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1
Brewitt-Taylor, Samuel. « 'Christian radicalism' in the Church of England, 1957-1970 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1a19573-6e94-46d7-92d7-d27e8f9f3458.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is the first study of 'Christian radicalism' in the Church of England between 1957 and 1970. Radicalism grew in influence from the late 1950s, and burst into the national conversation with John Robinson’s 1963 bestseller, Honest to God. Emboldened by this success, between 1963 and 1965 radical leaders hoped they might fundamentally reform the Church of England, even though they were aware of the diversity of their supporting constituency. Yet by 1970, following a controversial turn towards social justice issues in the late 1960s, the movement had largely reached the point of disintegration. The thesis offers five central arguments. First, radicalism was fundamentally driven by a narrative of epochal transition, which understood British society in the late 1950s and early 1960s to be undergoing a seismic upheaval, comparable to the transition between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Secondly, this led radicals to exaggerate many of the social changes occurring in the period, and to imagine the emergence of a new social order. Radicals interpreted affluence as an era of unlimited technology, limited church decline as the arrival of a profoundly secular age, and limited sexual shifts as evidence of a sexual revolution. They effectively created the idea of the ‘secular society’, which became widely accepted once it was adopted by the Anglican hierarchy. Third, radical treatment of these themes was part of a tradition that went back to the 1940s; radicals anticipated many of the themes of the secular culture of the 1960s, not the other way round. Fourth, far from slavishly adopting secular intellectual frameworks, radical arguments were often framed using theological concepts, such as Christian eschatology. Finally, for all these reasons, Christian radicals made an original and influential contribution to the elite re-imagination of British society which occurred in the 1960s.
2
Smith, Janet. « The feminism and political radicalism of Helen Taylor in Victorian Britain and Ireland ». Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2014. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/692/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis offers an examination of the feminism and political radicalism of Helen Taylor. Despite the growth of interest in the political and social campaigns of nineteenth century women, Helen Taylor has remained a marginal figure of historical enquiry, referenced mainly in terms of her relationships with her contemporary English feminists and step-father, John Stuart Mill. Divisions in the women’s suffrage movement have been blamed on her difficult personality with no examination that it was her socialist anti-imperial feminism which was at the heart of the antagonism. Her important contribution to Victorian social and political life has been largely ignored. The study will examine the significance of her work across a wide range of political and social organisations from 1876 onwards; namely the London School Board, the Irish question, land reform, the Social Democratic Federation, her attempt to become the first woman MP and her membership of the Moral Reform Union. This work will illustrate how the political ideology of her feminist mother Harriet Taylor and her step-father John Stuart Mill remained at the heart of Helen’s political throughout her public life. It will further consider how the organisations she joined were gendered and how she attempted to negotiate and contest this. It will ask why she was able to successfully resist the middle class ideal of separate spheres for men and women. Finally it offers further evidence to challenge the claim made by some historians that all British Victorian feminists were imperialist in nature.
3
Pisoiu, Daniela I. « Location - Europe, occupation - Mujahedeen : choosing the radical Islamist career track ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1960.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis conceptualises Islamist radicalisation in Europe as a process of occupational choice. It follows the approach to individual radicalisation as incremental development (process) with the consideration of multi-level factors and dynamics. The analysis leading to this multi-phase process is grounded in data, comparative and comprehensive since it adopts a perspective of individual life-stories. It conceptualises radicalisation phases and the whole process not as something specific but as a concrete variation of a more general process. It further accounts for gradual change in time instead of sudden and radical points of change from ‘normality’ to radicalism, at the same time clearly defining the phases of involvement and the main categories and conditions impacting on the Islamist occupational choice. The theoretical framework integrates rational choice and framing theory elements within a general approach to the phenomenon of interest as social process. The methodology used is grounded theory and the data sources are in the majority primary data from fieldwork in Austria, France and Germany, along with secondary data and literature as directed by theoretical sampling. The structure of the thesis develops as follows: a discussion and clarification of the radicalism and ‘radicalisation’ concepts; a review and critique of the main contributions in the literature on Islamist radicalisation in Europe; the outline, rationale and application of the methodology; the emergence and dynamics of the Islamist radical occupational choice process; the analysis of occupational choice categories; and the emergence and impact of interpretative frameworks in shaping occupational choice categories.
4
Kapp, Heinz. « Revolutionäre jüdischer Herkunft in Europa 1848/49 / ». Konstanz : Hartung-Gorre, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40988054j.
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5
Grande, James. « William Cobbett's correspondence, 1800-1835 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cf3bea5b-be1e-4a1b-a724-2e8fc789217c.
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The vast majority of William Cobbett’s personal letters have never been published. This thesis examines these manuscripts alongside the ‘open letter’ form that dominated his published writings, using correspondence to illuminate the hybrid and highly idiosyncratic form of Cobbett’s radicalism. It shows how he responded to continued persecution from the government through a series of innovative epistolary strategies, creating a popular journalism that incorporated many of the tropes usually associated with letter writing, including familiarity, authenticity, the spontaneity of speech and the domestic scene of reception. These became inseparable from the idealized presentation of Cobbett’s own radical and agrarian domestic life, and this thesis represents the first critical study to address the significance of Cobbett’s family in the physical production and imaginative world of his writings, drawing on many of the letters written by his seven children. Individual chapters concentrate on a series of episodes in Cobbett’s post-1800 career, including his friendship with William Windham, imprisonment in Newgate, exile in America, support for Queen Caroline and writings on the Captain Swing uprising. During these years, Cobbett’s correspondence helped to establish the modern newspaper leading article as an open letter to readers, although Cobbett’s are stamped with his own personal authority. However, while correspondence invested Cobbett’s journalism with a sense of situatedness unmatched in radical writing of the period, it also highlights some of the tensions within his political and pedagogical practice. By the 1820s, Cobbett’s correspondence bristles with the contradictions of wanting to recognize the individuality and difference of his readers’ lives, and at the same time pull them within the orbit of a very paternal political vision.
6
Lourenço, Pedro Miguel Cardoso. « Cold pragmatism, warm radicalism : ideological differences between radical left parties from Nordic and Southern European countries ». Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/22877.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaThe 2008 economic crisis brought an increasing support for some Western European radical left parties (RLPs) and renewed academic attention to this party family. Still, there is a lack of empirical knowledge on the ideological differences among RLPs – particularly across countries and regions. The present work conducts for the first time a systematic and direct cross-regional comparison of the ideological differences between RLPs from two different European regions (Nordic and Southern European countries). Manifesto and expert survey data are used for measuring and comparing party positions along several ideological dimensions and to evaluate to what extent a region-based ideological classification of RLPs finds empirical support. The results show that while some important ideological differences are found between Nordic and Southern European RLPs, these do not appear to be significant enough to classify them into two distinct ideological subgroups. Moreover, the results also suggest that, to compare the ideological differences between RLPs, we need more precise empirical instruments adapted to the study of its most characteristic ideological traits.
A crise económica de 2008 trouxe um crescente apoio a alguns partidos da esquerda radical (PER) da Europa Ocidental e uma renovada atenção académica a esta família partidária. Contudo, existe ainda uma falta de conhecimento empírico sobre as diferenças ideológicas entre os PER – particularmente entre países e regiões. O presente trabalho conduz pela primeira vez uma comparação sistemática e direta das diferenças ideológicas entre PER de duas diferentes regiões europeias (os países nórdicos e do Sul da Europa). Dados de manifestos eleitorais e inquéritos a especialistas são usados para medir e comparar as posições dos partidos em várias dimensões ideológicas e avaliar até que ponto uma classificação ideológica regional de PER encontra suporte empírico. Os resultados mostram que, embora sejam encontradas algumas diferenças ideológicas importantes entre os PER nórdicos e do Sul da Europa, estas não parecem ser suficientemente significativas para os classificar em dois subgrupos ideológicos distintos. Além disso, os resultados sugerem também que, para comparar as diferenças ideológicas entre PER, são necessários instrumentos empíricos mais precisos e adaptados ao estudo dos seus traços ideológicos mais característicos.
7
Bordin, João Gabriel Vieira. « Três décadas da nova direita radical na Europa Ocidental ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2016. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/167921.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2016.Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T04:35:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 339022.pdf: 1128039 bytes, checksum: 606806545bd74fda819b6c27055b966d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016
A presente dissertação faz uma revisão da literatura a propósito de uma nova família de partidos surgida na Europa Ocidental a partir da década de 1980 a qual tem sido chamada de extrema direita ou direita radical. Além de analisar alguns dos principais partidos dessa família em seus respectivos contextos nacionais, essa revisão identificou duas problemáticas chaves em torno das quais giram a maior parte das pesquisas nesse campo: 1) definição e classificação desses partidos; 2) explicação para seu aparecimento e evolução desigual. Elas foram então usadas para organizar a exposição do assunto. Ao longo do texto discuto os principais conceitos, definições, teorias, hipóteses e fatores relacionados com o fenômeno da nova direita radical na Europa Ocidental. Um estudo dessa natureza, isto é, uma revisão bibliográfica de um campo de pesquisa já bastante consolidado e desenvolvido, justifica-se pelo fato de essa literatura não ter sido introduzida até hoje entre a comunidade acadêmica brasileira. Nesse sentido, espera-se que esta dissertação propicie ao público brasileiro um primeiro contato sistemático com o tema da nova direita radical na Europa Ocidental.
Abstract : This master's thesis reviews the literature concerning a new family of parties that emerged in Western Europe from the 1980s and that hasbeen called extreme right or radical right. In addition to analyzing someof the main parties of that family in their respective national contexts, this review identified two key issues around which revolve most of the research in this field: 1) definition and classification of these parties; 2) explanation for its appearance and uneven development. They were the nused to organize the exposition of the subject. Throughout the text I discuss the key concepts, definitions, theories, hypotheses, and factors related to the phenomenon of the new radical right in Western Europe.A study of this nature, i.e., a literature review of a research field already quite consolidated and developed, is justified by the fact that this literature has not been introduced to date between the Brazilian academic community. In this sense, it is expected that this dissertation gives to the Brazilian public a first systematic contact with the subject of the new radical right in Western Europe.
8
Bordin, João Gabriel Vieira. « Três décadas da nova direita radical na Europa Ocidental ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2016. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/162844.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia PolÃtica, Florianópolis, 2016.Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-24T17:56:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 339022.pdf: 1128039 bytes, checksum: 606806545bd74fda819b6c27055b966d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016
A presente dissertação faz uma revisão da literatura a propósito de uma nova famÃlia de partidos surgida na Europa Ocidental a partir da década de 1980 a qual tem sido chamada de extrema direita ou direita radical. Além de analisar alguns dos principais partidos dessa famÃlia em seus respectivos contextos nacionais, essa revisão identificou duas problemáticas chaves em torno das quais giram a maior parte das pesquisas nesse campo: 1) definição e classificação desses partidos; 2) explicação para seu aparecimento e evolução desigual. Elas foram então usadas para organizar a exposição do assunto. Ao longo do texto discuto os principais conceitos, definições, teorias, hipóteses e fatores relacionados com o fenômeno da nova direita radical na Europa Ocidental. Um estudo dessa natureza, isto é, uma revisão bibliográfica de um campo de pesquisa já bastante consolidado e desenvolvido, justifica-se pelo fato de essa literatura não ter sido introduzida até hoje entre a comunidade acadêmica brasileira. Nesse sentido, espera-se que esta dissertação propicie ao público brasileiro um primeiro contato sistemático com o tema da nova direita radical na Europa Ocidental.
Abstract : This master's thesis reviews the literature concerning a new family of parties that emerged in Western Europe from the 1980s and that hasbeen called extreme right or radical right. In addition to analyzing someof the main parties of that family in their respective national contexts, this review identified two key issues around which revolve most of the research in this field: 1) definition and classification of these parties; 2) explanation for its appearance and uneven development. They were the nused to organize the exposition of the subject. Throughout the text I discuss the key concepts, definitions, theories, hypotheses, and factors related to the phenomenon of the new radical right in Western Europe.A study of this nature, i.e., a literature review of a research field already quite consolidated and developed, is justified by the fact that this literature has not been introduced to date between the Brazilian academic community. In this sense, it is expected that this dissertation gives to the Brazilian public a first systematic contact with the subject of the new radical right in Western Europe.
9
Hintz, Eileen Robin. « Reform, Radicalism, and Royalty : Public Image and Political Influence of Princess Charlotte and Queen Adelaide ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626412.
Texte intégral
10
Reed, Jordan Lewis. « American Jacobins revolutionary radicalism in the Civil War era / ». Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/23/.
Texte intégral
11
Dengate, Jacob. « Lighting the torch of liberty : the French Revolution and Chartist political culture, 1838-1852 ». Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/eee3b4b8-ba1e-48bd-848e-26391b96af26.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.
12
Sandu, Traian. « " Mutations géopolitiques et radicalité politique en Roumanie dans le contexte centre-européen au XXe siècle " ». Habilitation à diriger des recherches, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00690048.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les petites puissances centre-européennes (re)naissent au lendemain de la Première Guerre mondiale sur la base d'un discours nationaliste quarante-huitard de liberté des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes, mais avec un personnel politique marqué par le nationalisme conservateur et affairiste de la Realpolitik bismarckienne et un monde intellectuel déjà sensible à un mix idéologique modernisateur fait de mobilisation nationaliste, d'ingénierie sociale hygiéniste et de préférence ethnique agressive. Dès lors, ces pays apparaissent bien davantage que de simples objets, victimes des deux totalitarismes qui encadrent géographiquement leur espace et chronologiquement leur destin durant le " siècle des extrêmes ". À ce titre, la Roumanie est emblématique, ayant massivement généré entre les deux guerres mondiales le personnel politique autochtone d'un extrémisme de droite avec une forte composante fasciste capable de s'intégrer aux projets impérialistes et génocidaires nazis. Puis, après une phase de stalinisme imposé, elle a élaboré un modèle de national-communisme mêlant volontarisme productiviste stalinien, ultranationalisme mobilisateur recyclant les anciens idéologues fascistes opportunément sortis des prisons, immixtion étatique jusque dans la vie la plus intime de la société et modèle diplomatique hétérodoxe sachant séduire les partenaires occidentaux. Enfin, après 1989, la démocratisation et la transition dans un contexte socioéconomique difficile ont favorisé la continuité d'un populisme aux formes multiples, y compris avec des références explicites au fascisme et au national-communisme - avec reprise du personnel parfois -, malgré l'adoption des institutions et des règles nécessaires aux intégrations de structures euro-atlantiques fort peu regardantes.
13
Mayer, Tamara M. « Islam in America why U.S. Muslims are less likely to radicalize than their European counterparts ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FMayer.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M. A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas ; Shore, Zachary. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Islam, Muslim, radicalization, Germany, France, United Kingdom, terrorist, home-grown, immigration, integration. Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-85). Also available in print.
14
Joly, Anne. « Les gauches radicales est- et ouest-allemandes à l'épreuve de la nation réunifiée ». Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17344.
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1990 wurden linksradikale Akteure aus West- und Ostdeutschland Teil des gleichen Staates und somit gleichsam Teil eines selben Ganzen: der deutschen radikalen Linken. Die große Vielfalt der ideologischen Strömungen in einer höchst heterogenen Szene wie der radikalen Linken machte die Entstehung einer gemeinsamen kollektiven Identität ohnehin schwierig. Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht herauszufinden, wie Akteure aus Ost und West, die sich selbst als „linksradikal“ bezeichneten, im Laufe der 1990er Jahre versucht haben, sich in der neuen, de facto gemeinsamen politischen Szene selbst und gegenseitig zu verorten. Wie wurden die neuen Verhältnisse nach dem Zusammenbruch des Realsozialismus und somit dem Wegfall vieler Bezugsrahmen und Paradigmen des Kalten Krieges neu definiert? Wie sah die deutsche radikale Linke ihre Rolle in diesem neuen Kontext? Gab es spezifische ost- bzw. westdeutsche Antworten auf die neue Situation? Nicht zuletzt wird gefragt, ob ost- und westdeutsche Akteure gemeinsame Kampfinhalte entwickeln konnten. Die Nationsfrage wird in der vorliegenden Studie unter zwei Aspekten verhandelt: Erstens als Erfahrungsgeschichte einer sich neu zu bildenden „deutsch-deutschen Linken“ in Ost und West nach 1990. Zweitens ist es eine Geschichte der expliziten Auseinandersetzung mit den neuen Themen „deutsche Nation“ und „deutsche Geschichte“, wie sie vor allem von Seiten der antideutschen bzw. antinationalen Linken diskutiert wurden. Diese Auseinandersetzung hatte sowohl Auswirkungen auf das linksradikale Selbstverständnis der berücksichtigten Szene als auch auf den Verlauf der Neuvereinigung der ost- und westdeutschen Komponenten dieser Szene.In 1990, East and West German actors who viewed themselves as members of the “radical left” suddenly became part of the same collective: the German radical left. Yet the contexts in which these actors had been politicized and socialized had been quite distinct prior to the fall of the Wall. The purpose of this study is to examine the modalities by which these actors – East and West – were unified in the course of the 1990’s. On what bases did they – in an environment which remained highly heterogeneous – define the shared reality which is a precondition of any rapprochement? What was the influence of the legacy of the East German leftist opposition’s political experience in the GDR? The position known as antideutsch or antinational particularly attracted our attention. It developed among the West German left in the wake of reunification. It also contributed considerably to redefining the structure of the scene in the East and the West in the second half of the 1990’s. The dissertation throws light on German political culture following reunification, on the one hand, and on the disorientation of the German left after the collapse of Real socialism, on the other. Furthermore, it introduces the East German dimension, which is often neglected by research, in the history of the Western European left.
15
Hammerstein, Ralf P. « Deliberalization in Jordan the roles of Islamists and U.S.-EU assistance in stalled democratization ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FHammerstein.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Springborg, Robert ; Hafez, Mohammed. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Islamism in Jordan, Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, political opportunities, strategic choice, ideological and organizational responsiveness, political inclusion, moderation of radical agendas, special relationship between the Jordanian regime and the Muslim Brotherhood, United States and European Union assistance to Jordan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-138). Also available in print.
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Doria, Alessandra. « « Un oggetto considerabile di mondana politica » : Celibato del clero e critica illuminista in Europa nel XVIII secolo ». Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM3014/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
L'obligation de célibat imposée aux ecclésiastiques catholiques fait l'objet de discussions depuis le début de l'église chrétienne, mais au cours du XVIIIe siècle, elle est de plus en plus considéré d'un point de vue politique plutôt que théologique. Le but de cette thèse est de reconstruire la naissance, le développement et la diffusion en Europe de la nouvelle perspective - laïque et séculière - d'envisager l'interdiction au clergé de se marier, née de la «crise de la conscience européenne" et sous l'impulsion des Lumières radicales. Grâce à l'analyse et l'étude de la littérature philosophique et politique européenne, cette thèse reconstruit le débat sur le célibat ecclésiastique dès la fin du XVIIe siècle et jusqu'à la Révolution française, lorsque la laïcisation du mariage permit aux ecclésiastiques, hommes et femmes, de se marier. Cette approche a permis de rendre compte de la complexité d'une question qui sous-tend le problème des rapports entre l'état et l'église, et de l'articulation des différentes positions critiques et orientations idéologiques : de la critique des Lumières radicales à la critique modérée, de l'approche d'observateurs ecclésiastiques intérieurs - clercs et experts en droit canon - qui proposent des prudentes réformes du célibat, à la fermeture complète des conservateurs. Les accusations portées par les révolutionnaires à la chasteté et au célibat, la question de «mariage des prêtres» et la plupart des critiques qui recouvrent encore le célibat ecclésiastique ont leurs racines dans le débat du XVIIIe siècle et dans l'émancipation du regard critique avec lequel les Lumières radicales ont prirent à considérer l'église et ses règlesMandatory clerical celibacy for all clergy within catholic countries has been discussed since the beginning of the Christian church. During the eighteenth century, it was increasingly taken into consideration from a political rather than strictly theological point of view. The purpose of this thesis is to reconstruct the creation, development and dissemination in Europe of a new way - secular and lay – of considering the obligation of the clergy to be unmarried that arose from the "crisis of the European conscience" and developed thanks to radical Enlightenment.Through the analysis and study of philosophical and political literature, this thesis reconstructs the debate on clerical celibacy which arose within the European Republic of Letters from the late seventeenth century up until the French Revolution, when the secularization of marriage allowed secular and regular clergy, women and men to get married. This approach has made it possible to account for the complexity of a debate that underlies the problem of the relationship between church and state and the articulation of the different ideological positions: from radical to moderate criticism; from the approach of observers inside the church – clerics or experts in canon law - who proposed cautious reforms to the complete refusal of the conservatives.The accusations levelled against chastity and celibacy by revolutionaries, the issue concerning "married priests" and many criticisms that still invest ecclesiastical celibacy have their roots in the eighteenth-century debate and the secular emancipation of the critical perspective from which radical Enlightenment started to consider the church and its rules
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Garrant, Edward C. « A European solution to Islamic extremism in Western Europe ». 2006. http://doclib.jfsc.ndu.edu/2006Garrant.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2006."14 April 2006." Electronic version of original print document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-77).
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DE, LA CALLE ROBLES Luis. « Accounting for nationalist violence in affluent countries ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13285.
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Awarded the Juan J. Linz prize for 2009-2010 by the Political and Constitutional Studies Centre in Spain.Defence Date: 3 December 2009
Examining Board: Prof. Michael Keating, Supervisor, EUI; Prof. Stathis Kalyvas, External Supervisor, Yale University; Prof. Donatella Della Porta, EUI; Prof. Juan Díez Medrano, Universidad de Barcelona
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis seeks to explain the determinants of resilient nationalist violence in Western Europe since World War II. Despite being one of the most affluent regions in the world, several episodes of nationalist violence arose from the late 1960s all over the continent. Faced with very strong states, these armed movements recurred to terrorist techniques of warfare to mobilize supporters and extract concessions from the goverment. However, some of the nationalist armed organizations succedded in building support and becoming resilient whereas many others failed and disappeared very quickly. In order to explain this variation, I contend that classical 'grievances' arguments must be complemented with 'mobilization' accounts of nationalist violence. Thus, the success of a terrorist nationalist organization in surviving does not only depend on the sources of grievance it can trigger in its fight against the state, but also on its capacity to create a large constituency of support that guarantees the steady flow of recruits, funds and legitimacy. In addition to grievances and 'mobilizational' incentives, this thesis also looks at the specific link between the political elites at the centre of the state and those holding offices at the regional level. If the dominant state-wide political forces also command the largest plurality of votes at the regional level, then state actors will have strong incentives to deal quickly with any nationalist challenge from the region under dispute. Regional politicians whose electoral fortunes depend on state-wide parties prefer reacting with some level of concessions if they expect the increase of nationalist mobilization in the absence of a positive state reaction. On the other hand, if regional politicians have autonomous sources of power - i.e., they do not run on state-wide party lists- state political actors will have more trouble in dealing with nationalist violence, since they must rely on the regional actors to assess the real demand for concessions. Whenever regional politicians are averse to change -because they anticipate that potential concessions will be paid by them-, they will advise state makers to repress nationalists. And if armed nationalists have potential to build their own constituency, state repression will contribute to that end. This combination of institutional 'unresponsiveness' and 'mobilizational' incentives can account for the existence of resilient armed nationalist organizations in Western Europe. I test this argument in two steps. First, I analyze a dataset with 30 observations of nationalist-prone European regions. The aim is to check whether the main argument fares empirically well in comparison to more standard explanations of nationalist violence. Second, I run three paired-wise comparisons to track in-depth the process of consolidation of nationalist violence. I compare the Basque Country, Corsica and Northern Ireland with Catalonia, Sardinia and Wales respectively. The main argument of the thesis works reasonably well to account for the observed variation, and it has also some implications for the potential emergence of armed nationalist movements in developing countries.
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PARDOS-PRADO, Sergi. « Beyond Radical Right : Attitudes towards immigration and voting behaviour in Europe ». Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14713.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defense date: 27/09/2010Examining Board: Mark Franklin (EUI) (Supervisor), Peter Mair (EUI), José Ramón Montero (University of Madrid), Stephen Fisher (Trinity College, Oxford)
Received the Special Mention of the Juan J. Linz prize for 2009-2010 by the Political and Constitutional Studies Centre in Spain.
The issue of immigration has thus far been conceptualised almost exclusively as a catalyst for radical forms of behaviour. Scholars of political behaviour have focused on the exceptional character of the radical voter, the pivotal role played by radical right parties in explaining the strategies of mainstream parties, and the prevalence of negative attitudes. The aim of this study is to transcend the analysis of a minority of the political spectrum, present only in a limited number of political systems, and instead to comparatively observe the impact of attitudes towards immigration on mainstream electoral competition in Europe on the basis of individual, party and system levels of variation. The thesis has three main findings. First, the issue of immigration has strong potential to affect mainstream voting in contemporary European political systems. Contrary to what is usually implied by the literature on the radical right, attitudes towards immigration have a stronger tendency to generate centripetal rather than centrifugal electoral dynamics. Second, the immigration issue can reshape the morphology of established party systems through two distinct mechanisms of electoral change. The first mechanism is through the mobilisation of existing party supporters, which takes place through voters' calculations of electoral utility in a refined attitudinal continuum, taking into account voters' own positions and those of the parties. Thus, from a spatial voting perspective, the immigration issue can only mobilise parties' core supporters, but cannot easily generate vote transfers between parties. The second mechanism operates in reverse, through acquiring non-identified voters through valence mechanisms of voting. Changes in established electoral boundaries can only take place through voters who are not currently attached to a party, and who are able to link their concern about immigration to parties' competence in dealing with the issue. Finally, the third main finding of the thesis is that not all attitudinal constructs have a behavioural effect. Coherent perceptions constrained by previous left-right individual political predispositions are more likely to have an influence. These perceptions tend to focus on immigrant's adaptability to and compatibility with the host country. By contrast, perceptions framed in terms of superiority or inferiority of immigration vis-à-vis the host society are less likely to be translated into electoral outcomes.
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Snegovaya, Maria. « Ex-Communist Party Choices and the Electoral Success of the Radical Right in Central and Eastern Europe ». Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8NP3N8D.
Texte intégralRésumé :
What explains the proletarization (the increasing embrace by the blue-collar constituencies) of the radical right vote in the countries of post-Communist Europe? I argue that the centrist shift of the ex-Communist left parties along the economic policy dimension drives the electoral success of radical right parties in the region. I show that the programmatic shift of the ex-Communist left parties (as instrumented by the implementation of austerity reforms) opened up their traditional blue-collar constituencies to the redistributive appeals of the radical right parties. I test my argument using several different approaches. First, I examine the relationship between the support for the radical right parties and the ex-Communist left parties’ policy positions using a quantitative cross-country analysis. Second, I provide an overview of the experiences of the four Visegrád Group countries and trace the blue-collar constituencies’ shift away from the ex-Communist left parties to the populist and radical right parties over time, as the left parties became more economically centrist. I then test my argument using constituency-level and individual-level experimental survey data within Hungary. Both methods help establish that the centrist shift of the ex-Communist left parties along the economic policy dimension boosted support for the radical right party. My argument contributes to our understanding of the dynamics of political systems and the rise of the radical right parties in Europe.
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CAPOCCIA, Giovanni. « Defending Democracy : reactions to extremist parties in interwar European democracies ». Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5214.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 9 December 2000Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI), supervisor ; Prof. Klaus von Beyme (Karls-Ruprechts Universität Heidelberg) ; Prof. Peter Mair (Leiden Universiteit) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
How does a democracy deal with threats to its stability and continued existence when those threats come from political parties that play the democratic game? In Defending Democracy, political scientist Giovanni Capoccia studies key European nations between World Wars I and II which survived such democratic crises. A comprehensive and thoughtful historical analysis of the democracies of interwar Europe, Defending Democracy provides a unique perspective on the many lessons to be learned from their successes and failures. With this exclusively empirical investigative approach, Capoccia develops a methodology for analyzing contemporary democracies -- such as Algeria, Turkey, Israel, and others -- where similar political conditions are present. Given the rise of terrorism and the persistence of extremism in both established and new democracies today, continued research and dialogue on the defense of democracy are necessary for its preservation.
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Alves, Josias Manué da Silva. « Combate ao extremismo na Europa ». Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10284/7627.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A presente dissertação, intitulada “Combate ao extremismo na Europa” visa elucidar para um tema que tem suscitado grandes discussões, ou seja, será o terrorismo e o extremismo a ele associado um dos grandes motivos para a aparente crise de valores e unidade da Europa?
Também se procura averiguar a génese e evolução do fenómeno extremista, ao longo dos tempos, e a(s) melhor(es) forma(s) de o combater. Visa também analisar a importância dos meios de comunicação social na disseminação e contextualização dos diversos grupos extremistas e o grau de aproveitamento que estes fazem das notícias que vão sendo maciçamente veiculadas.
Por fim, analisam-se as formas como estas ocorrências poderão ser contidas e quais os métodos que melhor poderão combater o avanço dos diversos extremismos na Europa, procurando desenvolver e aplicar o modelo S.O.VA, como método auxiliar de prevenção deste tipo de ameaças.This dissertation, entitled Combating extremism in Europe aims to elucidate a topic that has sparked major discussions, ie is terrorism and extremism associated with it one of the great reasons for Europe's apparent crisis of values and unity? It also seeks to ascertain the genesis and evolution of the extremist phenomenon, over time, and the best way (s) to combat it. It also seeks to ascertain the importance of the media, in the dissemination and contextualization of the various extremist groups, and the degree of use they make of the news that is being disseminated massively. Finally, we analyze the ways in which these occurrences can be contained and which methods can best counter the progress of the various extremisms in Europe, trying to develop and apply the S.O.VA model as an auxiliary method to prevent this type of threat.
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Wauck, Martin Peter. « Religion, reason, responsibility : James Martineau and the transformation of theological radicalism in Victorian Britain, 1830--1900 ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/20666.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation is a study of the shifting presence of religious groups in nineteenth-century British public life. It concentrates on Unitarians, a denomination little studied by historians but who were one of the key groups enfranchised in the period around 1830, and examines how religious leaders made sense of both increasing political opportunities and increasing religious sectarianism. Its focus is James Martineau and the generation of denominational leaders who came of age after 1830 and their use of Romanticism to transform the traditional Nonconformist principle of religious liberty into a call for free theological inquiry. Making use of letters, diaries, newspapers, pamphlets and magazine articles, this dissertation shows how Martineau and his allies moved beyond the theological legacy of Joseph Priestley, transformed congregational life, reformed the denomination and reached out to other religious liberals in mid-Victorian Britain. They were among the first religious thinkers to endorse developmental science and German Biblical scholarship. In sharp contrast to many evangelical Nonconformists who radicalized religious liberty into a campaign for the abolition of Established Churches, Martineau and his followers hoped that the government would guarantee free theological inquiry. Martineau hoped to reform the Church of England into a non-dogmatic national religious community, but the growth of agnostic science and the Liberal embrace of popular politics undermined Martineau's vision. Although Martineau's career ended in failure, the demise of a vision of public life grounded in Nonconformist principles underscores the paradoxically conservative nature of religious change in nineteenth-century Britain. Martineau and his allies played a crucial role in broadening British religious and intellectual life, but the Anglican Church and its associated educational institutions proved much more successful representatives of that culture.
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Bento, Ana Filipa Martins. « As políticas de prevenção e de combate da União Europeia ao terrorismo jihadista ». Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18464.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Depois dos ataques em Madrid, em 2004, e em Londres, em 2005, a Europa vê-se confrontada com
novos ataques terroristas de cariz jihadista que assolaram o território europeu, desde 2015 até à
atualidade (2018), chamando a atenção para as limitações das políticas existentes. Assim, a União
Europeia tem vindo a desenvolver esforços significativos na área da luta contra o terrorismo, que podem
ser aplicados direta ou indiretamente ao terrorismo jihadista. O crescimento dos ataques perpetrados por
atores solitários e, mais recentemente, o regresso dos combatentes estrangeiros, e dos seus familiares,
apresenta-se como uma possível ameaça securitária dentro da União Europeia. Desta forma, a União
Europeia procura lidar com todas as dimensões associadas a este tipo de terrorismo. Como tal, pretendese compreender as políticas de prevenção e de combate elaboradas pela União Europeia, tanto a nível
interno como externo.Following the attacks in Madrid in 2004 and in London in 2005, Europe is confronted with new jihadist terrorist attacks that have swept Europe from 2015 to the present (2018), drawing attention to the limitations of existing policies. The European Union has therefore made significant efforts in the area of counter-terrorism, which can be applied directly or indirectly to jihadist terrorism. The growth of attacks perpetrated by lonely actors and, more recently, the return of foreign fighters and their families presents itself as a possible security threat within the European Union. In this way, the European Union seeks to deal with all the dimensions associated with this type of terrorism. As such, the aim is to understand the European Union's prevention and combat policies, both internally and externally.