the Long Sixties» ». Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no 1 (1 janvier 2019) : 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.269.
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Student movements during «the Long Sixties» had a profound impact on Western politics and societies. One of the major political families in Western Europe, the social-democratic parties, were particularly affected. A major governmental force in a majority of Western European democracies, their post-war views on education, founded on optimistic and careful prospects (democratization of schools, progressive reforms) were destabilized by student protests and radicalism. How did social democrats react to the strong criticism of the universities, pedagogies and hierarchies in educational institutions that they had helped to build? This article is based on archives, documents and publications from the Socialist International, kept at the International Institute of Social History (Amsterdam), and on documents held by several national archives and libraries. It uses a transnational and interdisciplinary approach, linking political history and educational studies.
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Popov, Maxim. « Authoritarian Liberalism in Contemporary Europe : methodological approaches and conceptual models ». Politics in Central Europe 15, no 3 (1 décembre 2019) : 443–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0024.
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AbstractThe author conducts a comparative analysis of authoritarian liberalism’s concepts in contemporary political theory. The paper deals with the main directions of interpretation of authoritarian liberalism in the framework of methodological approaches and conceptual models of neoliberalism, ordoliberalism, political liberalism, J.-W. Mueller’s ‘restrained democracy’, J. Habermas’ ‘legitimation crisis’, C. Crouch’s ‘post-democracy’, C. Macpherson’s ‘participatory democracy’, M. Wilkinson’s ‘dedemocratisation and delegalisation’, W. Streeck’s ‘democratic capitalism crisis’ and G. Majone’s ‘crypto-federalism’. The basic analytical concept is the idea of authoritarian economic liberalism, first proposed by H. Heller and K. Polanyi. This paper will sub-stantiate that in crisis and transformational periods the actualisation of authoritarian liberalism corresponds to the fundamental tension between market capitalism and representative democracy. The author conceptualises authoritarian liberalism as the practice of dedemocratisation and restrained democracy, which results in the regionalisation of radical protest against the supranational regime of political integration in Europe. Latent political authoritarianism strengthens economic liberalism, which, in turn, reinforces the further EU’s ‘liberal authoritarian transformation’. Authoritarian liberalism restricts traditional forms of representative democracy, contributing to the reanimation of populism and political radicalism. The authoritarian restriction of representative democracy can lead not only to the strengthening of market capitalism, but also to the revival of reactionary forms of ‘new nationalism’ and illiberalism. Today, the EU’s regime is transformed from a nominally rule-based structure supported by market discipline into a ‘discretionary order’ reinforced by bureaucratic power. The EU’s transnational solidarity can become a democratically legitimate tool for a de-escalation of tensions between market capitalism and representative democracy.
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Corradi, Edoardo. « Violent Extremism in the Western Balkans : Re-Shaping the Islamist Terrorist Phenomenon in South-Eastern Europe ». Polish Political Science Review 8, no 1 (1 juin 2020) : 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2020-0002.
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AbstractThis paper aims to shed new light on the phenomenon of Islamist violent extremism across the Western Balkans. This phenomenon has recently drawn worldwide attention due to the risk that the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) has raised as an international actor. The main theoretical argument is that the main driver of foreign fighters aligns with the Roy theory about the “Islamization of radicalism”. So far, academic literature on Islamist terrorism has often considered the Western Balkan region as the one with the highest percentage of foreign fighters. Notwithstanding this being correct, such analysis seems superficial, since it misrepresents the image of the region itself. In this paper, the countries taken into account are those with a high percentage of Muslim population (e.g. Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo) and with a large Muslim autochthonous minority group (e.g. the Republic of North Macedonia). The comparison of the estimates of foreign fighters in Syria from the Western Balkans with data from several sources led us to understand the existence of a precise narrative towards the region and the Islamist religion.
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Brunello, Anthony R. « The Tragic Fall of Better Angels : Nationalism, Neoliberalism, and the Failure of Responsibility in American Conservativism ». World Affairs 184, no 1 (mars 2021) : 8–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820021989682.
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American political conservatism is distinct from its counterparts in Europe and elsewhere in the world. American conservatives have long staked their claims on devotion to limited government and free-markets, but also on an image of responsibility. Conservatives posed as the “adult in the room,” admonishing the young, the anti-war types, social progressives, ultra-liberals, environmentalists, and socialists for their radicalism and immaturity. Conservatives defended tradition, rules, hierarchy, and social conventions. Today the roles are switching. Conservatives have morphed into a new political space, while many of their more progressive opponents call for rule of law and American institutions of democracy. Conservatives find themselves the problem rather than the solution, displaying a shortsighted and toxic immaturity destructive of democratic institutions. This article explores the transformation with a focus on developments occurring in the 21st century—in America and around the world.
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Tate, Adam L. « American Catholics, the Revolutions of 1848, and the Politics of the early 1850s ». Catholic Social Science Review 27 (2022) : 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20222720.
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American Catholics during the 1850s expressed deep concerns about the legacy of the 1848 revolutions in Europe, fearing that radicalism was spreading to the United States and would harm both the Church and the state. This paper explores the reception of Fr. Antonio Bresciani’s novel The Jew of Verona (translated and published in 1853) in the diocesan newspapers of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania and Charleston, South Carolina. Both papers reacted to the book in a similar fashion and used it as a lens to understand domestic politics. Bresciani’s themes of international conspiracy and the dangers of secret societies resonated with Catholics in both dioceses and led some to propose a Catholic conservative alliance to prevent the spread of radical revolution. Fears of revolution, then, drove the American Catholic responses in these dioceses even as sectional concerns ripped the nation apart.
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Dolgoshein, P. S. « Improving the Regulatory Framework for Countering Extremism in the European Union (Case Study of Finland) ». Moscow Journal of International Law, no 1 (31 mars 2021) : 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2021-1-89-102.
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INTRODUCTION. The article, using the example of the Republic of Finland, analyzes the activities of the European Union (hereinafter referred to as the EU) to improve the legal regulation of countering extremism. The influence of the EU on the tackling against extremism and radicalism in the Republic of Finland is examined. The role of the EU in countering global threats, the position of Finland in relation to international co- operation in countering extremism and radicalism is assessed. The methods used in Finland to counter violent extremism are being studied.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The article examines the conceptual documents of the UN, EU and Finland; Report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, an action plan to prevent violent extremism, Commission Staff Working Paper; Comprehensive assessment of the EU security policy; Message from the Commission to the European Parliament, European Council Ninth report on progress towards an effective and genuine Security Union; Finland's response to OHCHR's request for information on how the protection and promotion of human rights contribute to preventing and combating violent extremism; Finland's Chairmanship Program for the Sustainable Europe Sustainable Future program; Decision of the Commission on the creation of the Expert Group of the HighLevel Commission on Radicalization, Report of the Council of Europe Committee on Counter-Terrorism, Anti-Terrorism Profiles Finland, Report of the Government of Finland on human rights for 2014; decisions of the Expert Group of the High-Level Commission on Radicalization; Human Rights Council materials.RESEARCH RESULTS. The author puts forward the thesis that the measures used to counter violent extremism depend on the needs of Member States and require the development of various approaches, depending on specific circumstances. In the addition, there is a common interest in EU member states in further expanding the exchange of experience and close cooperation between various national actors at the pan-European and international levels to counter extremism and radicalism. These measures require the development of new regulatory measures, including international ones. The author believes it is possible and interesting, using the example of the Republic of Finland, to study the level of interaction and cooperation between the Member States and the European Union in the field of im- proving the legal regulation of countering extremism, as well as the measures used in Finland to prevent and combat violent extremism.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. In EU Member States, the European Union plays a key role in shaping international cooperation, which includes strengthening the existing governance system and, when necessary, reforming the existing system for preventing and countering violent extremism, subject to the fundamental principles of the United Nations. The Republic of Finland fully supports the efforts of the international community to prevent and counter extremism, through the development of international anti-extremism instruments to help states collectively combat this threat. The educational system of Finland can successfully form the fundamental foundations for countering violent extremism.
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Ishay, Micheline. « Human rights amidst despair in the Levant and the West ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 46, no 5 (19 février 2020) : 613–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720905329.
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In 2019, protests in the streets of Algeria and Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq brought back the fragrance of the Jasmine revolution. Can the pendulum swing back towards democracy and human rights in the Middle East and North Africa region – and in Europe? What will it take to endure? I argue three points. First, I maintain that the human rights aspirations of the Arab Spring rippled across the West in 2011 as disenfranchised groups reacted to increasing social and economic grievances. Second, I contend that the failure to counter these problems has fed a vicious cycle of religious radicalism and right-wing nationalism. Third, I argue that despite widespread Western exhaustion and an inclination to disengage from turmoil in the Middle East, current circumstances make possible new international human rights initiatives, drawn from history, to advance civil liberties, economic progress, security and gender equality in the Middle East, the West and beyond.
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Starodubrovskaya, Irina V. « The Two-Faced Janus of Radicalization. Heretical Thoughts. Based on the Work of Dr. Arne Seifert ». Oriental Courier, no 3-4 (2021) : 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310018025-5.
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The paper continues discussion with the ideas expressed in Dr. Arne Seifert’s work “Civil Opposition to Religious Radicalism in Central Asia” (2020) which has started in the previous issue of the journal. The author doubts that expansion of Islamic fundamentalistic views means the inspiration to go back to the norms of the Middle Ages. Instead, this process is treated as a conflicting unity of archaization and modernization similar in its essence with the Protestant Reformation in Europe. The author’s proposals how to confront radicalization are based on the concepts described in the article. The main ideas are to involve Muslims in civil society activities preventing both their isolation and their involvement in violent practices, to intensify their contacts with secular civil society groups and movements, to expand their opportunities to accept modernity on their own terms. The author illustrates the productivity of such approaches using examples from the civil society activities in the North Caucasus including those projects where the author herself was involved.