Thèses sur le sujet « Racism – Europe »

There is no doubt about the fact that Europe has become home for millions of ex-colonails, guest-workers, refugees, asylum-seekers. However, these new Europeans are not acknowledged to be Europeans but instead they are mostly perceived as not belonging. Being deprived of political and social rights and exposed to economic exploitation make them the European "
apartheid"
. Within this present conjunture, this thesis aims at a modest discussion on ever-rising racism in Europe. It focuses on European racism and in particular the new racism in Europe which has been on the rise since the 1970s and 1980s. It examines European new racism via three exemplary cases (France, Britain and Germany). Out of different histories, economies and out of different racisms, this thesis searches for similarities. In fact, it claims that Europe has a traditional racism which is claimed to be one of the outcomes of the European self-construction process. Therefore, the other point of focus that this thesis engages in is the process through which Europe constructs its identity. It intends to discuss what Europe is and how Europe constructs itself via its Others. It claims that Europe identifies itself on the negation of its Others. Hence, this thesis attempts to discuss the connection between racism in Europe and European self-construction/self-identification process. In other words, this thesis intends to clarify that the self-construction/self-identification of Europe, which has depended mostly on the negation of its Others, has resulted in racist-thinking and racism which has always existent in Europe despite the changes in different peroids and different contexts forming a racist tradition in Europe.

This study intends to discuss the problematical relation between Europe and Muslim immigrants in the light of the issues of secularism, religion and racism. Over the three decades, there has been a large body of literature in both theoretical and empirical fields about the peculiar European identity, the implications of secularism for European society and its distance from religion particularly in public sphere. Besides, 1980 onwards, the focus of the theories of racism shifted from biological explanations to culturally designated accounts. European manner of production of knowledge about race has started to concentrate on the incompatible cultural character of Muslim immigrants. Simultaneously, multicultural discourse has been put forward as an evidence for anti-racist and tolerant approach towards these guest citizens. By taking into consideration these theoretical analyses about Europe, the main goal of this study is to point out how specific discursive sphere is produced-reproduced and the representations of Muslim immigrants are shaped by certain Eurocentric definitions and recurrent notions. This attempt contains two interrelated theoretical layers. On the one hand, it is aimed to uncover the stereotyped and racist representations of Muslim immigrants in both public and political discussions. On the other hand, the inherent contradictions of Europe as both sovereign political subjectivity and hegemonic discursive sphere are highlighted.

The purpose of this research is to contribute to the studies of cultural racism in contemporary Europe by observing the effects of securitization of immigration and assumed confusion between terms `radical' and `radicalization' on the rise of this phenomenon. Within the framework of securitization theory developed by the Copenhagen school and its connection to the integration approaches, I firstly hypothesize that the security and integration policies show divergence in the equality protection of minority immigrant groups. Then, by treating the securitization of immigration as a fluctuating political opportunity structure, I also hypothesize that such divergence created favorable conditions for radical right-wing parties to emphasize their xenophobic and ethnocentrist appeals and target Muslim immigrant communities as a particular out-group. This is grounded in the theoretical arguments about the construction of a master frame by the radical right-wing parties which involves diffusion processes across various European countries. The research applies fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis and observes the levels of immigration, ethnic profiling of immigrant groups in security and integration policies, and the political discourse of radical right-wing parties as conditions for the surge of cultural racism. The conditions are observed in the cases of Austria, Bulgaria, Sweden and Switzerland in the period between 2000 and 2013. The main findings are that ethnic profiling and portraying minority immigrant groups as security threats are the most relevant conditions for the surge of cultural racism. On the other hand, the levels of immigration alone cannot always be claimed as sufficient constitutive condition for the increase in racist practices in Europe. The research also concludes that radical right-wing parties not only constructed Muslim immigrant minorities as particular out-group incompatible with European values but also shifted their political rhetoric to the fit the arguments of individualism, gender equality and human rights. Thus the radical right-wing parties portray themselves as defenders of the national identities and culture by incorporating arguments that have traditionally been at the opposite of their political discourse. The incomplete equality protection framework in security and integration policies created by the mainstream parties and the changing political rhetoric of radical right-wing parties produce favorable conditions for the emergence and rise of the cultural racism in selected cases.

With increased Islamophobia across Europe, White Danish citizens' mistrust of Danish Muslim minorities has partially been focused on private schools with large Muslim populations. Politicians who argue for the increased regulation of private schools rely on the narrative that these schools foster a parallel society by preventing students from becoming fully integrated into society as a 'democratic citizen.' In this dissertation, I respond to these critiques by drawing on a year of fieldwork at a private high school founded by Turkish parents in Copenhagen, Denmark. Narratives from the school's students and parents illuminate not only why some parents choose private schools for their children but also how schooling influences the students' subject positions and their ability to navigate public space. Specifically, I argue that rather than produce a parallel society, private schools operate as what Gillian Rose (1993) calls a 'paradoxical space,' wherein subjects can position themselves as both the center and the margin. By allowing students the space to form their identity as a majority, they are empowered to grow up and engage society differently than those who have grown up with constant reminders of their minority status. In making this argument, I show how geographers can contribute to the growing use of intersectionality within the social sciences. I also point to the importance of space when unpacking how multiple axes of social division are in play, including how space produces different forms of inequality, and what this says about social structures of power in Denmark.

Thèse Docteur, EHESS, Discipline : Sociologie, 2004
Le Portugal - quoi qu’en pensent les Portugais eux-mêmes - ne semble pas être une exception dans le cadre des attitudes et comportements racistes en Europe. Un ensemble de questions mérite alors d'être posé à ce propos : comment se manifeste le racisme dans le Portugal contemporain et à quelles «logiques» obéit-il ? Quelles sont ses sources actuelles et historiques ? Les principales victimes du racisme des Portugais sont indéniablement les immigrés d’origine africaine et leurs descendants et les petites communautés de Tsiganes. Mais ces deux collectivités ne sont pas victimes du même type de racisme. La démarche typologique utilisée dans la recherche qu’on présente dans cette thèse a, en fait, pu dégager les deux types idéaux de racisme existants dans la société portugaise. Le racisme à l’égard des immigrés et de leurs descendants obéit nettement à la logique de racisation « inégalitaire » dont les sources se trouvent dans le passé colonial du pays et dans les idéologies et préjugés hérités de ce même passé. Les immigrés et leurs descendants ont effectivement une place dans la société ; ils ne sont pas exclus de la sphère de la production ou de la vie économique mais ils sont méprisés et relégués à des situations d’invisibilité sociale. En ce qui concerne les Tsiganes, la situation est très différente. Ils sont actuellement victimes d’un racisme qui relève nettement de la logique « différentialiste » ou d’ « exclusion ». Il ne leur est pas concédé aucune place dans la société, aucune fonction économique, aucun espace d’interaction. Que se soit au niveau des pratiques quotidiennes ou au niveau des événements exceptionnels et violents à caractère raciste, la collectivité Tsigane est actuellement perçue en tant qu’incompatible, inassimilable et indésirable à la société environnante. Les sources de ce rejet différentialiste semblent pouvoir être trouvées à la fois dans la dissolution des modes de vie typiques de cette collectivité et dans les concomitants changements subis par la société portugaise.
L'élaboration de cette thèse a bénéficié de l'appui d'une bourse de la Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia et du Fonds Social Européen dans le cadre du IIIème Cadre Européen d'Apui.

Cette étude esquisse les narratives concurrentes au sein de l’espace médiatique français par rapport à la perception des guerres balkaniques de 1912-1913 (guerre de civilisations contre guerre d’intérêts économiques, de libération/unification nationale, nouvelle croisade, guerre juste, contre guerre illégitime, guerre de conquête, nouvelle expédition colonialiste, discours pacifistes contre rhétoriques militaristes, approches nationalistes contre solutions fédéralistes). Elle participe également à un essai de schématisation de différents facteurs, paramètres et de leurs interactions (affinités personnelles, sensibilités idéologiques, intérêts économiques, considérations géopolitiques, couverture médiatique, représentations de Soi et de l’Autre, de l’Ici et de l’Ailleurs, du Passé, du Présent et du Futur) façonnant la perception d’un conflit par une société observatrice phénoménalement extérieure à son déroulement. Elle nous informe aussi sur les pratiques journalistiques et les goûts du public médiatique avec l’importance croissante des correspondants de guerre dans la médiatisation de la guerre et l’exigence d’une couverture sensationnelle, directe et omnisciente des événements. Elle explore également la place des Balkaniques, des Balkans et de l’histoire de cet espace dans l’imaginaire français de la Belle Époque et l’invitation des guerres balkaniques dans la vie politique, économique et socioculturelle française, à la veille de la Grande Guerre. Enfin, elle s’interroge sur le rôle des propagandes des belligérants dans la transformation de la presse en un champ de batailles médiatiques et représentationnelles, entre les acteurs directement impliqués dans le conflit et les observateurs extérieurs, s’exprimant dans l’espace médiatique français, avec comme enjeu majeur, la définition d’une entité politique et axiologique européenne
This study outlines the competitive narratives of the 1912-1913 Balkan wars inside the French media landscape (national liberation/unification wars, new crusade, just war, versus illegitimate conquest war, new colonialist expedition, pacifist settlement versus militarist rhetoric, nationalist approaches versus federalist proposals). It is also a schematization essay of the different factors-parameters and their interactions, (personal affinities, ideological orientations, economical interests, geopolitical considerations, media coverage, representation of the Self and the Other, the Here and Elsewhere, the Past, the Present and the Future) intervening in one’s conflict perception on behalf of a phenomenally external society to its unfolding. It also informs us about journalistic practices and the media’s public tastes stretching the rising importance of war reporters and the demand for a sensational, direct and omniscient news coverage. It also explores the place of Balkan people, Balkans’ history and geography, in the imagination of French Belle Époque, as well as the way Balkan wars had been invited within French political, economical and socio-cultural life at the eve of the Great War. Finally, it questions the role of belligerents’ propagandas in the newspapers’ transformation at a media and representational battlefield between the actors directly concerned by the conflict and the external observers expressing themselves in French media, having as major stake the definition of a political and axiological European entity

Esta pesquisa propõe um estudo sobre o fenômeno do racismo e da xenofobia na Europa através de levantamento bibliográfico, fontes diversas e, principalmente, histórias orais de vida de alguns futebolistas brasileiros negros que atuaram no continente europeu a partir da década de 1960. O conjunto de procedimentos adotados é o da história oral, mais especificamente aquele praticado pelo Núcleo de Estudos em História Oral da Universidade de São Paulo. Constituí documentos inéditos, em cujos textos estão expressas as experiências e as memórias da comunidade de destino. O objetivo geral da pesquisa foi relacionar o problema da negritude no futebol em vista de um contexto social mais amplo, o qual tem como pano de fundo a globalização e as migrações internacionais. A tese está dividida em três partes. Na primeira, intitulada de História do projeto, introduzo a pesquisa, apresento os conceitos fundamentais, coloco o tema em perspectiva histórica, justifico a escolha pela história oral, exponho os procedimentos adotados e relato as minhas experiências de entrevista com personalidades futebolísticas. Na segunda, Histórias orais de vida, apresento cinco histórias de vida que abrangem as décadas de 1980 a 2000 e narram as experiências vividas pelos futebolistas nas principais ligas europeias e na vida social nos respectivos países. Na terceira e última parte, Memória coletiva seleciono temas recorrentes nas narrativas, os quais dizem respeito à própria trajetória de vida e profissional, ao movimento migratório e, por fim, ao racismo e à xenofobia. Há um jeito brasileiro de lidar com a questão? Esta é a pergunta que procuro responder nas considerações finais.
This research is a study of racism and xenophobia in the European society through literature review, various sources and, primarily, oral life stories from some black Brazilian footballers that played in the European continent from the 1960s onwards. The methodology used is oral history, more specificaly that which is practiced by the Centre for Studies in Oral History of the University of São Paulo (Núcleo de Estudos em História Oral da Universidade de São Paulo). I have composed unpublished documents in which experiences and memoirs of the destiny community are expressed. The researchs overall objective was to discuss the black footballers issue within a broader social context, having globalisation and international migration as background. The thesis consists of three parts. In the first one, entitled The projects history, I introduce the research, present the core concepts, put the theme in historical perspective, justify my choice for using oral history, explain the methodology and report on my experiences interviewing football personalities. In the second, Oral life stories, I present five life stories spanning from the 1980s to the 2000s and narrate the footballers experiences in the main European leagues and their social lives in their respective countries. In the third and last part, Collective memory, I pick up recurring themes in those narratives, which relate to the footballer\'s life and career, migration, racism and xenophobia. Is there a Brazilian way to deal with the issue? This is the question I try to answer in the final considerations.

Defence date: 20 April 2020 (Online)
Examining Board: Professor Claire Kilpatrick (EUI), Professor Bruno de Witte (EUI), Professor Colm O'Cinnedie (University College London), Professor Scott L. Cummings (University of California Los Angeles)
The thesis provides a transnational account of Roma rights activism over the last thirty years with a focus on five Central and Eastern European countries, where the majority of the European Union’s Roma live. It contributes to scholarly debate by (i) mapping ethnic/racial justice related legal opportunities; (ii) taking stock of legally focused non-governmental organisations; (iii) charting legal mobilisation in courts and enforcement agencies; (iv) presenting an alternative account of the transplantation of public interest litigation, and (v) ‘mapping the middle’ between dominant and critical narratives about the Open Society Foundations and white Europeans in the Roma rights field. Finding that international advocacy and litigation alone have been insufficient to generate social change, the thesis highlights the salience of indigenous practices. It points to the shortcomings of the elitist conception of legal mobilisation characterised by top-down, planned legal action and a focus of international NGOs. The thesis proposes to shift the limelight to the financial resources of strategic litigation, to a broad conception of collective legal action, and the necessity of investigating the role private individuals, NGOs, as well as public agencies play in promoting racial equality in general and Roma rights in particular in a transnational field. By scrutinising the ethno-political critique of Roma rights activism and pointing to its conflation with the critique of litigation - that resonates on both sides of the Atlantic - the thesis navigates between liberal internationalism and ethno-nationalism by acknowledging and celebrating organic cross-border cooperation, in other words “good transnationalism.”

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited
Europe in the twentieth century witnessed the large-scale displacement and mass murder of civilian populations because of their ethnic or national identity. Genocide is the ultimate expression of this form of integral nationalism. As a result of the Second World War, the term "genocide" was introduced to describe the victimization of nations, and became codified in international law and agreements. The end of the century saw the introduction of a new term: "ethnic cleansing". This term was used to signify something less than the total physical annihilation of a people in the Balkans wars, in contrast to the extermination campaign of the Nazis in World War Two, or the Turks following World War One. This work looks at both campaigns, the Nazis against the Jews and the Serbs against the Bosnians, to argue, however, that ethnic cleansing is genocide. While much of the debate of the 1990s focuses on body counts to justify the distinction between the two, a careful analysis of the original work on genocide and the UN Agreement which outlaws such phenomenon reveal that this "body count" notion is neither correct nor justifiable. Similarly, a look at these two cases reveals act of genocide developed gradually, rather than as part of pre-existing master plans.
Major, United States Army

The Church as the new People of God from its foundation is Catholic and universal. The Church in its mission has greatly appreciated the different cultures and had consistently emphasized the value of national belonging. Different languages and cultures were always a challenge, signs of the times, when the Church carried out its salvific mission. This values were incorporated (although not explicitly) into the legislation of the Church in the light of its catholicity. East-Central Europe is the gathering place of many nations who lived together for centuries. Political systems often created tensions among various nationalities and religions, because in East-Central Europe religion and national identity often overlap. With the dismemberment of Hungary in 1918, the tension in the so-called successor states between the Hungarian minority and the new ruling majority influenced the life of particular churches and Catholic communities. During the Communist regime, the problem of national minorities was for all practical purposes overlooked. The political philosophy based on the "dictatorship of the proletariat" left little place for various cultures, and, under the red flag of Communism, the political ideas of the majority prevailed. After the collapse of the communist regime in 1989, national minorities had the freedom to give voice to their desire for the recognition of their fundamental human rights. The various nationalities in East-Central Europe, including national minorities, are not immigrants. They became minorities because of historical and political situations. With the changes of civil borders they were removed from the body of the mother state. Their home and cultural roots are at hand, but they find themselves in an alien culture. The Church created various means and structures for the pastoral care of immigrants in view of their exceptional situation. However, this cannot be fully applied in the situation of ethnic minorities, because certain factors make their situation different. One of these is the divided particular Churches and hierarchy, which were divided also by civil borders. In the newly created and rearranged particular Churches, the minority was often surrounded by a "hostile" majority and not by a welcoming country as in the case of immigrants. Another factor which characterizes the situation of ethnic minorities is that any attempt to establish ecclesiastical structures based on nationality (personal diocese, personal parish), might be interpreted by the majority as a breeding ground for nationalism, and could even incite their fear of a possible change of civil borders, placing the integrity of the state in jeopardy. Pope John Paul II, in his World Day of Peace Message in 1989, summarized those values, which ecclesiastical legislation has to rely on namely, the right of an ethnic minority to its language, culture and education, as well as the duty of ethnic minorities toward the majority culture. The A. presents some practical possibilities and perspectives in creating a culture of peace and some relatively simple possibilities for ecclesiastical legislation related to ethnic minorities.

This research thesis focuses on the recent emergence of the “African-Italian” category of self- identification among young people in Italy with African origin. It explores how and to what extent the notion of Africanness is made and unmade, contested, reinterpreted and hyphenated in everyday practices, interactions and social representations. A common tendency shown by Italian-born youth with different African backgrounds is the increasing reference to Africa and African identity in cultural, social and entrepreneurial initiatives. This reveals their search for a new sense of their shared African heritage and at the same time a growing desire for public exposure and recognition of their Africanness. Moreover, the multiple intersections of notions of Africanness, Blackness and Italianness in daily social interactions and in the local “politics of naming” shows that young people of African descent associate their “being African” with positioning themselves to local public debates about racism and in relation to transnational Blackness. Therefore, “being African” is not only an issue at the cultural and political levels, but it also represents a category of difference or belonging, which is an important matter for people in different relational contexts. Indeed, African-Italian youth politics of self-definition is situated at different spatial levels: the level of circulation of categories across the Black Atlantic, the European level of an increasing awareness of Afro-Europeanness, the national level of specific colonial histories and racial formations, and the local level of everyday interaction. This PhD research aims at contributing to the emerging field of Afro-European studies in two ways. On the one hand it explores a specific South-European socio-historical context, Italy, on the other hand it proposes to approach Africanness and Blackness as categories of practices (Brubaker 2012). Firstly, the Italian specific colonial history together with the postcolonial African trajectories of migration and local integration consolidate the concept of alterity based on the colour of the skin as well as the “tribal clichés” on Africa and Africans. Both the social and historical elements have affected the evolution of the Italian-African diaspora, the racialization processes and the strategies to resist to racism. Secondly, this research intends to consider Africanness as an “identity of relation” (Glissant 1990) and a process of self-design (De Witte 2014). According to Palmié, in this research Africa and Africanness are not considered as analytical categories or ontological givens, but as “problems to be empirically investigated in regard to both the historical forces and discursive formations that lastingly 'Africanized' the continent and its inhabitants” (Palmié 2007). Therefore, understanding whether an element is authentically African becomes less important than explore, through social practices, interactions and socials representation, when and where the social actor claims his/ her Africanness or not (Chivallon 2004). This research seeks to answer the following set of questions drawing on empirical data collected through ethnographic observations and narrative interviews. Who can be identified as an African? What does it entail to be a person with African origin in Italy and in Europe? When and to what extent does “being African” become (or cease to be) important? When does this dimension prevail over other levels of affiliations, i.e. national or ethnic, local or transnational? When is it contested? How does the notion of Africanness intersect with the notion of Blackness? During the three-year project, the researcher collected 51 narrative gender-balanced interviews with young adults aged 20-35 with different national origins – i.e.⅓ from West Africa, ⅓ from East Africa, ⅓ from Central and South Africa- who were born or have lived in Italy for at least ten years. These interviewees are young professionals, entrepreneurs, artists, social activists or university students. They can be considered as young people with great aspirations, involved in a process of social mobility and who improve their skills and knowledge through education or self-entrepreneurship. In addition, the author has ethnographically observed relevant events dedicated to the whole African diaspora – i.e. beauty pageants, association meetings, trainings and other events – as well as family contexts and online conversations. This methodology allowed to observe the elaboration of Africanness at different cultural and social levels. In the first part (ch.3) the research explored how Africanness emerges in social interactions within the Italian context, focusing on how this dimension appears as a category of alterity or as one of the aspects of the actors’ multiple identity, which is socially redefined and strategically used in daily life by the interviewees of this research. As a reaction to racism, young African-Italians appropriate the power to define what is African for themselves. This phenomenon challenges the “invention of Africa” (Mudimbe 1988), a notion relating Africanness to a paradigm of alterity. The transnational and diasporic levels of interactions carry a remarkable significance for social actors, allowing them to realize the instability of notions such as Blackness and Whiteness, as well as the process of “re-branding” Africa (De Witte 2014) occurring at the global level. In the second part the research explored some corporeal practices: male circumcision (ch.4), haircare (ch.5), use of African textiles and accessories (ch.6). On the one hand, the Black body is the intersection of the social and historical experiences of youth in Africa and in the diaspora. On the other hand, the analysis of corporeal practices shows how social actors position themselves in relation to traditional habits and consolidated aesthetic styles. The making of Africanness is here explored as a process of self-design. The individual experience and definition of Africanness are embedded in the continuous tensions between intergenerational transmission, individual appropriation, performance and creativity. The exploration of practices that involve these dimensions of social and individual life - i.e. male circumcision, haircare, use of African textiles and accessories – elucidates how the meaning of “being African” changes within evolving biographies. It becomes therefore important for self-understanding but also in the processes of self-promotion. In the last chapter (ch.7) this contribution underlined the interconnections between professional aspirations and the elaboration of Africanness. To face the lack of equal opportunities, African-Italian young people can capitalize the “African part” of their social networks or cultural backgrounds, allowing for new economic spaces and consumer niches. Contested or celebrated, the appropriation of Africanness arises as an act “of self-making” and “of self-promotion” that reduces racial categories and discrimination practices to be regarded only as one of the aspects of social life. The research showed that African-Italian young people express their subjectivities in relation both to racial paradigms and to what is considered “the African heritage”. They therefore underline the versatility of their “being African”, which appears a social construction not to be strictly related to the skin, but to a reserve of symbols, aesthetic styles and cosmopolitan competences usable, also strategically, in different life stages and relational contexts.
Questa ricerca prende avvio dalla crescente diffusione del termine “afroitaliano” come categoria di auto-rappresentazione tra i giovani di origine africana in Italia ed esplora come la nozione di africanità venga costruita o decostruita, reinterpretata o “usata con il trattino” nelle pratiche di vita quotidiana, nelle interazioni e nelle rappresentazioni sociali. Il crescente riferimento all’ Africa e all’identità africana in iniziative di stampo culturale, sociale e imprenditoriale mostra infatti che i giovani nati e cresciuti in Italia, con diversi background africani, ricercano un patrimonio culturale africano condiviso (De Witte & Meyer 2012) e desiderano esibirlo pubblicamente, lottando per un suo riconoscimento all’interno del panorama culturale nazionale. Le molteplici intersezioni delle categorie di africanità, blackness e italianità nei contesti di vita quotidiana e nelle “politics of naming” locali mettono in luce che i giovani afrodiscendenti si appropriano del loro “essere africani” posizionandosi rispetto a più livelli storici e socio-culturali: quello del Black Atlantic e della blackness transnazionale, quello europeo dove vi è una crescente consapevolezza dell’afro-europeità, quello nazionale delle specifiche storie coloniali e formazioni razziali, infine quello locale delle interazioni della vita quotidiana. Questa ricerca intende contribuire all’emergente campo di studi sull’Afro-Europa in due modi: analizzando la costruzione sociale dell’africanità in uno specifico contesto sud-europeo, quello italiano, e proponendo di considerare l’africanità come categorie di pratiche (Brubaker 2012) rilevante in vari contesti relazionali. All’interno dello spazio culturale europeo, il contesto italiano presenta delle specificità dovute alla sua storia coloniale e alle traiettorie dell’immigrazione postcoloniale. Il lascito coloniale ha contribuito al consolidamento di rappresentazioni dell’alterità basate sul dispositivo del colore e su “cliché tribali” sugli africani, ma non ha determinato le mappe delle migrazioni, che non hanno seguito le rotte del colonialismo ma perlopiù progetti economici. In tale cornice storica e socio- culturale, l’africanità viene qui intesa come un’identità relazionale (Glissant 1990) che emerge in vari contesti sociali e nei processi di self-design (De Witte 2014). L’ Africa e l’africanità non possono essere considerate categorie analitiche, tantomeno ontologiche: sono nozioni che esistono solamente nelle produzioni discorsive e nelle politiche egemoniche che hanno “africanizzato” il continente e le persone che lo abitano (Palmié 2007). Perciò, osservare quando e dove gli attori sociali reclamano e si appropriano – anche creativamente - della propria africanità è più importante del tentativo di comprendere se un elemento, o un soggetto, è “autenticamente” africano (Chivallon 2004). Questa ricerca si basa sia basa sul materiale empirico raccolto attraverso osservazioni etnografiche e 51 interviste narrative. Le interviste sono state condotte con giovani adulti di diverse origini africane (⅓ dall’Africa Occidentale, ⅓ dall’Africa Orientale, ⅓ dall’Africa centrale o meridionale), tra i 20 e i 35 anni, nati o residenti da almeno dieci anni in diverse regioni italiane. Nella scelta del campione è stato mantenuto un equilibrio di genere e tutti gli intervistati sono giovani professionisti, artisti, imprenditori o studenti universitari. Sono persone che, nonostante le umili origini o la scarsità di pari opportunità, cercano di attivare un processo di mobilità sociale facendo leva su molteplici competenze e sull’auto-imprenditorialità. Le osservazioni etnografiche sono state svolte in occasione di alcune feste familiari ed eventi rivolti all’intera diaspora africana (concorsi di bellezza, incontri di associazioni, festival, attività formative e convegni), ponendo la dovuta attenzione anche alle conversazioni online precedenti o successive agli eventi. Questo approccio al campo ha consentito di osservare la costruzione dell’africanità a diversi livelli sociali e culturali. Nella prima parte (cap.3) la ricerca esplora come questa dimensione emerge nelle interazioni sociali in contesto italiano, come categoria di alterità etero-attribuita o come una delle molteplici identità che gli attori sociali creativamente ridefiniscono o utilizzano nei vari contesti della vita quotidiana. I giovani afrodiscendenti reagiscono infatti ai processi di razzializzazione anche riprendendosi il potere di definire cosa è, o non è, africano, e in che termini, rompendo anche con l’“idea di Africa” (Mudimbe 1988, 1994) come paradigma di alterità. Il livello transnazionale e diasporico diventa importante per gli attori sociali perché permette loro di sperimentare l’instabilità delle categorie razziali di blackness e whiteness, ma anche di partecipare, declinandolo localmente, al processo di re-branding dell’Africa che rende le produzioni culturali ed artistiche “afro” sempre più “cool” (De Witte 2014). La seconda parte è dedicata alle pratiche del corpo (cap.4,5,6). Il “corpo nero” si trova infatti all’intersezione delle esperienze storiche e sociali delle popolazioni dell’Africa e della sua diaspora. Tuttavia, l’analisi dei processi di trasmissione e incorporazione di tecniche e norme estetiche ci permette di osservare i molteplici significati che i corpi assumono, al di là dell’esperienza della loro razzializzazione. I soggettivi percorsi di riscoperta e riappropriazione dell’africanità si inseriscono perciò nella continua tensione che lega trasmissione generazionale, creatività individuale e performance nello spazio pubblico. Nel corso dei capitoli sono state analizzate pratiche del corpo che toccano tutte queste dimensioni della vita sociale: la circoncisione maschile, le tecniche di cura dei capelli e l’uso di tessuti e accessori “africani”. Questo percorso ha permesso di analizzare come il significato dell’“essere africano” e dell’essere “nero” cambi nel corso delle biografie individuali e venga continuamente negoziato nelle interazioni sociali e nei processi di trasmissione. Nell’ultimo capitolo, viene sottolineata la stretta interconnessione tra riappropriazione dell’africanità, aspirazioni e percorsi professionali, mostrando anche come il “lato africano” delle reti sociali e del personale bagaglio culturale possa essere capitalizzato e tradursi in nicchie di consumo e mercato. Ridefinita, contestata o celebrata, il recupero della propria africanità rientra perciò un processo di stilizzazione e promozione del sé, nello spazio pubblico come nelle politiche culturali ed economiche locali e globali. In conclusione, la ricerca mette in evidenza come i giovani afrodiscendenti, ritrovando l’orgoglio nel “dirsi africano”, negoziano il significato sociale della nerezza e della “tradizione africana”. L’ “essere africano/a” appare una dimensione non esclusivamente collegata al colore della pelle, nemmeno ad una presunta autenticità, ma a repertori simbolici ed estetici e a competenze – spesso cosmopolite - continuamente ridefinite e riscostruite.

Cette thèse étudie les marins non-européens travaillant sur les navires à vapeur des compagnies maritimes britanniques desservant l’empire de la Grande-Bretagne, à partir d’archives métropolitaines et coloniales, mais aussi de témoignages oraux. Ces sources sont étudiées avec une approche d’histoire impériale, maritime, sociale et du travail. Les marins extra-européens viennent des Caraïbes, du sous-continent indien, de la péninsule arabique, d’Afrique de l’Est et de l’Ouest. Ils occupent des postes peu ou pas qualifiés dans les trois départements du bord, justifiés par des caractéristiques pseudo-scientifiques établissant une hiérarchie des origines. Leur recrutement est justifié leur faible coût salarial et de leurs horaires de travail étendus en comparaison de leurs collègues britanniques. Les postes de commandement étant réservés aux Blancs, les marins de couleur sont confinés à un rôle de subordonnés. Ces derniers subissent une ségrégation touchant leur logement et leur avitaillement, mais aussi leurs uniformes, contribuant à les mettre à part sur les navires à vapeur. Le recrutement des marins extra-européens se développe massivement à partir de 1849 avant de connaitre des restrictions à partir de 1905 et surtout de l’entre-deux-guerres. Certains s’installent dans les quartiers portuaires dans des environnement multi-ethniques, souvent dégradés et à l’écart du reste de la ville. Ils restent alors dans des pensions qui servent d’entre-deux culturel ou bien sont pris en charge par les missionnaires locaux. Certains s’installent dans leur propre logement et établissent des relations avec les femmes blanches, ce qui suscite périodiquement l’hostilité des hommes locaux
This dissertation studies extra-European seamen who worked on steamships of the British shipping companies throughout the British Empire, by using metropolitan and colonial archives as well as oral history testimonies. These sources are studied with an imperial, maritime, labour and social history approaches. Extra-European seamen came from the Caribbean, the Indian subcontinent, the Arabian peninsula, Eastern and Western Africa. They were hired for unskilled or low-skilled positions in the three shipboard departments, based on pseudoscientific characteristics which created racial hierarchies. They were chosen over their British counterparts, as they cost less and worked more hours aboard. Tbey were subordinated to white officers, as non-white seamen could not get a senior position. Their accommodation and food rations both reflected work division and racial segregation, as they had specific and lower living quarters and food. They were also set apart with their dedicated uniforms. Extra-European seamen are massively recruited from 1849 onwards until further restrictions from 1905 and the interwar years especially. Some of them settled in interracial dockside areas, which were often run-down, overpopulated and physically segregated from the rest of the city. They may stay in boarding-houses that acted as buffers between native and metropolitan cultures or be taken in charge by the local missionaries. Some of them settled in their own houses and began interracial relationships with local white women, which periocally arouse hostility from the local white men

Orientador: Tullo Vigevani
Banca: Elve Miguel Cenci
Banca: Luís Alexandre Fuccille
Banca: Marco Aurélio Nogueira
Banca: Ricardo Antônio Silva Seintefus
Resumo: A partir da análise factual dos casos de intolerância e racismo (artigo14º da Convenção Europeia dos Direitos Humanos) julgados pelo Tribunal Europeu dos Direitos Humanos, este trabalho pretende identificar os atuais quadros limítrofes da promoção da inclusão social e do reconhecimento das diferenças no continente europeu. Sob a perspectiva da Teoria Reconstrutiva do Direito de Jürgen Habermas e da Teoria do Reconhecimento de Axel Honneth, será possível contestarmos a suposta aplicação exclusivista dos direitos humanos na Europa, com a exposição de suas lacunas jurisprudenciais, as quais comprometem, em sentido substantivo, sua efetividade e legitimidade democrática no escopo social. Arguir-se-ão ainda os efeitos colaterais de um sistema de direitos efetivado e legitimado pelas vias particularistas de uma cultura ocidental majoritária, que silencia a arbitrariedade e a opressão a que são submetidos os grupos constantemente inferiorizados e não incluídos no direito moderno. Por fim, espera-se questionar, a própria ordem jurídica do Estado democrático de direito, com vistas à superação de suas vicissitudes no âmbito internacional à luz das possíveis realizações emancipatórias do tempo presente. Já, no que tange aos procedimentos metodológicos, esta investigação utilizase do método da reconstrução racional para interpretar a jurisprudência do Tribunal Europeu. O enfoque perpassa sobre os casos mais emblemáticos, destinados ao combate da discriminação de identidades alternativas ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: Based on a factual analysis of cases of racism and intolerance (Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights) tried by the European Court of Human Rights, this study seeks to identify the current limits to the promotion of social inclusion and the recognition of differences in Europe. Within the perspective of Jürgen Habermas's Reconstructive Theory of Law and Axel Honneth's Theory of Recognition, we are able to dispute the supposedly exclusivist application of human rights in Europe through the exposure of jurisprudential failings, which have substantially compromised their effectiveness and democratic legitimacy within the social sphere. We will also argue for the consequences of a system of rights put into effect and legitimized by the particularistic means of a majority-Western culture that hides the arbitrariness and oppression to which continually inferiorized groups not included in modern law are subjected. Finally, we also hope to question the very judicial order of the democratic Rechtsstaat in an attempt to see beyond its vicissitudes in the international context in light of the possible emancipatory consequences today. This investigation will use the rational reconstruction method as a methodological procedure in order to interpret the current jurisprudence of the European Court. The focus will include the most representative cases intended to combat identity-based discrimination in Europe (violations of Article 14 of the ECHR), such as those that are outl... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Resumen: Utilizando el análisis factual de casos de intolerancia y racismo (articulo 14º de CEDH - Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos) juzgados por el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, este estudio tiene como objetivo identificar las actuales limitaciones de promoción de la inclusión social y del reconocimiento de las diferencias en el continente europeo. Según la Teoría Constructivista de Derecho de Habermas y la Teoría del Reconocimiento de Honneth, será posible contestar la supuesta aplicación exclusiva de los derechos humanos en Europa, con la exposición de sus huecos jurisprudenciales, responsables por el comprometimiento, en sentido substantivo, de su efectividad y legitimidad democrática en el propósito social. Aún serán discutidos los efectos colaterales de un sistema de derechos efectuado y legitimado por vías particularistas de una cultura occidental en su mayoría, que silencia la arbitrariedad y la opresión a la cual son sometidos los grupos constantemente considerados inferiores y que no están incluidos en el derecho moderno. Por fin, es esperado el cuestionamiento, en propia orden jurídica del Estado democrático de derecho, incluyendo la superación de sus vicisitudes en el ámbito internacional a la luz de posibles realizaciones de emancipación del tiempo presente. Todavía, sobre los procedimientos metodológicos, esta investigación se utiliza del método de la reconstrucción racional para interpretar la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Europeo. El enfoque incluye casos más em... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
Doutor

The historiography of women in Nazi Germany attests to the various roles of women in the Third Reich. Although politically invisible, women were deeply involved in the Nazi regime, whether they supported the Party or not. During Nazi racial schemes, men formed and executed Nazi racial programs, but women participated in Nazi racism as students, nurses, and violent perpetrators. Early studies of German women during World War II focused on the lack of Nazi mobilization of women into the wartime labor force, but many women already held positions in the labor force before the war. Nazi mistreatment of lower-class working women and the violence against their own people, as well as Allied terror bombing and mass rape, proved the Nazis inept at protecting German women. The historiography of women in Nazi Germany is complex and controversial but proves the importance of women in the male dominated regime.

L’objet de la présente étude consiste à réaliser un descriptif assez exhaustif et une analyse critique d’une part, des instruments juridiques de prohibition internationale, européenne et française, du racisme et des discriminations et d’autre part, des dispositifs institutionnels de prise en charge des personnes victimes de ces atteintes au principe d’égalité. Les règles et instruments de lutte contre les discriminations sont censés limiter les atteintes au principe d’égalité, une règle qui trouve un multiple « ancrage » explicite dans le corpus constitutionnel. Ces outils ont connu un renfoncement considérable ces dernières années, au niveau international, régional (principalement européen) et national. Cette étude traite du phénomène de la discrimination qui touche les personnes ou les groupes de personnes en raison de la « race », de l’origine, du sexe, de la religion et de la nationalité. Cette thèse est le fruit d’une expérience professionnelle en matière de pratique quotidienne dans le domaine des droits de l’homme, de la lutte contre le racisme et pour l’amitié entre les peuples
The purpose of this study is to achieve a fairly comprehensive description and critical analysis of, on one hand, racism, discrimination and international, European and French legal instruments of prohibition, and, on the other hand, institutional support arrangements for victims of violations based on the principle of equality. The rules and tools to fight against discrimination are designed to limit damage to the principle of equality, a rule that is a multiple "anchoring" explicit in the constitutional body. These tools have experienced a considerable indentation in recent years, on international, regional (mainly European) and national levels. This study examines the phenomenon of discrimination that affects persons or groups of persons because of their "race", origin, gender, religion and nationality. This thesis is the result of a professional experience on a daily practice in the field of human rights, the fight against racism and the promotion of friendship among peoples

The Thesis analyses political thought of the contemporary czech national socialism and the methods the subjects considered to be part of this movement use to address cizizens. Among these subjects are the Worker's Party (of Social Justice), National Defiance and Autonomous nationalists. In the first chapter, the Thesis clarifies the specific background of the czech national socialism focusing on facts, figures and the latest development. Second and crucial chapter characterizes political thought of the czech national socialism. The last part of the Thesis focuses on the topics the before mentioned subjects use to address wide public, on their image, their rhetoric and the means of propaganda they turn to.

The problematic relationship between racism and slavery has occupied the attention of several recent generations of scholars. Too often, however, the works produced have been limited by a reliance on familiar "American" sources, an inflexible temporal scope, and an overly restricted terrain. This dissertation seeks to break out of the confines of this generally teleological and parochial tradition in order to explicate the larger social and cultural context in which Anglo-American racial slavery was forged. In particular, it is argued that racism and slavery were not necessarily linked together in the English imagination before the settlement of Jamestown and that their relationship to each other cannot be understood in either a causative or linear fashion. "Race" and "slavery" are terms that possess specific historical connotations which must be understood in an early modern context in order to grasp the full import of their application and conflation in colonial British American society.;The opening section of this work addresses the multiple meanings and forms of human bondage in early modern England. Particular attention is paid to the legitimacy of slavery in Tudor England, as well as its attendant symbolic value and social meanings. Next, the problem of identity is considered, with a particular emphasis on the efforts of elite Englishmen to reinvent "Englishness" through mythic national histories and climate theory. Then, the issue of English "attitudes" about Africans is addressed. Prevailing ideas about African peoples were neither uniform nor consistent; there were, in fact, multiple stereotypes concerning the role of Africans in the Atlantic world. Finally, the dissertation shifts focus to the Anglo-American world, where the significance of the first three sections is tested. Here, traditional English conceptions of bondage, as well as Iberian and Spanish American conceptions of proper social relations in multiracial societies, were initially employed in the new settlements. These models proved to be confusing, even threatening, when blended in Anglo-American settlements and they were ultimately subverted by the growing importance of race-based plantation slavery. Questions of status and identity among the English were equally as important as prejudicial assumptions about Africans or Indians in shaping the corpus of ideas that supported the Africans or Indians in shaping the corpus of ideas that supported the development Anglo-American slavery.

Throughout the last twenty years, following accession to the European Union (EU), legal economic migrants (and their families) have the right to live and work in European member states. Economic migrants who are European citizens of member states now assume immigrant status and co-exist in countries with pre-existing immigrant communities that have affiliations to the former British Empire. With demographic composition changes of immigrant communities in Europe, difference and discrimination of populations from diverse cultural backgrounds has become a focal issue for European societies. A new, multi-ethnic Europe has thus emerged as one context for understanding cultural uncertainties associated with youth and migration at the end of the twentieth century and the start of the twenty first century. These uncertainties are often associated with the impact of new nationalisms and xenophobic anxieties which impact mobility, young people, and their families (Ahmed, 2008; Blunt, 2005). In this dissertation I seek to examine young peoples’ experiences of migration and school exclusion as they pertain to particular groups of immigrant and minority ethnic groups in England. In particular, the study explores the perceptions and experiences of two groups of diverse young people: British ‘minority ethnic’ and more recently migrated Eastern European ‘immigrant’ youth between the ages of 12-16. It provides some account of the ways in which migrant youth’s experiences with both potential inclusion and exclusion within the English educational system, particularly in relation to the comparative and temporal dimensions of migration. Young people’s opinions of inclusion and exclusion within the English educational system are explored in particular, drawing, in part, upon the framework of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and other theoretical positions on ethnicity and migration in order to paint a picture of contemporary race relations and migration in Buckinghamshire county schools. The methodological approach is ethnographic and was carried out using qualitative ethnographic methods in two case secondary schools. The experiences and perceptions of 30 young people were examined for this research. Altogether, 11 student participants had Eastern European immigrant backgrounds and 19 had British minority ethnic backgrounds (e.g. Afro Caribbean heritage, Pakistani/South Asia heritage, and African heritage). The methods used to elicit data included focus groups, field observations, diaries, photo elicitation, and semi-structured interviews. Pseudonyms are used throughout to ensure the anonymity of participants and to consider the sensitivity of the socio-cultural context showcased in this dissertation. Findings of the study revealed that Eastern European immigrants and British minority ethnic young people express diverse experiences of inclusion and exclusion in their schooling and local communities, as well as different patterns of racism and desires to be connected to the nation. The denial of racism and the acceptance of British norms were dominant strategies for seeking approval amongst peers in the Eastern European context. Many of the Eastern European immigrant young people offered stories of hardship, boredom and insecurity when reflecting on their memories of post-communist migration. In contrast, British minority ethnic young people identified culture shock and idealised diasporic family tales when reflecting on their memories of their families’ experiences of post-colonial migration. In the schooling environment both Eastern European immigrants and British minority ethnic young people experienced exclusion through the use of racist humour. Moreover, language and accents formed the basis for racial bullying towards Eastern European immigrant young people. While Eastern European immigrant youths wanted to forget their EU past, British minority ethnic young people experienced racial bullying with respect to being a visible minority, as well as in relation to the cultural inheritance of language and accents. The main findings of the research are that British minority ethnic young people and Eastern European immigrant young people conceptualise race and race relations in English schools in terms of their historical experiences of migration and in relation to their need to belong and to be recognised, primarily as English, which is arguably something that seems to reflect a stronghold of nationalist ideals in many EU countries as well as the United Kingdom (UK). Both of these contemporary groups of young people attempted both, paradoxically, to deny and accept what seems to them as the natural consequences of racism: that is racism as a national norm. The findings of this study ultimately point towards the conflicts between the politics of borderland mentalities emerging in the EU and the ways in which any given country addresses the idea of the legitimate citizen and the ‘immigrant’ as deeply inherited and often sedimented nationalist norms which remain, in many cases, as traces of earlier notions of empire (W. Brown, 2010; Maylor, 2010; A. Pilkington, 2003; H. Pilkington, Omel'chenko, & Garifzianova, 2010).

The present exploratory study, framed in agenda-setting theory, analyzes the way European and US newspapers frame racism and ethnocentrism issues, on the background of the 2006 FIFA World Cup. By combining quantitative and qualitative methods, 2 research hypotheses and 9 research questions were explored. The results showed the distribution of articles that used a positive frame and the ones that used a negative frame was relatively equal across geographical regions. The US media have shown as the most ethnocentric nationality the Spanish, while the European media, the Scottish. There is an agreement across different geographical regions that the French and the German have the most tolerant or anti-discriminatory actions or attitudes. The most prominent theme to describe nationalities’ tolerant attitudes was the power of football to unify peoples and to enhance global understanding. Both the American and the European media described the Argentinean team mostly in terms of athletic skill.

Submitted by FERNANDA DA SILVA VON PORSTER (fdsvporster@univates.br) on 2016-07-28T18:33:59Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) 2016JoseaneMoreiradoNascimento.pdf: 2710431 bytes, checksum: 64379202b43d5747f6ca19c9e2a53558 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Lisboa Monteiro (monteiro@univates.br) on 2016-08-30T11:51:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) 2016JoseaneMoreiradoNascimento.pdf: 2710431 bytes, checksum: 64379202b43d5747f6ca19c9e2a53558 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-30T11:51:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) 2016JoseaneMoreiradoNascimento.pdf: 2710431 bytes, checksum: 64379202b43d5747f6ca19c9e2a53558 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07
CAPES
FAPERGS
Panonychus ulmi (Koch) (Acari: Tetranychidae) é um ácaro fitófago que causa danos ao cultivo de macieiras e recentemente foi encontrado em videiras no estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. A presente dissertação de mestrado teve como objetivo verificar a ocorrência de biótipos associados a estes dois hospedeiros, realizada pela caracterização morfológica, molecular e verificação da compatibilidade reprodutiva. A caracterização morfológica ocorreu através de medições de fêmeas de 17 áreas de amostragem, sendo dez de videiras e sete de macieiras, sendo que se obteve sobreposição das populações de macieiras e videiras na análise dos componentes principais. Para caracterização molecular, foram analisados três fragmentos: a região intergênica ITS do DNA ribossômico e dois fragmentos do gene citocromo c oxidase I (COI) do DNA mitocondrial. Os resultados para COI demonstraram a ocorrência de linhagens distintas em macieiras e videiras. A divergência intraespecífica foi baixa, 1,1%, indicando tratar-se de uma mesma espécie. Para verificação da compatibilidade reprodutiva, foram realizados cruzamentos entre uma população de macieiras proveniente de Vacaria (RS) e uma população de videiras proveniente de Bento Gonçalves (RS). Foram realizados cruzamentos e retrocruzamentos, nos quais se observou diferença significativa no potencial reprodutivo da população proveniente de macieiras, embora tenha havido compatibilidade reprodutiva entre as populações analisadas. Os resultados indicaram que as populações de Panonychus ulmi proveniente de macieiras e videiras consistem em uma mesma espécie, e sugeriram a ocorrência de biótipos ou host race ligada ao hospedeiro, com melhor desempenho em macieiras. Os resultados obtidos demonstraram a importância da caracterização de biótipos, pois estas informações são essenciais para o planejamento e aplicação em programas de controle biológico nas culturas avaliadas, ao nível de campo.
Panonychus ulmi (Koch) (Acari: Tetranychidae) is a phytophagous mite that causes damage to apple orchards and was recently found on vines in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. This dissertation aimed to verify the occurrence of biotypes associated with these two hosts, conducted by morphological, molecular and verification of reproductive compatibility. The morphological characterization was carried out through measurements of females from 17 sampling areas, ten on vines and seven on apple trees, and obtained complete overlap of populations of apple trees and vines in principal components analysis. For molecular characterization, we analyzed three fragments: the intergenic region (ITS) of the ribosomal DNA and two fragments of the gene cytochrome c oxidase I (COI) of the mitochondrial DNA. The results for COI demonstrated the occurrence of different strains on apples and vines. The intraspecific divergence was low, 1.1%, indicating the presence of the same species. To verify the reproductive compatibility were performed crosses between a population of apple trees from Vacaria (RS) and a population of vines from Bento Gonçalves (RS). Crosses and backcrosses were performed, in which significant difference was observed in the reproductive potential of population from apple trees, although there were reproductive compatibility between populations analyzed. The results indicated that the populations of Panonychus ulmi from apple trees and vines consist in the same species, and suggested the occurrence of biotypes or host race connected to the host, with better performance in apple trees population. The results showed the importance of characterization of biotypes, as this information is essential for planning and application in biological control programs to crops evaluated at the field level.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.
"Title from dissertation home page (viewed July 16, 2007)." Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-10, Section: A, page: 3965. Adviser: Robert Rohrschneider.

Race is a potent discourse within the world of pop culture, particularly in television where viewers are witnessing more racial diversity in scripted shows. However, show creators must maintain standards that emphasize distinct social roles among characters in order to appeal to large heterogeneous audiences. These roles tend to be characterizations of racial stereotypes that often lead to biased opinions and inaccurate perceptions of minority groups. Previous studies detail that racial biases in media adversely shape public opinions about African Americans and depress the desire for racial integration. This seems somewhat confounding since the shift in programming towards racial diversity presumes increased affirmation, importance, and validity of African Americans and other minority groups. This study investigates the affective response of Black and White college students to cross-race relationships on TV and the perceived realism of these media depictions. Since these relationship forms are now becoming part of television's pop culture, and pop culture reflects co-existing attitudes and values in society, it is important that they be examined. Additionally, examining cross-racial relationships may help in understanding larger race relations in the United States.
ID: 031001280; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Adviser: James D. Wright.; Title from PDF title page (viewed February 26, 2013).; Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Central Florida, 2012.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-96).
Ph.D.
Doctorate
Sociology
Sciences
Sociology

In 2000, the European Union adopted a Directive against discrimination on the grounds of racial or ethnic origin. This Directive was one of the first legislative measures taken by the EU in the fight against racism and racial discrimination. The Thesis examines whether the Directive improves the protection against discrimination on the grounds of racial or ethnic origin for people within the EU by an in-depth analysis and evaluation of the Directive as a whole in relation to the theoretical concepts of race and racism and of models of anti discrimination law. This analysis includes a discussion of the need for and the effectiveness of legislation in general and of legislation at EU level in the fight against racism and racial discrimination and an evaluation of the anti discrimination clauses of the international and European human rights instruments. The Directive is studied in these wider contexts because they have all been influential upon its development and because they provide both the framework and a set of standards for the examination and evaluation of the Race Directive and its effectiveness in protecting people within the EU against racial or ethnic origin discrimination. The Thesis concludes with an assessment of how far the EU has come on the road to equality with the adoption of the Directive and the subsequent developments; or, in other words, how far the EU has progressed towards achieving equality for all people in Europe.

Esta tesis presenta una etnografía multisituada, complementada por una aproximación a la etnografía virtual, que explora las conexiones que se establecen entre de la comunidad mbororo en Camerún y aquellos/as mbororo que, después de iniciar un trayecto migratorio transnacional, actualmente residen en Europa, siendo éste un fenómeno bastante reciente entre la sociedad mbororo. Para poder relacionar experiencias entre Camerún y Europa, se ha propuesto una lectura desde un marco interseccional, dando cuenta de variabilidad de categorías sociales que determinan la configuración de experiencias de la identidad, y ahondando en una perspectiva que rompa con retóricas esencialistas entorno a la etnicidad. Los pastores mbororo de Camerún han sido reconocidos como población indígena en base a los criterios establecidos por la Comisión Africana de los Derechos Humanos y de los Pueblos, órgano dependiente de la Unión Africana, siguiendo los principios de la Convención 169 de la OIT y la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas. Paralelamente, los mbororo forman parte del gran bloque etnolingüístico peul, presente en toda la zona sudano-saheliana, y desde Mauritania hasta República Centroafricana. De este modo la identificación como pueblo indígena en Camerún, en contraste con otros grupos peul presentes en el país, permiten reconocer ciertas dinámicas de fortalecimiento de fronteras culturales, canalizadas por un gran movimiento asociativo que ha redefinido un discurso de exclusividad étnica en términos de derechos humanos y de ciudadanía. A pesar de la fortaleza del discurso sociopolítico de la comunidad mbororo en Camerún, los resultados preliminares de la etnografía transnacional constatan una debilitación de los vínculos con la comunidad de origen. Todo ello, más que mostrar una desconexión, ha permitido observar la expresión de una etnicidad como proceso identitario en transformación, en el que los sujetos se adhieren a referentes culturales de manera contextual, visibilizando que la experiencia identitaria debe aprehendida desde la contingencia. La tesis contribuye a los estudios sobre identidad y etnicidad y resitúa a los/as mbororo lejos de la figura mítica y ancestral del peul nómada y pastor, para aprehenderlos como sujetos agentes en la representación de su experiencia étnica.
Based on a multi-sited ethnography with a complementary virtual fieldwork, this thesis explores the connections among those Mbororo in Cameroon and those whom, after a transnational migration journey, dwell in Europe. Methodologically, in order to entangle the experiences in Cameroon and in Europe, the thesis suggests an intersectional approach while rendering the variability of social categories that surround the experiences of identity while deepening in a perspective that breaks with essencializing rhetorics of ethnicity. Mbororo pastoralists of Cameroon have been recognized as indigenous population according to the criteria established by African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. This latter being part of the African Union and following the 169 Convention of the ILO and The Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Mbororo are part of the Fulani ethnolinguistic blog of the great south-sahelian area from Mauritania to Central African Republic. The identification as indigenous people in Cameroon in contrast to other Peul groups in the country, allows Cameroonian Mbororo to strengthen their cultural frontiers, this latter promoted by a vibrant associational movement which has (re)defined their ethnic particularism into human rights and citizenship rhetoric. In spite of the strength of the sociopolitical discourse of the Mbororo community in Cameroon, the preliminary results of this multi-sited ethnography confirm a debilitation of the ties with the original community in the moment of migration. Instead of describing this debilitation as a form of disconnection, the thesis argues for a notion of ethnicity as an identity process in transformation. It understands the experience of identity from the contingency in which subjects adopt cultural benchmarks according to their contextual needs and anxieties. On the whole, the thesis contributes to identity and ethnicity studies by approaching the Mbororo as agentive representatives of their own ethnic experience.

The research question considers the possibility that culture and identity impedes Chinese New Zealanders from writing fiction about their own culture, and considers a Chinese New Zealand history as interpreted from a Chinese perspective. The research looks at various elements related to this question, such as Chinese as strangers or foreigners, the pressure to conform, and the role of communities.

This thesis examines through the means of a comparative perspective, factors which have allowed the British National Party to enjoy recent electoral success at the local level under the leadership of party chairman Nick Griffin. Such electoral successes have arisen despite the seemingly relative obscurity of the party at the turn of the century. A number of different aspects are examined in order to achieve this aim. The history of the far right in the UK is examined to establish whether the BNP have changed their stance in comparison to previous far right movements. The BNP are also investigated comparatively with other West European parties who have enjoyed national success, as a means of discovering whether the party are similar to their far right neighbours and why they have not enjoyed similar national success. The press coverage of the BNP is examined at a local and national level, using content analysis and the LexisNexis database. The thesis looks at the role played by the BNP in local elections and the decline of participation in political activity, to establish if there is a link between these two factors. Finally a case study is taken of Calderdale in West Yorkshire, to establish directly if any of the above factors can be directly applied to BNP electoral success in this district. The research discovers that there are opportunities for the BNP to establish a connection with the electorate in local politics which are not necessarily available at times of general election.

Sociological accounts of political activism in African Caribbean and Asian communities in Britain have largely overlooked the role of black women as agents and have contributed toward an image of passivity, apathy and exclusion. This thesis examines the black women's organisations which have emerged since the early 1970s. Drawing on unpublished materials from over 30 organisations, participant observation at conferences and meetings and semi-structured interviews with 25 women activists. the thesis provides evidence that black women have been highly politically active despite immense barriers, both internal and external to their communities. This thesis explores the relevance of theoretical insights on identity formation, diversity and difference to black women's organising. I argue that black women's organisations have used a variety of strategies to manage the tension between the desire for a nuanced and differentiated notion of black womanhood and the need for political unity. In so arguing, I explore recent attacks on the term 'black', and identify a number of strengths in its continuing usage as a political and cultural definition. I also explore the extent to which increasing social stratification within black communities has the potential to undermine this unity and to create incompatible personal and organisational goals. Finally, I examine coalition building between black women and black men, white women and the labour movement. I identify a number of barriers to effective partnership but argue that there are a range of recent developments which may open up the possibility of building coalitions for social transformation. In conclusion, I argue that black women have formed independent organisations on the basis of a broad-based and visionary politics of transformation which has a number of unifying elements. These factors form the basis of a strategic unity which they have forged across differences of ethnicity, religion, nationality, class and sexuality.

With immigration controversies increasingly found at the forefront of the European public arena, understanding the social and cultural forces driving negative perceptions of immigrants becomes a pressing task of academic scholarship. Situated within the broader theoretical framework of group-conflict theories, human values theory and social identity theory encourage different interpretations of how our interest to the welfare of the people closest to us (benevolence) and the broader human community (universalism) can inform attitudes towards immigrants. Human values theory argues for a unidirectional, negative effect of benevolence and universalism on negative perceptions of immigrants, while social identity theory suggests that, unlike universalism, benevolence would increase such perceptions. The present study seeks to examine how self-transcending human values (a.k.a. benevolence and universalism) affect perceptions of immigrant threat and whether the locus of our value priority matters. Using nationally pooled data from the European Social Survey (ESS) for 15 European countries, the results provide robust evidence that benevolence and universalism affect perceived immigrant threat in opposite directions, generally aligning with the propositions of the social identity theory. The group we place our loyalty matters. At the same time, national context matters too suggesting that grand scheme interpretations of this phenomenon fall short. Theoretical implications and future directions are further discussed.

This work is the study of the dual movement of a people. Firstly, the Serbs physically migrated, starting in the 1880s and concluding in the 1910s, from the Balkans to the Chicago region. Secondly, by the late 1930s, these immigrants had moved racially from being an indeterminate racial group to being part of the white race. When Serbs came to the Chicago region, Protestant native-born Americans did not consider them to be white. From the Serbs' arrival around the turn of the century to the early 1930s, Chicago area Progressives and residents constructed a racialized view of these Serbs. The Serbs, according to these mostly Anglo Americans, were uncivilized. Middle-class immigrant Serbs, declaring a need for racial improvement, constructed themselves as civilized and white. These Serbs pointed back to centuries of Serbian civilization and culture as proof of their fitness to participate in Anglo-American society. Serbian history showed they were a truly democratic and civilized people, not the tribal savages that Anglo-Americans saw. Immigrant Serbs, through benefit and fraternal organizations, also promoted the Yugoslav ideal as the path toward civilization. Creating a Yugoslav kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes would show Americans that all Serbs everywhere were democratic and civilized. With the rise of xenophobia and racism during the 1920s, the United States experienced a crisis in race and citizenship. Serbs stood at the crossroads of this crisis. While middle-class Serbs continued promoting themselves as white and civilized, Anglo Americans realized that they too could benefit from these Serbian middle class' efforts. The Serbs, Anglo-Americans argued, should become citizens and pledge their allegiance to the United States. Through this process of citizenship, the Serbs would learn to be good Americans, a key to becoming white. As part of the white race, the Serbs would no longer present a challenge to Anglo-American racial hegemony.

This thesis examines through the means of a comparative perspective, factors which have allowed the British National Party to enjoy recent electoral success at the local level under the leadership of party chairman Nick Griffin. Such electoral successes have arisen despite the seemingly relative obscurity of the party at the turn of the century. A number of different aspects are examined in order to achieve this aim. The history of the far right in the UK is examined to establish whether the BNP have changed their stance in comparison to previous far right movements. The BNP are also investigated comparatively with other West European parties who have enjoyed national success, as a means of discovering whether the party are similar to their far right neighbours and why they have not enjoyed similar national success. The press coverage of the BNP is examined at a local and national level, using content analysis and the LexisNexis database. The thesis looks at the role played by the BNP in local elections and the decline of participation in political activity, to establish if there is a link between these two factors. Finally a case study is taken of Calderdale in West Yorkshire, to establish directly if any of the above factors can be directly applied to BNP electoral success in this district. The research discovers that there are opportunities for the BNP to establish a connection with the electorate in local politics which are not necessarily available at times of general election.

Despite changes in the law and efforts by organizational diversity practitioners to expand leadership opportunities for people of color, there is still a sharp contrast in the ratio of white leaders to leaders of color. While much research exists regarding the diversity disparity in leadership, there is little research on factors that influence the motivation to lead. The purpose of this correlational study was to test critical race and leader categorization theories by comparing how the independent variables of white privilege, organizational belongingness, and racial stereotypes affected the dependent variable of motivation to lead of black American versus white American survey respondents. It was hypothesized that the independent variables correlated stronger for white Americans than for black Americans in predicting the motivation to lead. A self-selected sample of 179 adults, drawn from various industries in the United States, completed a voluntary, online survey. A quantitative, cross-sectional survey was designed to operationalize study variables and was adapted from existing instruments. Pearson correlations and a multiple linear regression aided in statistically understanding the variables' relationships. Results indicated that effects of white privilege and racial stereotypes had a statistically significant relationship with motivation to lead for black Americans, and organizational belongingness did not. Results also indicated that effects of racial stereotypes had a significant relationship with motivation to lead for the white American population while the other variables did not. This study has implications for positive social change by not only adding a sharper focus on the factors necessary for leaders of color to be successful, but also providing diversity practitioners a north star to change the leadership landscape.

Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert den Umgang mit dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung durch die Europäische Union (EU) und den Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (EGMR). Derzeit befinden sich diese in einer heiklen Situation: Sie müssen das Gedenken an ein für die europäische Identität zentrales historisches Ereignis – den Holocaust – pflegen und schützen und zugleich die Achtung der Grundrechte, insbesondere der Meinungsfreiheit, gewährleisten. Diese besondere Situation erfordert eine gründliche Untersuchung des europäischen Umgangs mit dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung. Der erste Teil der Dissertation steckt den Anwendungsbereich der europarechtlichen Verpflichtungen zur Kriminalisierung der Holocaust-Leugnung ab. Bewertet wird insbesondere die Bedeutung des Rahmenbeschlusses 2008/913/JHA über Rassismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit für die EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Dabei werden einige Beispiele der Umsetzung in staatliches Recht dargestellt. Der zweite Teil der Arbeit befasst sich mit der Rechtsprechung des EGMR und untersucht das Verhältnis zwischen dem Tatbestand der Holocaust-Leugnung und der Meinungsfreiheit mit dem Ziel, die Grundsätze, nach denen Staaten verpflichtet sind, entsprechende Äußerungen zu kriminalisieren, herzuleiten. Die übergreifenden Ziele der Untersuchung sind: a) den Charakter des Zusammenspiels zwischen EU und EGMR herauszuarbeiten; b) zu ermitteln, ob die jeweiligen Positionen gegensätzlich oder komplementär sind; c) die Rechtsnatur und den Inhalt der für die Mitgliedstaaten begründeten Verpflichtungen zu bestimmen; d) herauszuarbeiten, ob eine europaweite Kriminalisierung verpflichtend ist oder lediglich gefördert werden soll; und e) ob beziehungsweise unter welchen Bedingungen ein mit Kriminalstrafe sanktioniertes Verbot der Holocaust-Leugnung erstrebenswert wäre.
The present study aims to analyse the legal treatment of the crime of denialism by the two main actors in European justice, namely, the European Union (‘EU’) and the European Court of Human Rights (‘ECtHR’). Presently, these two systems find themselves in a delicate position: they must cherish and protect the memory of an historical event – the Holocaust – which is central to Europe’s own identity, while simultaneously promoting respect for fundamental rights such as the freedom of speech. This unique balance raises a need for a thorough investigation into Europe’s approach to the crime of denialism. The dissertation’s first section seeks to measure the scope of EU-imposed obligations to make denialism a crime. Notably, the impact on EU Member States of the Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA on racism and xenophobia is assessed, with illustrations of a few archetypal examples of domestic implementing legislation. The second part of the dissertation turns to the jurisprudence of the ECtHR to examine the relationship between Holocaust denial as a crime and the right to freedom of expression, with a view to deducing the principles under which States must comply in the criminalization of this kind of utterance. The work’s overall goals are to assess: a) the nature of interactions between the EU and ECtHR; b) whether their positions on denialism are better portrayed in terms of contrast or mutual support; c) the legal nature and content of the obligations originating for the Member States; d) whether a Europe-wide criminal prohibition on denialism is dictated or simply encouraged; and e) whether such a prohibition would be desirable, and if so, under what conditions.