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1
Kvist, Geverts Karin. « Ett främmande element i nationen : Svensk flyktingpolitik och de judiska flyktingarna 1938−1944 ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of History, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-9203.
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The aim is to increase our understanding of the mechanisms of social categorization and discrimination, as well as the connection between them. This has been accomplished by examining Swedish refugee policy towards Jewish refugees during the Second World War and the Holocaust, as conducted by The Foreigner’s Bureau of the National Board of Health and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during 1938−1944. The study also compares the Swedish refugee policy with that of Denmark, Switzerland, Great Britain and the United States. The investigation is guided by such concepts as social categorization, discrimination, antisemitism, organizational culture and established practice. The primary sources are documents, minutes and personal dossiers; Svensk författningssamling (legislation) and articles in Sociala Meddelanden (the National Board’s official journal).
The main conclusions are that Sweden was not perceived as a country of immigration, based partly of the widespread fear that too many Jewish refugees would create a “Jewish Question”. Swedish authorities discriminated against Jewish refugees on grounds of “race” through a process of categorization. This process began already in the 1920’s, and gradually transformed the definition of “Jew” from a religious to a “racial” definition, based on the Nuremberg Laws. The differentiation of Jewish refugees in official statistics ceased in September 1943, yet it continued secretly until February 1944, encompassing the Norwegian and Danish Jews as well. One important result shows that the shift in policy – from discrimination to large scale reception – was a slow process where this differentiating practice and antisemitic perceptions remained operative. What is defined as an antisemitic background bustle is used to explain how moderate antisemitic expressions were perceived as “unbiased” and “normal” within the Swedish society. Though Sweden’s refugee policy seems similar to that of other countries surveyed, the shift in policy stands out as unique in comparison.
2
Forsell, Gustaf. « Race and Religion : The Construction of Race in a Pro-Nazi Christian Association in Interwar Sweden ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373583.
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The aim of this thesis is to scrutinize how Sveriges Religiösa Reformförbund (Swedish Association of Religious Reform), a pro-Nazi Christian association in interwar Sweden, constructed the concept of race during the years 1929–1940. Using hermeneutic content analysis and a theoretical approach based on “biopolitics” and “political theology,” I examine the construction during three identified periods: 1929–1933, 1934–1937, 1938–1940. Liberal theological in orientation, the association applied a historical-critical exegesis based on late-nineteenth century German Kulturprotestantismus, seeing culture and religion as inseparable components. Also stressing the need for a “religious rebirth” of the Swedish nation, the association pursued a regenerative return to the religious-ethical characteristics of the country’s alleged heroic Germanic past. First using cultural and biological arguments separately in the construction of race, the association would due to its emerging pro-Nazi orientation become influenced by Nazi German theologians, hence incorporating elements of völkisch ideology.
3
Nier, III Charles Lewis. « Race Financial Institutions, Credit Discrimination And African American Homeownership In Philadelphia, 1880-1960 ». Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/147848.
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HistoryPh.D.
In the wake of Emancipation, African Americans viewed land and home ownership as an essential element of their "citizenship rights." However, efforts to achieve such ownership in the postbellum era were often stymied by credit discrimination as many blacks were ensnared in a system of debt peonage. Despite such obstacles, African Americans achieved land ownership in surprising numbers in rural and urban areas in the South. At the beginning of the twentieth century, millions of African Americans began leaving the South for the North with continued aspirations of homeownership. As blacks sought to fulfill the American Dream, many financial institutions refused to provide loans to them or provided loans with onerous terms and conditions. In response, a small group of African American leaders, working in conjunction with a number of the major black churches in Philadelphia, built the largest network of race financial institutions in the United States to provide credit to black home buyers. The leaders recognized economic development through homeownership as an integral piece of the larger civil rights movement dedicated to challenging white supremacy. The race financial institutions successfully provided hundreds of mortgage loans to African Americans and were a key reason for the tripling of the black homeownership rate in Philadelphia from 1910 to 1930. During the Great Depression, the federal government revolutionized home financing with a series of programs that greatly expanded homeownership. However, the programs, such as those of the Federal Housing Administration, resulted in blacks being subjected to redlining and denied access to credit. In response, blacks were often forced to turn to alternative sources of high cost credit to finance the purchase of homes. Nevertheless, as a new wave of African American migrants arrived to Philadelphia during post-World War II era, blacks fought to purchase homes and two major race financial institutions continued to provide mortgage loans to African Americans in Philadelphia. The resolve of blacks to overcome credit discrimination to purchase homes through the creation of race financial institutions was a key part of the broader struggle for civil rights in the United States.
Temple University--Theses
4
Clark-Wiltz, Meredith. « Revising Constitutions : Race and Sex Discrimination in Jury Service, 1868-1979 ». The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305652946.
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5
Huang, Belinda. « Gender, race, and power : the Chinese in Canada, 1920-1950 ». Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0002/MQ43885.pdf.
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Cooper, Matthew. « The Labour Governments 1964-1970 and the other equalities ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2013. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8384.
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This thesis explores the idea that an equality state has evolved in Britain since the 1960s. The policies and institutions that make up the equality state are those that seek to ensure some forms of equality between its citizens. Its latest development has been through the 2010 Equality Act that promotes equality in relation to nine protected characteristics, but just two of these are considered here, race and sex. The study will investigate the origins of the equality state under the 1964-1970 Labour governments through the formulation of policies that explicitly or implicitly promoted sex and racial equality. The main areas examined in relation to racial equality are the anti-discrimination provisions of the 1965 and 1968 Race Relations Acts; measures to promote the integration of immigrants, particularly in employment, education, housing and policing; the institutions which aided integration particularly the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants and Community Relations Commission; and the Urban Programme and other measures taken in response to Enoch Powell's 1968 'Rivers of Blood' speech. With sex equality the areas considered are the 1970 Equal Pay Act; the development of policy to promote equal opportunity in employment; and the reform of law relating to abortion, divorce and the availability of contraceptive services through state agencies. iv The primary focus of the thesis is on the policy making process and the research is based on government papers in The National Archives. Other influences on these policy areas have been researched through primary sources, particularly policies' origins in the Labour Party, the influence of the trade union movement, campaigning groups and, in the case of sex equality, the remaining first wave feminist organisations. Through this the thesis develops an understanding of the nature and limitations of the equality that the equality state promotes.
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Kern, Jordan. « The Mouse Sees No Color : An Examination of the Disney Corporation’s Recent Depictions of Race in American History ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3907.
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Walt Disney Studios possesses a checkered past in how its films dealt with racism and representation. Some of the earliest films involved songs and characters that go against modern sensibilities. In recent years, the studio's films have attempted to go against their forebears' racist connotations. Racism, however, proved a constant problem for the company. This paper shall explore the various ways Disney feature films addressed (or did not address) themes of racism and discrimination in its films from 1990 to 2018. The first chapter discusses the business reasoning behind Disney's continued reluctance to address race issues adequately, chiefly fear of losing monetary revenue from alienated whites. The second chapter explores the different types of coding filmmakers employed to keep from directly address race, coding all characters as white in the process. This method lasted until the Princess and the Frog's release because the film's blatant use of Jim Crow imagery caused a considerable amount of backlash. The final chapter concerns how the corporation's current method of dodging race in its films. Dubbed the "Fantastical Reality," this method relies on leaning into the fantastic aspects of a setting (magic or otherness) to explain why race and racism do not appear in a film. This method came under heavy scrutiny with Zootopia and Black Panther's release, both of which make race a significant theme.
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Martin, Tracy A. « Black education in Montgomery County, Virginia, 1939-1966 ». Thesis, This resource online, 1996. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-09182008-063206/.
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Ivanova, Katya. « The life of norms : a critical assessment of the construction and diffusion of the race anti-discrimination norm ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3390/.
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This thesis examines the genesis and evolution of the anti-discrimination norm directed at race and ethnicity. The thesis seeks to answer: how is the antidiscrimination norm linked to race and ethnicity produced and diffused transnationally and how is it internalised in domestic institutions and government practices? The inquiry mainly assesses the constructivist model of the norm life cycle proposed by Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink. The model presents the development of international norms as a process that consists of three stages: emergence, cascading and domestic internalisation driven by three different sets of actors who employ different mechanisms to bring about normative change. The thesis investigates and ultimately challenges certain assumptions of the proposed model by examining the factors that account for the construction and domestic institutionalisation of the racial anti-discrimination norm in five contexts – the USA (First and Second Reconstruction periods, 1865-1877 and 1954-1975), the UK (1960s-1970s), the EU (1990s-2000s), the Czech Republic (1990s- present) and Hungary (1990s-present). It uses process tracing to re-consider and problematise the model’s claims about the primary agents that drive the production and the institutionalisation of the anti-discrimination norm in each of the five cases, their motives and the mechanisms they employ to facilitate normative change. The thesis disputes several of the main assumptions of Finnemore and Sikkink’s model. The findings demonstrate that national political elites are a key factor that determines the progress of the racial anti-discrimination norm in each stage of the norm life cycle model. They also problematise the ideational basis for the motives of norm entrepreneurs, which, in fact, consist of a complex mixture of ideational and instrumental considerations. The thesis further develops the stages of the norm life cycle model. It challenges the overall design of the model and its assumed linear progression of norm evolution.
10
Walton, Charles. « Leadership and Policy in Detroit, 1943-1967 ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/234.
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In the History of major American metropolitan areas, Detroit stands out as a particularly interesting study. At its height, Detroit was the center of America's "Arsenal of Democracy", today it stands as a shadow of its onetime greatness. My thesis attempts to examine root causes for the city's ultimate failure dating back to the World War II era. In my research I found that the greatest failures for the city were not within its people, but rather within its political institutions and its leadership.
11
Goodwin, Gerald F. « Race in the Crucible of War : African American Soldiers and Race Relations in the "Nam" ». Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1399548260.
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Clark, Wiltz Meredith M. « REVISING CONSTITUTIONS : AMERICAN WOMEN AND JURY SERVICE FROM THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT TO THE NINETEENTH AMENDMENT ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1143130629.
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Salmi, Katya. « Exploring the mechanisms for challenging racial discrimination in relation to French political culture : a race critical approach ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38593/.
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This thesis questions the effectiveness of anti-racial discrimination mechanisms in France, particularly in relation to the national political culture. Considering the overall import of republican ideology in France, which emphasizes values of universalism, colour-blindness, and laïcité, there are significant implications for how institutional, legal and civil society actors have traditionally approached issues of racism in France. From primary data, gathered through fieldwork in France (consisting of a series of semi-structured interviews with key antiracist and anti-racial discrimination actors), this thesis highlights the ways in which the political culture impacts the anti-racial discrimination agenda. By taking into account the various levels of antiracism in France, this thesis constitutes a unique, holistic and race critical analysis whereby legal, civil society, institutional and non-conventional mechanisms are considered in conjunction with each other, instead of separately. Using “race” as an analytical tool for understanding the French context, this thesis offers a critical re-reading of French history, linking an ethnicized and racialized formation of national identity throughout key historical moments to contemporary forms of racism. This research thus argues that certain antiracist approaches based on republican ideology result in a limited understanding of racialized processes, which appears to constrain actors from producing effective mechanisms for challenging racism and racial discrimination.
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Luna, Brandon Salvador. « Race, immigration law, and the U.S.-Mexico border a history of the border patrol and the Mexican-origin population in the Southwest / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1457321.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed November 5, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 142-149).
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Shimazu, Naoko. « The racial equality proposal at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference : Japanese motivations and Anglo-American responses ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8fd0f80b-a0be-42df-a1a0-7441fb27616b.
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This thesis is a study of the racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference. It explores Japanese motivations for submitting the proposal, and the responses of the British and American governments which eventually defeated it. The thesis uses an analytical framework based on five categories of possible explanations for the proposal: immigration, universal principle, great power status, peace conference politics and bargaining, and domestic politics. The thrust of the analysis contained in the thesis is as follows. For Japan, the proposal meant three things: a means of reaffirming its great power status by securing racial equality with the western great powers in the League of Nations; a justification for Prime Minister Hara whose pro- League position was maintained by a fragile domestic consensus against sceptics in the government and the wider public; and a means of resolving Japanese immigration problems in the United States and British Dominions. But for Japan the proposal was not originally intended as a demand for universal racial equality. For Britain, the proposal was unacceptable because it meant "free immigration" of non-white immigrants into the Dominions. In particular, Australia adamantly opposed it also because of its political significance for Australian public opinion. For the United States, Wilson's determination to create the League of Nations at almost any cost led him to impose a unanimity ruling at the crucial vote on llth April 1919. Other explanations worked in the background. The proposal highlighted the importance of the link between race and great power status for Japan, Japan's insecurity concerning the League of Nations and the West, and Japan's different approach to international relations. Moreover, the failure of the proposal revealed the limits of Wilsonian idealism in that neither Britain nor the United States at that time seriously considered the possibility of universal racial equality.
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Westerberg, Hanna. « Etnisk diskriminering- från arbetslivet till Arbetsdomstolen ? : En granskning av Arbetsdomstolens praxis gällande etnisk diskriminering ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-254470.
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The right to non-discrimination is a fundamental part of human rights. Sweden has enacted legislation which prohibits employers from discriminating or harassing employees and job seekers. Swedish authorities also receive a substantial amount of complaints concerning ethnic discrimination in the workplace every year and there are volumes of research showing structural injustices related to discrimination. Despite these facts few employers have so far been found guilty of discrimination on ethnic grounds in Swedish courts. This thesis aims to shed lights on and analyse how the Swedish anti-discrimination legislation is utilised in the Swedish Labour Court regarding discrimination and harassment on ethnic grounds. On the basis that very few lawsuits brought on behalf of employees/job seekers have been successful it is hypothesized that there are problems either with the form of the legislation or the assessment of the court. Firstly the shape of statutes, their legislative history and preparatory works are illustrated to create an understanding for the legal pre-conditions, thereafter the judgements of the Labour Court are analysed within the theoretical framework of the thesis – composed of Critical Race Theory and Sociology of Law. The study has shown problems concerning both the legislation and the assessment of the Labour Court. The legislation does not seem to embody the awareness of discriminating structures shown by the works of the preparatory committees. Further the assessments of the Court suggest a lack of understanding of the interaction between different pre-conditions and how these create a disadvantage for people of a minority standing which affects them both in the workplace and in the judgments of the Court.
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Hershewe, Mary. « Racializing Spaces : Harlem, Housing Discrimination, and African American Community Repression in the War on Drugs ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/214.
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This thesis explores how government and society are invariably against the racial sharing of spaces. It examines how impoverished Black communities are created, sustained and perpetuated. The thesis is concerned with two main theories about race repression, race castes and racialization of space, both of which posit race as the main factor shaping the existing power relations. The work first draws upon the era of de jure segregation to highlight features of castes and racialized space. The first chapter looks at how housing discrimination caused Harlem to develop into a ghetto space. In the post-de jure era, the second chapter examines how the economics of racialized space access continued to inform a national framework defined by race-neutrality. It examines how, against the wake of Civil Rights era and community rioting, politicians discursively campaigned by demonizing and criminalizing Black rioters and Black culture. The War on Drugs, which emerged against the backdrop of Rights activism, called for crime control in Black communities. By targeting Blacks already isolated in “ghetto” spaces, politicians ensure that they over-compensate White communities with the public benefits and economic resources that are taken away from Blacks spaces. In media as well as in politics, our nation continuously fails to contextualize the costs of the War on Drugs on Black communities. The final chapter examines a film to show how popular depictions of Black ghettos and misconceptions about the War on Drugs, continue to feed our ideological and actual understandings of racialized space and privileged access.
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Stallings, Chelsea. « “Removing the Danger in a Business Way” : the History and Memory of Quakertown, Denton, Texas ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc804840/.
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Overall this thesis analyzes a strain of the white supremacist vision in Denton, Texas via a case study of a former middle-class black neighborhood. This former community, Quakertown, was removed by white city officials and leaders in the early 1920s and was replaced with a public city park. Nearly a century later, the story of Quakertown is celebrated in Denton and is remembered through many sites of memory such as a museum, various texts, and several city, county, and state historical markers. Both the history and memory of Quakertown reveal levels of dominating white supremacy in Denton, ranging from harmless to violent. Chapters 2, 3, and 4 focus on the history of Quakertown. I begin chapter 2 by examining as many details as possible that reveal the middle-class nature of the black community and its residents. Several of these details show that Quakertown residents not only possessed plentiful material items, but they also had high levels of societal involvement both within their community as well as around Denton. Despite being a self-sufficient and successful community, Quakertown residents were not immune to the culture of racial fear that existed in Denton, which was common to countless towns and communities across the South during the Jim Crow era. I identify several factors that contributed to this culture of fear on the national level and explore how they were regularly consumed by Denton citizens in the 1910s and 1920s. After establishing Quakertown and the racist society in which it thrived, in chapter 3 I then examine the various sects of what I term the “white coalition,” such as local politicians, prominent citizens, and city clubs and organizations, who came together to construct a reason to remove the black community out of fear because of its proximity to the white women’s college, the College of Industrial Arts. I then look at the steps they took that secured the passage of the bond referendum that would allow them to legally remove the black neighborhood. Chapter 4 largely focuses on the ways in which the white coalition ensured the black community was transferred from Quakertown to its new community on the outskirts of town, Solomon Hill, from 1922-1923. These ways overwhelmingly included outright racial violence or the repeated threat of it. I then briefly describe the quality of Solomon Hill in the years after the relocation. I also summarize how and why the story of Quakertown was lost over time–among both white and black citizens–and conclude with the discovery of a Quakertown artifact in 1989, which initiated the renaissance period of Quakertown’s memory. In chapters 5 and 6 I switch gears and analyze the memory of Quakertown today via sites of memory. I begin by providing a brief historiography of New South memory studies in chapter 5. This review is important before delving into the specifics of the memory of Quakertown, because 1920s Denton was a microcosm of the New South, specifically in terms of race relations and dominating white supremacist ideals. I explore some of the different techniques utilized by memory historians to evaluate how and why the white supremacist vision dominated the southern region during the Jim Crow era; I, in turn, then use those same techniques to reveal how the white supremacist vision in Denton dominated at the same time. In chapter 6 I provide in-depth analysis of the most prominent sites of memory in Denton that, today, are dedicated to the memory of Quakertown. Collective analysis of these sites reveals levels of white exploitation, blatant omissions, and general misuse surrounding the story of the black removal and experience. I conclude my thesis by stressing that although the white vision today is shaped differently than it was during Jim Crow, it nonetheless still exists in Denton today, as evidenced in the treatment of the sites of Quakertown’s memory.
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Li, Jerry. « Institutional Influences on the Political Attainment of Chinese Immigrants : Ethnic Power Share, Citizenship Acquisition Law, and Discrimination Law ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1942.
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A transnational network of more than 50 million people, the Chinese diaspora stretches its reach across the globe. As part of their immigrant journeys, many Chinese immigrants have achieved political leadership in their adopted home countries despite monumental barriers. This thesis examines the political attainment of Chinese immigrants by uncovering how institutional factors such as political power sharing between ethnic groups, citizenship acquisition law, and discrimination law affect their pursuit of public office. I first establish a database of 265 politicians I define as Chinese immigrants, whose various levels of political attainment I then use as the dependent variable. Through empirical analysis, this thesis finds that politicians of Chinese descent attain lower levels of political office when institutional discrimination has targeted Chinese immigrants. In contrast, this thesis reveals that politicians of Chinese descent attain higher levels of political office when political power is shared amongst ethnic groups and when citizenship acquisition laws are exclusionary. While the last result is seemingly counterintuitive, the negative relationship between the inclusiveness of citizenship and political attainment can be explained by the intrinsic role exclusionary citizenship acquisition laws play in naturalizing citizens who are deemed to be integrated and electable.
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Ragsdale, Rhonda M. « A Place to Call Home : A Study of the Self-Segregated Community of Tatums, Oklahoma, 1894-1970 ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4842/.
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This study examines Tatums, Oklahoma, under the assumption that the historically black towns (HBT) developed as a response to conditions in the South. This community provides a rich example of the apparent anomalies that the environment of self-segregation created. Despite the widespread violence of the Klan, the residents of the HBTs were not the targets of lynching or mob violence. During the years after World War II, Tatums residents enjoyed the greatest prosperity. The final chapter looks at the battle Tatums' residents fought to keep their school from being closed after the state of Oklahoma began to enforce the Brown v. Board of Education decisions in the 1960s. Their solidarity during the desegregation transition remained powerful enough for them to negotiate compromises regarding the fair treatment of their children in a world that was integrating around them.
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Becker, Thomas. « Mann und Weib - schwarz und weiß : die wissenschaftliche Konstruktion von Geschlecht und Rasse 1650-1900 / ». Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Campus, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013185456&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Bryan, Joshua Joe. « Portland, Oregon's Long Hot Summers : Racial Unrest and Public Response, 1967-1969 ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/995.
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The struggles for racial equality throughout northern cities during the late-1960s, while not nearly as prevalent within historical scholarship as those pertaining to the Deep South, have left an indelible mark on both the individuals and communities involved. Historians have until recently thought of the civil rights movement in the north as a violent betrayal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s vision of an inclusive and integrated society, as well as coinciding with the rise, and subsequent decline, of Black Power. But despite such suppositions, the experiences of northern cities immersed in the civil rights struggle were far more varied and nuanced.
The explosion of racial violence throughout American cities in the late-1960s bred fear among many in the white political establishment who viewed the cultural shifts inherent in racial equality as threatening to undermine their traditional racial dominance. Partially the result of feelings of increased powerlessness, and partially in an effort of self-preservation, many in the ranks of government and law enforcement worked to oppose the seismic changes underfoot. This thesis makes a concerted effort to examine and evaluate the role that race played in the Albina community of Portland, Oregon in the late-1960s, with a particular emphasis on the motivations, impact, and legacy of two racial disturbances that occurred there in the summers of 1967 and 1969. It asserts that while racial prejudice and bigotry were certainly prevalent among members of both the city's political and law enforcement community, and did play a significant role in the deterioration of their relationship with the black community, there were many other factors that also contributed to the police-community discord in late-1960s Albina. Moreover, it asserts that the reactions of the white and African-American communities to the disturbances were, contrary to conventional wisdom, not monolithic, but rather diverse and wide-ranging.
The goal of this narrative history is not merely to analyze the racial unrest and public response to the disturbances, but also to integrate and link the experiences of Portland's African-Americans into the broader dialogue of the civil rights movement of the late-1960s. In short, the study of late-1960s Portland allows us to reach a greater understanding of racial inequality in America during this period.
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Jansson, Olle. « Industriell invandring : Utländsk arbetskraft och metall- och verkstadsindustrin, i Västmanlands län och på Bulten i Hallstahammar, 1946-1967 ». Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-231189.
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During the first decades of the post-war era, Sweden experienced a rapid increase in labour immigration. Many of these migrants found employment in the industrial sector, where they became concentrated. This concentration varied between different industries, but was amongst the highest in the metal and engineering industries. The aim of the thesis is to explain why migrant workers were concentrated in the Swedish metal and engineering industries during the post-war period, circa 1946-67. For this aim the thesis uses case studies, one on the regional level and another at the company level, in order to investigate and differentiate between different explanations. A varied set of different direct, as well as underlying causes and circumstances have been suggested in previous research to explain this uneven distribution of migrant workers on the labour market. Different explanations arising from these perspectives have been used in prior research with some success, but they rarely confront explanations from other perspectives, thus creating different narratives driven by different circumstances, causes, processes and intentions. The ambition of this thesis has been to seek explanations for a complex and changing historical process in post-war Sweden. In order to study this, explanations from previous research have been used to find the reasons and causes behind the concentration of foreign workers in the metal and engineering industries during the post-war era. At the same time, the results of these empirical studies are used to problematize and question these established explanations. The results have led to a somewhat different picture of the circumstances and reasons that shaped the labour immigration and the distribution of foreign employees on the Swedish labour market during the post-war period. The thesis particularly stresses that the possibilities and capabilities of the employers had a significant impact on the distribution of foreign workers.
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Sampson, David. « Strangers in a strange land the 1868 Aborigines and other indigenous performers in mid-Victorian Britain / ». Click here for electronic access to document : http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/dspace/handle/2100/314, 2000. http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/dspace/handle/2100/314.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Technology, Sydney, 2000.Sportsmen: Tarpot, Tom Wills, Mullagh, King Cole, Jellico, Peter, Red Cap, Harry Rose, Bullocky, Johnny Cuzens, Dick-a-Dick, Charley Dumas, Jim Crow, Sundown, Mosquito, Tiger and Twopenny. Bibliography: p. 431-485.
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Ognibene, Terri Ann. « Discovering the Voices of the Segregated : Oral History of the Educational Experiences of the Turkish People of Sumter County, South Carolina ». unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04262008-165638/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.Title from file title page. Joyce E. Many, committee chair; Mary Ariail, Randy Fair, Dana Fox, Carol Semonsky, committee members. Electronic text (240 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed July 7, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 220-229).
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Broidy, Lauren. « “Ni a fuego, ni a pleto” as Jewish Lament : Re-Animating Diversity and Challenging Monolithic Assumptions in the Late Ottoman Empire and Nascent Middle Eastern Nations ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2278.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.
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Asokan, Ratik. « The Political Economy of Environmental Justice : A Comparative Study of New Delhi and Los Angeles ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1190.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Though mainstream environmentalism, both in the U.S. and India, was initially rooted in social justice, it has, over time, moved away from this focus. The Environmental Justice Movement consequently arose to reunite social and environmental activism. In this thesis, I trace the historical relationship between the mainstream environmentalism, the Environmental Justice Movement, and marginalized communities. After providing this general overview, I examine two case studies – in Los Angeles and New Delhi respectively – where marginalized communities have been involved in Environmental Justice activities. My analysis reveals that marginalized communities often act in an ‘environmentalist’ or ‘environmentally friendly’ manner, without defining their actions as such. That is, their socio-political activism often is or becomes environmental because of the contexts it operates within.
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Dubose, Lisa E. « Experiences in the Leadership Advancement of African American Women ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510681105954819.
Texte intégral
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Ouali, Nouria. « Migration et accès au marché du : les effets émancipateurs sur la condition des femmes issues de l'immigration ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210479.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La thèse a pour objet l'émancipation des femmes issues de l'immigration. Elle propose d'évaluer les effets de la migration et de l'accès au marché du travail sur l'émancipation des filles de migrantes d'origine marocaine en Belgique francophone.L'étude tente d'abord de mettre en lumière le rôle des femmes immigrées dans l'histoire de la Belgique en le ré-articulant à l'histoire sociale, l'histoire des femmes et l'histoire de l'immigration. Ensuite, elle montre que l'approche dominante des travaux sur les migrations ne prend pas en compte la dimension du genre, ce qui a pour conséquence de masquer la différenciation des expériences migratoires selon le sexe. Enfin, elle replace l'analyse du statut des femmes immigrées et de leurs descendantes dans la complexité des rapports sociaux de sexe, de race et de classe afin de mieux rendre compte des réalités concrètes et de sortir du simplisme des approches culturalistes.
La thèse développe une analyse des politiques d'intégration (politiques éducative, de l'emploi et de lutte contre les discriminations) visant l'émancipation des immigrées et en évalue l'impact sur les filles de migrant-es d'origine marocaine. Elle présente enfin les trajectoires individuelles des filles de migrant.es marocain.es et examine les facteurs individuels et collectifs favorisant leur émancipation.
Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation sociologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Isom, Carole A. « Not So Black and White : The Color of Perception in Corporate Layoffs ». Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1290134052.
Texte intégral
31
Hjelm, Zara Luna. « Frihetskämpar och blodbesudlade ikoner : En kritisk diskursanalys av Linnémonumentet och Louis De Geer-statyn under 2020 års #BlackLivesMatter-rörelse i Sverige ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för musik och bild (MB), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-105330.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Denna uppsats undersöker diskursen kring Linnémonumentet i Humlegården, Stockholm och Louis De Geer-statyn på Gamla Torget, Norrköping, samt diskuterar vilken betydelse skulpturerna fick under Black Lives Matter-demonstrationerna år 2020 i relation till antirasism och historiska företeelser av 'damnatio memoriae'. Med ett postkolonialt och kritiskt rasteoretiskt perspektiv syftar denna uppsats till att framhäva och analysera de resonemang som tog mest plats under debatten, centrerat kring antirasistiska och icke-vitas röster. Genomgående används därav den kritiska diskursanalysen och semiotiken som metoder för att skapa en förståelse kring auktoritet, samt att belysa det svenska samhällets syn på sin koloniala historia och lyfta diskussionen kring bland annat ras, klass, kön och makt i förhållande till den offentliga konsten. Uppsatsen resonerar sålunda hur offentliga och publika platser i samhället kan avkolonialiseras med avsikt att skapa ett hem för oss alla.This thesis examines the discourse regarding the Linnaeus Monument in Humlegården, Stockholm, and the Louis De Geer statue at The Old Square, Norrköping. It further analyzes the significance that sculptures gained during the Black Lives Matter demonstrations in 2020, in relation to anti-racism and historical phenomena of 'damnatio memoriae'. With a theoretical framework of postcolonialism and critical race theory, this thesis aims to highlight and analyze the reasonings that were central during the debate, focusing on anti-racist and people of color's voices. Thus, critical discourse analysis and semiotics are used as methods to create an understanding of authority and to shed light on Sweden's own view of its colonial history and elevate the discussion concerning race, class, gender, and power, etcetera, in relation to public art. The thesis, hence, argues how public places in society can be decolonized with the intention of creating a home for all of us.
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Salters, Gregory A. « A Phenomenological Exploration of Black Male Law Enforcement Officers' Perspectives of Racial Profiling and Their Law Enforcement Career Exploration and Commitment ». FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/877.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This phenomenological study explored Black male law enforcement officers’ perspectives of how racial profiling shaped their decisions to explore and commit to a law enforcement career. Criterion and snow ball sampling was used to obtain the 17 participants for this study. Super’s (1990) archway model was used as the theoretical framework. The archway model “is designed to bring out the segmented but unified and developmental nature of career development, to highlight the segments, and to make their origin clear” (Super, 1990, p. 201).
Interview data were analyzed using inductive, deductive, and comparative analyses. Three themes emerged from the inductive analysis of the data: (a) color and/or race does matter, (b) putting on the badge, and (c) too black to be blue and too blue to be black.
The deductive analysis used a priori coding that was based on Super’s (1990) archway model. The deductive analysis revealed the participants’ career exploration was influenced by their knowledge of racial profiling and how others view them. The comparative analysis between the inductive themes and deductive findings found the theme “color and/or race does matter” was present in the relationships between and within all segments of Super’s (1990) model. The comparative analysis also revealed an expanded notion of self-concept for Black males – marginalized and/or oppressed individuals.
Self-concepts, “such as self-efficacy, self-esteem, and role self-concepts, being combinations of traits ascribed to oneself” (Super, 1990, p. 202) do not completely address the self-concept of marginalized and/or oppressed individuals. The self-concept of marginalized and/or oppressed individuals is self-efficacy, self-esteem, traits ascribed to oneself expanded by their awareness of how others view them. (DuBois, 1995; Freire, 1970; Sheared, 1990; Super, 1990; Young, 1990). Ultimately, self-concept is utilized to make career and life decisions.
Current human resource policies and practices do not take into consideration that negative police contact could be the result of racial profiling. Current human resource hiring guidelines penalize individuals who have had negative police contact. Therefore, racial profiling is a discriminatory act that can effectively circumvent U.S. Equal Employment Opportunities Commission laws and serve as a boundary mechanism to employment (Rocco & Gallagher, 2004).
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REKOLA, Tuula. « Drawing distinctions within complex margins : 'gypsies' in the borderland of the Swedish Kingdom, c. 1743-1809 ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53524.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 April 2018Examining Board: Prof. Laura Downs, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Pieter Judson, European University Institute; Prof. Panu Pulma, University of Helsinki; Prof. David Mayall, University of Derby
This dissertation explores the Roma (zigenare, tattare) in the context of the lower strata of society in the eastern border regions of the Swedish Kingdom c. 1743–1809. While the Roma have traditionally been studied as an isolated group, my thesis examines them in relation to other low-status people. Based on close reading of different administrative and judicial sources, it explores the construction and the maintenance of the categories 'zigenare' and 'tattare' in the context of vagrancy control operations, occupational spheres, conflicts, and social mobility. During the research period, Swedish labour and population policies laid emphasis on increasing population growth and labour supply. Vagrancy legislation was extended to encompass the ‘domestic’ 'zigenare/tattare', enabling their exploitation as a workforce. The military held a strong position in society, and military needs greatly affected the enforcement of vagrancy policies. Roma were targeted by vagrancy control more forcefully than the rest of the population. As vagrancy control was enforced at the local level, functional relations with local populations were vital for the survival of the Roma. The economic activities practiced by the Roma tied them to local communities while reinforcing the connection between mobility and the ‘Gypsy’ notion. Roma were bound to society mainly through military occupations, which provided legal protection but also accommodated them on the lower echelons of society. Differentiation between Roma and non-Roma endured throughout the period. Ethnic status was fairly persistent even in the event of changing social status. Ethnicity was usually based on descent, but it could also be connected to a way of life, dark appearance, weak ties to church, and, possibly, to language. However, the ethnic boundaries were not impermeable and the undefined character of the categories 'zigenare/tattare' could allow some flexibility in administrative practices and entail uncertainty concerning identities.
The EUI PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as a chapter 'Romanien varhaisvaiheet Suomessa : 1500-luvulta 1800-luvun puoliväliin' (2012) in the book 'Suomen romanien historia. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran Toimituksia 1372'
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Kawano, Mika. « An observation of the history and discrimination of the Buraku in modern day Japan ». Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/28419.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Buraku people have been segregated, oppressed, and discriminated against
throughout Japanese history. The Japanese can dismiss the Buraku issue because of
assimilation theories, the belief in homogeneity, and passive attitudes by the Buraku
people. The Buraku Liberation League (BLL), which has fought for equal rights on
behalf of the Buraku people since 1955, has the potential to effect changes that will
improve minority issues in Japan.
This thesis examines the historical formation of the Buraku people and the
ideological aspects that reinforce discrimination against them. The historical observation
of the Buraku, conducted by reviewing the existing literature, focuses on how the Buraku
people and the discrimination against them originated. To understand the ideological
aspects of the Buraku issue, focus groups as well as individual interviews were conducted
in Osaka from June to September 1993 to gain a general overview of the problem. There
was a total of four focus groups: three Buraku focus groups (young adults, parents,
elderly) and one non-Buraku focus group (young adults). In addition to the focus groups,
five BLL officers were individually interviewed. Subsequently, questionnaires were
distributed in 1997 in various geographical areas to verify the findings of the first
research. Non-Buraku subjects came from Hokkaido, Tokyo, Kanagawa, and Osaka,
while all the Buraku subjects were from Osaka. Each of the Buraku and the non-Buraku
were categorized into two age groups: parents and young adults.
The results of the historical observation demonstrated that the Buraku people were
derived from people with various backgrounds and occupations. Also, they have
contributed to traditional Japanese art forms (such as dance and arts and crafts) as well as
human rights advancement. The results of the ideological observation revealed that many
non-Buraku subjects had the misconception that Buraku discrimination has disappeared.
Most of them were indifferent toward the Buraku issue and had little knowledge about
Buraku history and the current Buraku issues. Because the present school curriculum
seldom provides information, especially positive information, about the Buraku, the non-
Buraku tend to focus only on the negative aspects of being Buraku. The ideological study
also discovered that non-Buraku subjects tended to avoid involvement with the Buraku,
whereas Buraku subjects hesitated to reveal their identity and often tried to pass as the
non-Buraku. The negative image of the Buraku, the image of isolation and exclusion
induced by discrimination, appears to instill a fear of exclusion from the majority among
both the non-Buraku and Buraku when they become involved in the Buraku issue.
The research suggests that it is essential for the BLL to confront indifference, lack
of knowledge, and the fear of discrimination. In order to accomplish these goals, it is
essential to raise awareness of the Buraku issue and to communicate the positive aspects
of the Buraku. Accordingly, the BLL needs to request that the government, especially the
Ministry of Education, restructure the history and moral education curricula, and provide
nationwide mandatory human rights education to include the Buraku issue. In addition,
in order to confront anti-Buraku liberation theories and for the future success of the
Buraku liberation movement, the BLL needs to focus and define the future direction of
the Buraku liberation movement.Graduation date: 2000
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Cyna, Esther. « Shortchanged : Racism, School Finance and Educational Inequality in North Carolina, 1964-1997 ». Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-1h15-bw36.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines inequality in school funding in North Carolina from 1964 to 1997. It highlights local, county and state decisions about the distribution of educational funds, and shows that public officials have created and maintained school funding mechanisms that exacerbated inequalities between racial groups to preserve White capital and advantage White communities. Discriminatory taxation schemes, district-line gerrymandering and voter suppression ensured White control of school boards and boards of county commissioners, which presided over school budgets, resulting in uneven revenue distribution. I analyze these mechanisms as instances of theft—theft of civil rights and financial resources—within a tradition of kleptocracy in the state.I first focus on four case studies, including two rural and two urban and suburban counties, where I examine the correlation between financial inequities and racial segregation through quantitative and qualitative analysis. I ask how historical actors have addressed educational inequalities over time, and how local governments, courts and legislatures responded to these intertwined challenges.
This study investigates the discrepancy between the legacies of Jim Crow in school finance and racially neutral arguments in education reform and school finance litigation. All four case-study counties became involved in the 1994 Leandro v. State lawsuit, which challenged the state’s school funding formula. The urban-rural plaintiff coalition highlighted contradictions in arguments about the root causes of resource inequalities in public schools. The Leandro case did not address racial discrimination, and I question and historicize this silence.
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Ellis, Beth-Naomi. « Representation of race and gender : the social construction of "white" and "black" women in early British Columbian historical discourses : 1858-1900 ». Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4493.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In contemporary Canadian society women of all "races" are affected by the socially created, racialized and gendered images produced by a culture dominated by "White" males. These images are legacies of Western European cultural history which has traditionally constructed women and people of colour as the "Other", and such constructions have had the effect of restricting women and people of colour from participating fully in mainstream society. While both "White" and "Black" womens' lives have been specifically shaped by such constructs, most "White" women have failed to recognize that "race" has shaped their lives and placed them in a privileged position compared to women of colour, especially "Black" women. In order for "White" (and "Black") women to fully understand racism and sexism, which are both realities of modern societies, it is important for them to understand their historical origins. Therefore, this thesis, in an attempt to address these issues, examines the historical roots and the development of representations of gender and "race" and their specific connections to "Black" and "White" women. The case study involves a focused evaluation of the creation of racialized female symbolism in the early historical narratives of British Columbia between 1858-1900 when the first "Blacks" arrived in the province. These social constructions were compared to the actual lives of "Black" and "White" women of the time in order to gain a clearer understanding of society.
The study showed that representations of "White" and "Black" women were often not consistent with the reality of their lives. Women from both groups were frequently able to restructure and, in many cases, reject such images and create their own social reality. The research, while showing that "White" women were given a more privileged position than "Black" women, also illustrated the many similarities between the lives of women from both groups. Finally, by centering both "Black" and "White" women as the subjects of this study, it was possible to view history through a different lense than the traditional male dominated one.
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Lopez, Gabriella Michelle. « Negotiating divisions : a history of inequality In Monterey County, CA ». 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/19934.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Monterey County is one of the most economically productive regions in California. With its geographical range enclosing prime environmental conditions for agriculture production, pine forests lining the Pacific shore, and the Monterey Bay, people have flocked to the region in search of opportunity. Since the Spanish colonial period to the present, the region has been home to a variety of immigrants and migrants from around the world; thus, social and cultural interactions between residents have shaped the political, economic, and social conditions of the communities in Monterey County throughout history. Furthermore, with the influx of Europeans and Anglo Americans in the early nineteenth century, colonial hegemonies, racial politics, and cultural ideologies influenced the ways by which dominant groups gained power and attempted to control the distribution of social resources throughout Monterey County. As a result, a long record of racial discrimination, marginalization, resistance, and community shifts are prominent throughout the community histories of the region. Today, cultural ideologies and racial hierarchies continue to permeate social relations in the region and influence the socioeconomic differences between the minority-dominated communities and the Anglo dominated communities in Monterey County. Latinos are currently the largest group of the region, making up 55.4 percent of the population while Anglos make up the next largest group at 32.9 percent of the population. The social divisions between Anglos and minorities shape the ongoing struggle for equality in a variety of spheres of community life in the region. The goal of this project is to contribute to the social history of racial and ethnic relations throughout Monterey County in California. Moreover, I hope to create a foundation for future ethnographic field-work concerning current race and ethnic relations and the construction of cultural ideologies in Monterey County. This historical analysis begins with the Spanish colonization of California in the late eighteenth century and continues into the late twentieth century; however, I focus on exploring the racial and ethnic discrimination that was launched after the Spanish conquest and later, augmented by the United States government after the conquest of California in 1848, and continued to increase as war, political ties, and civil rights movements affected the Monterey County communities (Chavez 2007). My focus on the deeply embedded intersecting processes of discrimination, segregation, and marginalization in Monterey County’s history of ethnic and race relations reveals the heavy impact this long history has had on the social conditions of minorities and ethnic relations in the region today.text
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Kidd, Michael John, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College et School of Humanities. « The sacred wound : a legal and spiritual study of the Tasmanian Aborigines with implications for Australia of today ». 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/28158.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis looks at the reality of the situation of the Tasmanian Aborigines using the theme of the 19th Century genocide of the Tasmanian Aborigines and the Sacred wound in the context of the law and spirituality. The methodology of the lived experience of the author is drawn upon for a legal and spiritual analysis of cases lived by the author, which provide a backdrop to the handing back of certain Aboriginal lands in Tasmania as well as reflecting on the intersection of Aboriginal lore and the legal system. The meaning of these cases goes beyond a rational legal analysis as the idea that genocide is still continuing is a difficult one for Australians to understand due to compartmentalisation between spirituality and the law in the context of modern Australia. The High Court case of Mabo poses a dilemma for Aborigines as it contains an opportunity to move beyond terra nullius thinking, but at the same time it limits claims in a way that continues dispossession and may in certain circumstances disallow aspects of Aboriginal self determination. Within this apparent standoff lies the possibility for a development of the law that can embrace or incorporate the Aboriginal spiritual attachment to the land, ancestors and artefacts. There is no word in the English language that can describe the multifaceted, inside and outside, perspectives required to carry out the required discussion that could bring the law more into tune with the people, the land and the original inhabitants. The spiritual direction of Australia, however, could be affected by the turning away from a material, logical rational perspective to the embracing of connection as a value in itself: to spiritual values and a personal sense of calling. The Sacred wound is the meditation around which the discussion of all these themes of lived experience, the law and spirituality moves and ultimately rests.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
39
Kidd, Michael John. « The sacred wound : a legal and spiritual study of the Tasmanian Aborigines with implications for Australia of today ». Thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/28158.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis looks at the reality of the situation of the Tasmanian Aborigines using the theme of the 19th Century genocide of the Tasmanian Aborigines and the Sacred wound in the context of the law and spirituality. The methodology of the lived experience of the author is drawn upon for a legal and spiritual analysis of cases lived by the author, which provide a backdrop to the handing back of certain Aboriginal lands in Tasmania as well as reflecting on the intersection of Aboriginal lore and the legal system. The meaning of these cases goes beyond a rational legal analysis as the idea that genocide is still continuing is a difficult one for Australians to understand due to compartmentalisation between spirituality and the law in the context of modern Australia. The High Court case of Mabo poses a dilemma for Aborigines as it contains an opportunity to move beyond terra nullius thinking, but at the same time it limits claims in a way that continues dispossession and may in certain circumstances disallow aspects of Aboriginal self determination. Within this apparent standoff lies the possibility for a development of the law that can embrace or incorporate the Aboriginal spiritual attachment to the land, ancestors and artefacts. There is no word in the English language that can describe the multifaceted, inside and outside, perspectives required to carry out the required discussion that could bring the law more into tune with the people, the land and the original inhabitants. The spiritual direction of Australia, however, could be affected by the turning away from a material, logical rational perspective to the embracing of connection as a value in itself: to spiritual values and a personal sense of calling. The Sacred wound is the meditation around which the discussion of all these themes of lived experience, the law and spirituality moves and ultimately rests.
40
Seroka, Segopane Freddy. « Implementation of affirmative action in schools : a teacher's perspective ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/8961.
Texte intégral
41
Bradfield, Shelley-Jean. « An analysis of the theme of oppression in six narratives by South African women writers, 1925-1989 ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/7505.
Texte intégralRésumé :
M.A.This study attempts to trace the interrelationship between literature and its historical contexts in six stories by South African women writers. Six South African writers have been selected because their work foregrounds the theme of oppression and because they are representative of the different groupings of the South African population. In her story "The Sisters", Pauline Smith explores the silencing effects of gender oppression in a patriarchy. In "The Apostasy of Carlina", Bertha Goudvis writes of women-on-women oppression between the white and black races. Jayapraga Reddy explores the complexities of intercultural relationships in "Friends". In "Let Them Eat Pineapples", Lizeka Mda explores the oppressive effects of industrial-development on the tribal system in Transkei. In "Last Look at Paradise Road", Gladys Thomas, like Goudvis before her, focuses on the racial discrimination practised by whites against blacks. Gcina Mhlope reveals women-on-women oppression practised both by white-on-black and black-on-black. A chronological ordering of these short stories reveals certain changes in the extent to which attitudes to oppression are revealed and criticized. This study suggests that while there has not been a significant decrease in the degree of oppression to which South African women have been subjected, the increasing awareness and exposure of gender oppression suggests the promise of self-actualization in the struggle for democracy in South Africa.
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Keady, Joseph. « A Translation of Dominik Nagl’s Grenzfälle with an Introductory Analysis of the Translation Process ». 2020. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/881.
Texte intégralRésumé :
My thesis is an analysis of my own translation of a chapter from Dominik Nagl's legal history 'Grenzfälle,' which addresses questions of citizenship and nationality in the context of the German colonies in Africa and the South Pacific. My analysis focuses primarily on strategies that I used in an effort to preserve the strangeness of a linguistic context that is, in many ways, "foreign" to twenty first-century North Americans while also striving to avoid reproducing the violence embedded in language that is historically laden with extreme power disparities.
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Brown, Rachel Christine. « Limitations and liabilities : Flanner House, Planned Parenthood, and African American birth control in 1950s Indianapolis ». Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7912/C2SM0S.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)This thesis analyzes the relationship between Flanner House, an African American settlement house, and Planned Parenthood of Central Indiana to determine why Flanner House director Cleo Blackburn would not allow a birth control clinic to be established at the Herman G. Morgan Health Center in 1951. Juxtaposing the scholarship of African Americans and birth control with the historiography of black settlement houses leads to the conclusion that Blackburn’s refusal to add birth control to the health center’s services had little to do with the black Indianapolis community’s opinions on birth control; instead, Flanner House was confined by conservative limitations imposed on it by white funders and organizations. The thesis examines the success of Blackburn and Freeman B. Ransom, Indianapolis’s powerful black leaders, in working within the system of limitations to establish the Morgan Health Center in 1947. Ransom and Blackburn received monetary support from the United Fund, the Indianapolis Foundation, and the U.S. Children’s Bureau, which stationed one of its physicians, Walter H. Maddux, in Indianapolis. The Center also worked as a part of the Indianapolis City Board of Health’s public health program. These organizations and individuals did not support birth control at this time and would greatly influence Blackburn’s decision about providing contraceptives. In 1951, Planned Parenthood approached Blackburn about adding birth control to the services at Morgan Health Center. Blackburn refused, citing the Catholic influence on the Flanner House board. While acknowledging the anti-birth control stance of Indianapolis Catholics, the thesis focuses on other factors that contributed to Blackburn’s decision and argues that the position of Flanner House as a black organization funded by conservative white organizations had more impact than any religious sentiment; birth control would have been a liability for the Morgan Health Center as adding contraceptives could have threatened the funding the Center needed in order to serve the African American community. Finally, the position of Planned Parenthood and Flanner House as subordinate organizations operating within the limitations of Indianapolis society are compared and found to be similar.
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Hollows, Emma. « Kofifi/Covfefe : How the Costumes of "Sophiatown" Bring 1950s South Africa to Western Massachusetts in 2020 ». 2020. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/933.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis paper reflects upon the costume design process taken by Emma Hollows to produce a realist production of the Junction Avenue Theatre Company’s musical Sophiatown at the Augusta Savage Gallery at the University of Massachusetts in May 2020. Sophiatown follows a household forcibly removed from their homes by the Native Resettlement Act of 1954 amid apartheid in South Africa. The paper discusses her attempts as a costume designer to strike a balance between replicating history and making artistic changes for theatre, while always striving to create believable characters.