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1
Bağırlar, Belgin. « Racism in the 21st Century : Debbie Tucker Green’s Eye for Ear ». European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 3, no 3 (30 décembre 2020) : 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v3i3.483.
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Does equality exist in the 21st century, or, are minorities still forced to fight for equality? In nineteenth century, Britain, racism was blatant in all spheres of cultural, social, and economic life to the point that it crossed over into literature and theatre. In 1978, UNESCO adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Forty years have since passed, but has it made any difference? Contemporary British playwright Debbie Tucker Green’s Eye for Ear (2018), staged at the Royal Court Theatre, reminds us that racism and inequality is still a key social-political issue. This three-act, avant-garde, colloquial play depicts how both African-Americans as well as Black British people still live with racism today. It also highlights racism’s linguistic and legal past. Tucker Green particularly focuses on the violent aspect of that racism through the lens of different characters: an academic, a black student, a black boy, and black parents. The play concludes with crushed hope, for it deduces that Caucasians both in the United States and in Great Britain still dominate practically every facet of society. This study will examine Green’s Ear for Eye, racial discrimination in the 21st century, and how Tucker Green projects her views upon her work through the theory of race and racism.
2
Bodnaruk, M. I., et A. V. Burka. « Legal regulatory anti-discrimination in job advertising : national and foreign experience ». Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no 4 (27 novembre 2022) : 150–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.04.27.
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Despite the fact that in national legislation there is a direct, general ban on the use in advertising of statements and/or images that are discriminatory, as well as directly making claims of a discriminatory nature on the basis of race, skin color, gender, age, state of health, sexual orientation, etc. in advertisements about available vacancies, the latter (discriminatory job advertisements) will continue to be an "integral attribute" of the employment process. It is worth noting that discrimination against employees/candidates in job advertisements is widespread not only in Ukraine. Every country to a certain degree or another faces this type of discrimination, and as a result, the requirements are set at the legislative level for job advertisements, namely: their content, place of publication; cases are prescribed in detail, when advantages are still allowed for one or another reason; liability of employers for violations of legislation.
The article provides a concise retrospective analysis of national legislative requirements regarding the prohibition of discrimination in the advertising of employment services; the provisions of the regulatory acts establishing the procedure for prosecuting advertisers for violations of anti-discrimination norms were analyzed. It was concluded that, in general, the changes made to the current legislation in the field of advertisers' responsibility deserve a positive assessment, but the question of the effectiveness of fines in the real fight against discrimination in practice remains open.
A study of the existing legal requirements for job advertisements and liability for their violation in such countries as the USA, Australia, France, Germany, Great Britain was carried out. The comparative legal analysis of national and foreign legislation made it possible to conclude that: 1) the list of signs for which discrimination in job advertisements is prohibited is almost similar; 2) foreign legislation, generally, defines in sufficient detail the possibility of deviating from anti-discrimination requirements, in contrast to national legislation; 3) in foreign practice, there are also requirements regarding the place of publication, placement of advertisements, failure to comply with which may indicate hidden or indirect discrimination, but in Ukraine, as of today, there are no such requirements; 4) responsibility, as in Ukraine, in most cases comes in the form of fines, although warnings are also possible.
3
Lester, Anthony. « Anti‐discrimination legislation in Great Britain ». Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 14, no 1-2 (septembre 1987) : 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1987.9976024.
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MacEwen, Martin. « Anti‐Discrimination law in Great Britain ». Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 20, no 3 (avril 1994) : 353–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.1994.9976434.
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Lane, Tom. « Along which identity lines does 21st-century Britain divide ? Evidence from Big Brother ». Rationality and Society 32, no 2 (10 février 2020) : 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463120904049.
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This article measures discrimination in the reality TV show Big Brother, a high-stakes environment. Data on contestants’ nominations are taken from 35 series of the British version of the show, covering the years 2000–2016. Race and age discrimination are found, with contestants more likely to nominate those of a different race and those different in age from themselves. However, no discrimination is identified on the basis of gender, geographical region of origin, or level of education. Racial discrimination is driven by males, but females exhibit stronger age discrimination than males. Age discrimination is driven by the younger contestants discriminating against the older. Regional differences emerge, particularly between contestants from Greater London and those from the north of England; northerners have a stronger tendency to engage in racial and age discrimination, and to discriminate in favour of the opposite gender.
6
Corby, Susan, Laura William et Sarah Richard. « Combatting disability discrimination : A comparison of France and Great Britain ». European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no 1 (5 mars 2018) : 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118759169.
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This article examines disabled people’s employment in Great Britain and France. In both countries, they are far less likely to be employed than non-disabled people, but the gap is wider in Britain than in France. Possible explanations for the wider gap in Britain include weak enforcement mechanisms, judicial resistance and the lack of an institutional role for trade unions, resulting in an implementation gap; while the narrower gap in France may reflect the more proactive legislation, including its quota-levy scheme. We conclude that these explanations are not mutually exclusive, and we suggest that Britain might consider adopting some French provisions, thus tempering its voluntarist approach.
7
Gierczak, Katarzyna, et Anna Kotasińska. « The perception of Polish economic immigrants in Great Britain ». Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 205, no 3 (23 septembre 2022) : 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.0033.
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Great Britain is perceived as a traditional immigrant country. In relation to Poland, the process of immigration to the British Isles – especially for economic purposes – intensified after 2004, with the accession to the European Union. The perception of immigrants in the UK began to change in the first months after the referendum on Brexit, when there was an increase in hate crimes, mainly xenophobic crimes. The article presents the subject of Polish economic immigrants in the United Kingdom. Based on their own research conducted among Poles living in Leicester, the authors describe the perception of this group, taking into account positive and negative features of Poles, stereotypes associated therewith or the problem of discrimination (including language discrimination).
8
Bishop, John A., Jonathan M. Lee et Lester A. Zeager. « The Great Recession and U.S. partial discrimination orderings by race ». Economics and Business Letters 3, no 3 (4 octobre 2014) : 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/ebl.3.3.2014.146-155.
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Mosakova, E. A., et K. Kizilova. « Labor market in the UK in digital era : The gender dimension ». RUDN Journal of Sociology 21, no 3 (17 septembre 2021) : 512–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2021-21-3-512-519.
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The article considers gender discrimination in the field of labor relations in the United Kingdom (UK) in the pre-covid period. In the past decades, the Western European countries have made the most significant progress in achieving gender equality in various fields, including labor relations, and became the world leader in this area. However, despite all the efforts of the international community, no country has achieved a full gender equality, and Great Britain is no exception. The authors argue that the British anti-discrimination legislation (before leaving the European Union) was based on international acts and conventions. For a long time, there were acts and laws prohibiting discrimination in the labor market, which seriously hindered the implementation of an effective anti-discrimination policy in the sphere of labor relations. It was not until 2010 that the law on equality was passed to replace all previous laws and regulations and to provide an exhaustive list of criteria for prohibiting discrimination. As a result, Great Britain began to develop a rather strict national anti-discrimination legislation in the field of labor relations. Thus, in the past decades, the UK has been achieving gender equality in the economic sphere at a faster pace than the average European Union country. The study shows a steady decline in the gender wage gap in the UK over the past two decades, which may be considered one of the countrys most significant achievements in fighting gender discrimination in the labor market. However, there is still a number of serious challenges: a relatively low female labor force participation and employment rate, a gender wage gap and income gap, horizontal and vertical segregation, a gender gap in postgraduate education, and a significant gender gap in time spent on family responsibilities. Age discrimination presents a special problem in the sphere of labor relations in Great Britain. In the European Union, the first laws prohibiting age discrimination were adopted only in the 2000s, and in the UK - in 2006. This problem still remains extremely acute for the labor market, since age discrimination in the UK ranks third among the most common grounds for discrimination - after gender and disability.
10
Nurein, Sheymaa Ali, et Humera Iqbal. « Identifying a space for young Black Muslim women in contemporary Britain ». Ethnicities 21, no 3 (20 avril 2021) : 433–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968211001899.
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Young Black Muslim Women (BMW) have complex, intersectional identities and exist at the margins of various identity groupings. Given this, members of the community can face societal relegation across, not only race and gender lines, but across religious ones, too. This paper explores the lived experiences of intragroup discrimination, identity and belonging in 11 young Black Muslim Women in the United Kingdom. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with participants and thematically analysed through the lens of intersectionality. The use of an intersectional framework facilitated an understanding of the manner in which the sample was multiply marginalised. Two key themes emerged from the interviews: firstly, around experiences of intragroup and intersectional discrimination and, secondly, around the challenges of responding to and coping with the negative effects of such discrimination. Participants discussed the cross-cutting nature through which they faced discrimination: from within the Black community; from within the Muslim community; and as a result of their gender. The non-exclusivity of these three identities result in constant encounters of discrimination along different dimensions to their personal identity. They also developed diverse means of coping with this marginalisation including drawing from religious beliefs and mobile identifications, i.e. performing different aspects of their identities in different contexts. The present study contributes to existing knowledge in its focus on an under-researched group and emphasises the negative effects of intragroup discrimination. The paper importantly highlights the diversity within the Black community and considers the (in)visibility of Black Muslim Women within society.
11
Johnes, Martin. « Race, Archival Silences, and a Black Footballer Between the Wars ». Twentieth Century British History 31, no 4 (2 septembre 2020) : 530–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwaa023.
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Abstract The relative absence of colour in archival sources has led the British historiography of race to concentrate too much on the reactions of white Britons and not enough on black experiences. With some notable exceptions, this has created an analytical emphasis on racism and discrimination rather than the agency of black men and women to resist prejudices and live meaningful lives. This article explores the life of Welsh footballer Eddie Parris in order to investigate the working-class black experience in interwar Britain. It acts as a reminder of the importance of thinking of people of colour in early-twentieth-century Britain as individuals rather than just as a racialized category. Nonetheless, notions of racial difference were so pervasive that race was never irrelevant for their lives. The task for the historian is to acknowledge and investigate the impact of these ideas without letting them push aside the actual people within them.
12
Baker, Aaron. « A Tale of Two Projects : Emerging Tension between Public and Private Aspects of Employment Discrimination Law ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 21, Issue 4 (1 décembre 2005) : 591–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2005028.
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Abstract: Zeal for curing the public ill of discrimination can lead to approaches that ignore the more private concerns of individual victims of discrimination. This article explains that the forward-looking project of changing society to eliminate inequality is quite a different project from that of providing accessible and effective individual remedies for discrimination victims. To that end, the nature and divergence of these two projects is described in abstract terms, and then concretely illustrated by reference to US employment discrimination law, where a clear conflict has evolved between the two. The article then traces the development of anti-discrimination law in Great Britain, and the subtly emerging tension between the two projects here. Finally, the article assesses the contemporary discourse on reform of equality law in Britain, and suggests how a new single equality act might drive for social change without eroding the benefits of the existing system for individual dispute resolution.
13
Foner, Nancy. « Race and Color : Jamaican Migrants in London and New York City ». International Migration Review 19, no 4 (décembre 1985) : 708–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791838501900403.
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This article explores the significance of race among Jamaicans in New York City and London. What it means to be a black Jamaican, it is argued, depends on the racial context of the receiving area. Although in the United States and Britain Jamaicans face racial prejudice and discrimination, there are advantages to living in New York. Being part of the larger black population cushions Jamaican migrants in New York from some of the sting of racial prejudice and provides them with easier access to certain occupations and social institutions.
14
Kidd, Michael P., Euan Phimister et Ivan Ferko. « Are Employment Effects of Gender Discrimination Important ? Some Evidence from Great Britain ». Manchester School 71, no 6 (décembre 2003) : 593–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1467-9957.2003.00368.x.
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Malik, Maleiha. « ‘Modernising Discrimination Law’ : Proposals for a Single Equality Act for Great Britain ». International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 9, no 2 (décembre 2007) : 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135822910700900202.
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Contogouris, Ersy. « Gender, Race, and Nation in Tableau Representing Great Britain and Her Colonies ». RACAR : Revue d'art canadienne 44, no 2 (2019) : 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1068318ar.
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Connolly, Michael. « Discrimination Law and the Quota Fear in Britain and the United States ». International Journal of Discrimination and the Law 6, no 4 (juin 2005) : 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135822910500600404.
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On 19th July 2003, following the (EU) Race Directive, 1 a new definition of indirect racial discrimination carne into force in the United Kingdom. 2 Its principal effect was to annul the Court of Appeal's restrictive interpretation of the previous definition. 3 However, the new definition may have potential to cover a class of case beyond any contemplated by the draftsman, where there is a racially imbalanced workforce, but with no identifiable cause; or the ‘result-only’ case. If this were so, the fear is that employers would be forced to adopt quotas, rather than face litigation. This issue arose some time ago in the United States, where, provoked by this quota fear, a majority of the Supreme Court rejected such a broad interpretation of the Civil Rights Act 1964. 4 This paper will discuss whether the quota fear in result-only cases has substance, and whether these cases should indeed be recognised and challengeable under US and UK legislation. 5
18
Chen, Lu. « White Women Mothering Mixed-Race Children in a Black-White Interracial Relationship ». Scientific and Social Research 3, no 6 (29 décembre 2021) : 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.36922/ssr.v3i6.1272.
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It is over five decades since ‘River of Blood,’ the speech about race in Britain, has been acknowledged as the symbol of discrimination towards immigration and minorities like Black British. Meanwhile, America, as another traditional western cultural center, has faced more serious issues during the process of human equality. Loving. V. Virginia, as a legal milestone of Civil Rights in the US, has influenced the public attitude of the majority towards interracial union; however, the discrimination and prejudice have become more invisible via the changing of societal environment. Although the anti-miscegenation movement has been treated as the big step of human rights, the union between black and white faces misunderstanding, even stigmas in their daily lives. Hence, taking black-white interracial relationships as examples, from white women’s perspective, this essay will examine the dilemma between their own cognition of cultural identities and being partially embedded into a different culture when ‘marrying-out’ and raising mixed-race children.
19
King, Mary C. « Black Women's Labor Market Status : Occupational Segregation in the United States and Great Britain ». Review of Black Political Economy 24, no 1 (juin 1995) : 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02911826.
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An initial exploration of the comparative labor market situation of black women in the United States and Great Britain reveals that race and gender play similar roles in allocating people among broad occupations in both nations despite differences in historical circumstances. However, a closer examination based upon measures of occupational segregation shows that labor market dynamics are quite different. Public employment and education do not reduce racial segregation in Britain as they do in the United States, and the immigrant status of many black Britons does not explain these differences. Only youth is associated with reduced segregation in both countries.
20
Bobo, Lawrence D. « KATRINA : Unmasking Race, Poverty, and Politics in the 21st Century ». Du Bois Review : Social Science Research on Race 3, no 1 (mars 2006) : 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x06060012.
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In his allegorical tale “Racism's Secret Bonding,” legal scholar Derrick Bell imagined the occurrence of fourth of July “racial data storms.” During these storms, the consciousness of each and every White American was flooded with full information about the slave trade, slavery, lynching, Jim Crow, and contemporary discrimination, as well as a powerful emotional appreciation for the human suffering entailed by these conditions. Bell's “racial data storms” created great turmoil, anxiety, and demands for action. These demands focused on preventing future waves of “racial data storms” but also sought significant progressive policy intervention against discrimination and inequality. Bell mused that by the time the “racial data storms” had stopped, they “left behind them the greatest social reform movement America had ever known” (1992, p. 150).
21
Saloojee, Zubeida. « Islamophobia Issues, Challenges, and Action ». American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no 2 (1 avril 2005) : 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i2.1709.
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This report is actually a comprehensive and highly informative two-partreport put out by the Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia,which was established by the Runneymede Trust in the United Kingdom in1996. In 1999, Dr. Richard Stone (vice chair of the Runneymede Trust) wasappointed chair of the commission.The first part details the issues and challenges Muslims face in Britain,while the second part focuses on the actions taken to deal with and combatIslamophobia. As a report, its applicability is limited to the socioeconomicand political conditions prevailing in Britain and, in particular, that country’surban areas. However, the substantial issues raised (namely, a broaderdiscussion of the concept of Islamophobia; the relationship of Islamophobiato racism; and whether racism as a concept ought to include intolerance,bias, stereotyping, and discrimination on the basis of religion) have a greaterresonance.The backdrop to the report consists of the events of 9/11 and the growingintolerance displayed in the media, governmental institutions, and societyat large toward Muslims, both individually and collectively. Centrally,the report asks how a secular society like Britain can provide a safe space,one that is free of discrimination, disrespect, and intolerance, in whichMuslims can observe and practice their faith. In addition, the authors alsoask two vitally important questions: “Why is the anti-racist movement soreluctant to address prejudice, hate, and discrimination based on religion?”and concomitantly: “Should Islamophobia be defined as a form of racism, inmuch the same [way] that anti-Semitism clearly is, and should the full forceof race relations legislation be brought to bear to defeat it?” ...
22
Zharovska, Iryna M., Vitaliy B. Kovalchuk, Nataliya M. Gren, Yaryna S. Bohiv et Iryna I. Shulhan. « Explorations of Contemporary Age Discrimination ». International Journal of Social Quality 12, no 2 (1 décembre 2022) : 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ijsq.2022.120206.
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Abstract Age, due among other causes to demographic transitions, has become a common and widespread content of discrimination. It concerns all age groups in all countries. Numerous analyses of regional and international institutions, including departments of the United Nations, demonstrate various determinants of age discrimination (“ageism”) implicit in contemporary societies. This article explores issues of discrimination, in particular age discrimination. These topics are conceived as complex multidimensional societal problematiques that require comprehensive approaches to understand, prevent, and combat them. In our article, the available literature concerning age discrimination is explored. Albania, Great Britain, Norway, Ukraine, the Czech Republic, and Lithuania are deployed as cases of “rules of law” related to ageism. Some practical legal cases are analyzed to explore the impacts of practices of legal politics on discriminatory situations concerning individuals. Finally, recent studies carried out in the context of the social quality approach are used to broaden our scope.
23
Roediger, David. « What if Labor Were Not White and Male ? Recentering Working-Class History and Reconstructing Debate on the Unions and Race ». International Labor and Working-Class History 51 (avril 1997) : 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790000199x.
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During World War Two Alexander Saxton, the great historian of race and class, was a young activist working in the railroad industry. In a lengthy article for theDaily Workerhe caught the complexity of racial discrimination among railway unions. The brotherhoods which organized railroad labor inculded several unions which had historically established the worst records of attempting to enforce what one commentator called the “Nordic closed shop” in their crafts. By the time Saxton wrote, however, the railwayunions had joined in campaigns against the poll tax and against lynching. What they avoided was agitation against “alleged” racism in their own workplaces. When the Fair Employment Practices Committee canceled hearings inquiring into discrimination in railroad employment, the unions rejoiced. Their newspaper observed that in any case such hearings would be illegitimate if African Americans joined in the deliberations. “Thereshould be on the Committee,” according to Labor, “no representative of any race or special interest.” Saxton added, “Apparently white men belongto no race.”
24
Oskooii, Kassra A. R. « Perceived Discrimination and Political Behavior ». British Journal of Political Science 50, no 3 (10 juillet 2018) : 867–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123418000133.
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AbstractCan different experiences with discrimination produce divergent political behaviors? Does it make a difference whether individuals are discriminated against by their peers or community members in the course of everyday life as opposed to political actors or institutions tasked with upholding democratic norms of equality and fairness? Crossing disciplinary boundaries, this study proposes a new theoretical perspective regarding the relationship between discrimination and political behavior. Specifically, it distinguishes between societal (interpersonal) and political (systematic) discrimination when examining the behaviors of racial and ethnic minorities in Great Britain. The results illustrate that although experiences of political discrimination may motivate individuals to take part in mainstream politics for substantive or expressive purposes, the same conclusion cannot necessarily be drawn for those who experience societal rejection. The principal aim of this study is to further highlight the complex and multidimensional nature of discrimination, and to encourage further analyses of how different types of discrimination may impact the civic and political behaviors of minority groups.
25
HUBERMAN, MICHAEL. « Working Hours of the World Unite ? New International Evidence of Worktime, 1870–1913 ». Journal of Economic History 64, no 4 (décembre 2004) : 964–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704043050.
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This article constructs new measures of worktime for Europe, North America, and Australia, 1870–1913. Great Britain began with the shortest work year and Belgium the longest. By 1913 certain continental countries approached British worktimes, and, consistent with recent findings on real wages, annual hours in Old and New Worlds had converged. Although globalization did not lead to a race to the bottom of worktimes, there is only partial evidence of a race to the top. National work routines, the outcome of different legal, labor, and political histories, mediated relations between hours and income.
26
Maguire, Joe A. « Race and Position Assignment in English Soccer : A Preliminary Analysis of Ethnicity and Sport in Britain ». Sociology of Sport Journal 5, no 3 (septembre 1988) : 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.5.3.257.
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The belief that soccer offers black Britons an avenue of social mobility is challenged in this study. Examination of their involvement reveals that blacks have suffered both overt and tacit discrimination. Subject to racial abuse from spectators, black Britons also appear to experience a process of “stacking” apparently related to the concept of centrality. In conducting this study, research data and methodologies from North America and Britain were combined, and the concept of centrality was refined in order to apply it to soccer. The evidence supports the contention that blacks are assigned to positions by white managers on the basis of racial stereotypes of abilities. Future research needs to examine this dimension more closely.
27
JOHNES, MARTIN, et MATTHEW TAYLOR. « BOXING, RACE, AND BRITISH IDENTITY, 1945–1962 ». Historical Journal 63, no 5 (14 février 2020) : 1349–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000724.
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AbstractWith a formal colour bar on British championships operating until 1948, boxing had long been a site of racial discrimination. The abolition of the sport's colour bar was recognition of the wrongness of racial exclusion and it was followed by a celebration of black fighters as local and national heroes. The sport became a rare space where black men could be spoken about, discussed, and celebrated without primary reference to their colour. However, race was never irrelevant, especially as the number of black boxers rose with wider patterns of migration. Race was thus widely discussed in boxing, although there was rarely open discussion of racism. This absence, along with black successes in the ring, masked deep levels of both structural and interpersonal prejudice. Racial differences remained accepted as common sense by white Britons. Indeed, immigration intensified racism in Britain, changing the perceived position of people of colour from exotic novelties to threats to society. Boxing is thus a reminder of the contradictory dynamics of race. Formal mechanisms of exclusion could be removed, while informal mechanisms intensified. Individuals could be celebrated, while people of colour as a group were looked down upon. Black achievements could simultaneously reinforce ideas of black inferiority.
28
Manurung, Ayub, Martha Pardede et Desri Maria Sumbayak. « Racism Portrayed in I Am Thunder and The Hate U Give ». LingPoet : Journal of Linguistics and Literary Research 2, no 3 (1 octobre 2021) : 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/lingpoet.v2i3.6398.
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This research is intended to describe the racism that found in I Am Thunder; to describe the racism that found in The Hate U Give; and to find out the similarities and differences of racism that found in I Am Thunder and The Hate U Give. This research used a descriptive qualitative method, which was done by collecting, grouping, and analyzing the research data. The data in this research were dialogue and event, which are related to racism in both of novels. The data were collected by reading the both of novels and compare the both of novels. Based on the data analysis it was found that four forms of racism were found in both of novels they are stereotype, prejudice, rejection and discrimination. After analyzing racism by four forms of racism, the writer finally found similarities and differences. Both of the main character in these novels treated badly in society because of their race, they can’t be their own selves in public and should fight against racism, but the main characters have different race, Muzna is a Britain Pakistani while Starr is a Black American. The prejudice and stereotype to these cultures are different. People thought that Britain Pakistani deals with terrorist and ISIS while Black American deals with crime, thug and gangster.
29
Moreno, Paul. « Racial Proportionalism and the Origins of Employment Discrimination Policy, 1933–1950 ». Journal of Policy History 8, no 4 (octobre 1996) : 410–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005406.
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The 1930s and 1940s saw the beginning of a discussion of the problem of racial discrimination in employment. The Great Depression, the maturation of civil rights organizations, and the New Deal's change in American principles of property rights and-labor policy helped launch this discussion. Campaigns undertaken by black organizations and federal agencies began to grapple with the idea of race-based remedial strategies to combat discrimination in employment, and our modern concept of equal employment opportunity, which holds that an employer's workforce should contain approximately the same proportion of minorities as are present in the population, first received expression in this period.
30
Dahiya, Anisha. « Ethnic Discrimination in The Bluest Eye ». SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 9, no 3 (27 mars 2021) : 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v9i3.11014.
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Ethnicity is one of the most debatable topics in contemporary times. Human culture is divided along ethnic and national lines. Ethnicity and Race function as most powerful language of human difference and human community. An ethnic group that is dominant often tends to make its own culture specific traits normative in that society. The Bluest Eye is one of the landmark novels of Toni Morrison in which the markings of ethnicity play a great role. The aim of this paper is to explore the traces of ethnic discrimination of the African Americans at the hands of dominant White Americans in the novel The Bluest Eye. It illustrates how ethnic stereotypes propagated by White Americans for their selfish purposes victimised the black people at that time. Particular emphasis is given on the psychological effects of the oppressive environment on the protagonist Pecola. Morrison portrays Pecola as a marginalized and oppressed character who yearns to have blue eyes to have a respectable position in the community.
31
Bi, Suriyah. « More Than “Multiple Jeopardy” : Navigating the Legal System as a British-Muslim-Woman-Litigant-in-Person ». Journal of Muslims in Europe 8, no 3 (30 septembre 2019) : 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341403.
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Abstract Against the backdrop of rising Islamophobia and a deficit in the literature of Muslim experiences of resistance to discrimination through the legal action, in this article, I employ an auto-ethnographic methodological approach to critically reflect on my journey from classroom to courtroom, as a British Muslim woman of colour and litigant-in-person. While threading in excerpts of legal documents from the case, I highlight that: (a) as Muslims we must resist in ways acceptable to gate-keepers of the law, who are largely white and middle-class and unaware of the embodied realities of the inequality that minorities in Britain experience; (b) the law fails to take account of the “context” in which discrimination(s) takes place, as a result of which legal logic(s) and methodologies in cases of religious discrimination are flawed; (c) a religio-social capital operates against Muslims, negating positive social capital(s) such as education, and which, in the social penalties Muslims experience, accumulates greater weight than other intersecting subjectivity markers such as race, class, ethnicity, and gender. I contrast King’s theory of “multiple jeopardy” with my embodied experience of discrimination and inequality, which I demonstrate using the model of the glass Rubik’s cube.
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Zharovska, Iryna M., Vitaliy B. Kovalchuk, Nataliya M. Gren, Yaryna S. Bohiv et Iryna I. Shulhan. « Age discrimination in modern global society ». Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S3 (22 octobre 2021) : 525–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns3.1542.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Human rights discrimination has a destructive impact on legal reality. It demonstrates in different ways. On the modern stage of society development, one of the most common form of discrimination is age discrimination since it concerns all society groups in any country. In science literature, there is no common view on the understanding of age discrimination, that is why its interpretation (as a category that is demonstrated through stereotype, prejudice and age discrimination in its broad sense i.e., all individuals because of age that cause harmful consequences for society and particular individuals) is justified. Monitoring reports, analytical reviews and notes of professional international institutions at the level of UN bodies demonstrate the variable determinants of modern society in the context of aging trends and other related population and legal trends. Comprehensive approach of the survey is conditioned by need in methodical representation of declared problems through definition of economical, cultural, political, legal, social, middle-aged, labor, medical, gender and other agents that are directly related to the guarantee of equality and discrimination issues. Regulatory legal method helps to interpret rules of law in broader context in national legal systems of Albania, Great Britain, Norway, Ukraine, the Czech Republic, Lithuania.
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Wang, Jiahao. « Analysis of the Impact of Racial Discrimination on Real-life Social Interactions ». Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 27 (5 mars 2024) : 240–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/barj5b82.
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Race has always been one of the core issues focused on throughout the world. With the technological progress and civilization of mankind, people's living standards have improved to a great extent, and civilization has developed to a greater extent, but the problem of racial discrimination in a variety of scenarios has not been eliminated, and in some ways, racial discrimination can have a very profound impact on a country to a company. In some ways, racial discrimination can have a profound effect on a country or a company. In general, in companies where racial discrimination is a minimal problem, there tends to be less conflict and tension among members. Conversely, when prejudice and discrimination are prevalent among individuals within a company, it can lead to the perpetuation of problems such as unfair communication, cooperation and promotion practices. Ultimately, this can have a negative impact on a company's performance and reputation. Therefore, it is crucial to address the issue of racial discrimination. The purpose of this paper is to analyze and mitigate the impact of racial discrimination on our lives and work through collected data and specific case studies.
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Jur, Lena. « Where Do They Belong?—Adoption of Mixed-Race Children in Late 1950s and Early 1960s Britain ». Genealogy 6, no 3 (25 août 2022) : 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6030071.
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This paper analyses the adoption of mixed-race children in Great Britain from formerly colonised or dominion territories after the Second World War with a focus on the late 1950s and early 1960s. It explores the ways in which mixed-race children and their biological, as well as their adoptive families, were treated in the adoption system in order to explore the tensions that arise between adoption and questions of racial belonging. As adoption and its related processes have the ability to profoundly interfere with the most private realms of human cohabitation—the family, this positions the history of adoption right at the interface of the private and the public sphere, offering an ideal background to look at the public as well as the private perception of the (decolonising) British Empire. By taking this specific group of children into focus, it is possible to illustrate the immediate and deeper effect of the race/colour question in adoptions as if under a magnifying glass. In the context of adoption processes, deeply colonial and inherently racist patterns of thought can be found, particularly in adoption records, but also in advice literature.
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Mehdipanah, Roshanak, Kiana Bess, Steve Tomkowiak, Audrey Richardson, Carmen Stokes, Denise White Perkins, Suzanne Cleage, Barbara A. Israel et Amy J. Schulz. « Residential Racial and Socioeconomic Segregation as Predictors of Housing Discrimination in Detroit Metropolitan Area ». Sustainability 12, no 24 (13 décembre 2020) : 10429. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su122410429.
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This study examined neighborhood racial and socioeconomic characteristics associated with housing discrimination (HD) in the Detroit Metropolitan Area, Michigan. Using novel neighborhood level data from the Fair Housing Center of Metropolitan Detroit in combination with the American Community Survey, incidence rate ratios (IRRs) were derived to examine associations between HD cases and percentage of homeowners, non-Hispanic White (NHW) residents, and median income. Models were stratified to examine these associations for race-, disability- and rent-related HD outcomes. Between 2008–2017, 988 HD incidents were reported. Independently, neighborhood proportion NHW, income, and homeownership were inversely associated with all-types of HD. Jointly, the neighborhood predictors remained significant indicators. Similar patterns were observed in race-, disability- and rent-related HD when neighborhood predictors were examined independently. In the joint models, household income no longer predicted race-related HD, while proportion NHW no longer predicted disability- and rent-related HD. Results suggest HD may be more frequent in neighborhoods with greater proportions of NHB or Hispanic residents, those with lower incomes, and greater proportion of rental households. These findings have great social and health implications and warrant further exploration of how HD contributes to social and health inequities in lower income, predominantly NHB and Hispanic neighborhoods and those with more renters.
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Rosanowski, S. M., Y. M. Chang, A. J. Stirk et K. L. P. Verheyen. « Epidemiology of race-day distal limb fracture in flat racing Thoroughbreds in Great Britain (2000-2013) ». Equine Veterinary Journal 51, no 1 (28 juin 2018) : 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/evj.12968.
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Rosanowski, Sarah M., Yu-Mei Chang, Anthony J. Stirk et Kristien L. P. Verheyen. « Risk factors for race-day fatality in flat racing Thoroughbreds in Great Britain (2000 to 2013) ». PLOS ONE 13, no 3 (21 mars 2018) : e0194299. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0194299.
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Yerokhin, Vladimir. « CELTIC FRINGES AND CENTRAL POWER IN GREAT BRITAIN : HISTORY AND MODERNITY ». Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no 1 (49) (26 mai 2020) : 226–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-226-244.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article deals with history of interrelations between political centre and Celtic fringes of Great Britain in modern and contemporary times. As soon as nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active from the mid 1960s, the need appeared to analyze the history of interrelations between central
power and Celtic regions in order to understand causes of Celtic people’s striving for obtaining more rights and even state independence. The article ascertains that attitude of central power to Celtic fringes was complicated by ethno-cultural differences between Englishmen and Celtic people, which resulted in discrimination of Scotland, Wales and Ireland by London's policy towards Celtic regions. Since British industrialization evolved the central power in Great Britain, it created conditions for balanced comprehensive
development of industrial economy only in English counties, whereas Celtic regions were permitted to develop only branches of economic activity which were non-competitive to English business. The level of people’s income in Celtic fringes was always lower than in English parts of Great Britain. There was an
established practice that English business dominated in Celtic regions and determined the economic development of Celtic regions. The English as distinct from Celts had prior opportunities to be engaged on more prestigious and highly paid positions. Celtic population’s devotion to preservation of their culture
and ethno-cultural identity found expression in religious sphere so that Nonconformity and Presbyterianism accordingly dominated among Welshmen and Scotsmen. Political movements in Celtic fringes put forward ethno-cultural demands
rather than social class ones in their activities.
During the first half of the XX century the opposition between Celtic fringes and central power in Great Britain showed that in parliamentary elections Celtic population gave their votes mainly for the members of Labour Party. From the mid-1960s nationalist movements in Celtic fringes became more active. They began to make slogans of political independence. The author of the
article comes to conclusion that interrelations of central power in Great Britain towards Celtic fringes can be adequately described by notions of I. Wallerstein’s world-system analysis and M. Hechter's model of internal colonialism.
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Bekova, R. M. « The Policy of Preserving National Linguistic Identity on the Example of the Welsh ». Journal of Law and Administration 19, no 4 (6 février 2024) : 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2023-4-69-108-115.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Introduction. The article examines the British policy pursued in the 16th – first half of the 20th centuries in relation to the autochthonous languages of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The author characterizes the language policy of Great Britain in this period as a policy of linguistic nationalism of the English language and discrimination against the national languages of other peoples. The article also discusses the main legal acts aimed at expanding the use of the Welsh language and consolidating the status of the Welsh language as the national language of Wales.Materials and methods. To achieve this goal, the article used the method of the structural-functional approach, as well as modern principles of scientific knowledge of complex social phenomena and processes, based on a combination of macro- and microsociological research. The materials of the article were the works of scientists on the stated issues.Results of the study. It is concluded that the Welsh language has managed to maintain its independence to a greater extent than other autochthonous languages of the peoples of Great Britain, and in modern conditions there is a tendency to increase the number of people using the Welsh language in everyday life. The main findings of this article were the demonstration of specific discriminatory measures applied by the UK in relation to the Welsh language, including the ban on the use of Welsh as the language of legislation, the language of judicial proceedings and restrictions on teaching in Welsh.Discussion and conclusion. The study identifies the reasons and constitutional and legal factors for the transition from a policy of language discrimination to a policy of dialogue of cultures, as well as the influence of public figures advocating the preservation and expansion of the use of the Welsh language on the language policy of Great Britain. The constitutional significance of the Welsh Language Regulations 2011 is stated, and for the first time in the Russian-language doctrine the content of this law is analyzed.
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Moyn, Samuel. « From One Paradigm to Another : The Jewish History of Race and Religion in International Law ». AJIL Unbound 118 (2024) : 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2024.16.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Rabiat Akande's article, “An Imperial History of Race-Religion in International Law,” draws attention to the gap in frameworks of protection from religious discrimination, on the compelling rationale that much contemporary discrimination continues to work through racialization. And she provides a genealogy to show that this gap is not there by accident—it presupposes a specific set of histories that excluded the racialization of religion from protection, because such protection was devised to respond to some kinds of wrongs (especially those of concern to white Christians) rather than others. In this essay, I would like to draw out much more explicitly than she does Akande's momentous point that Jews—racialized by white Christian Europeans—once experienced and fought this very same protection gap. This story is of great historical interest in its own right, but it also redoubles the familiar lesson that colonialism never just ends. Instead, it endures in complex ways and facilitates ongoing cycles of suffering and unfreedom.
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Dias-Abey, Manoj. « Mobilizing for Recognition : Indie Unions, Migrant Workers, and Strategic Equality Act Litigation ». International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 38, Issue 2 (1 juin 2022) : 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2022007.
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Drawing on a broad repertoire of action, including strategic litigation, several new activist unions have appeared that seek to represent the multiracial working class of contemporary Britain. Although the court cases that have drawn the most attention are those that challenge the misclassification of employees or ‘workers’ as ‘self-employed’, another dimension of these unions’ strategic litigation has been the utilization of the Equality Act 2010 (Equality Act) to allege racial discrimination. The contention advanced in this article is that it might be possible to read unions’ increasing use of the Equality Act as instances of them pursuing a politics of recognition. For those of us interested in analysing and assessing the strategies of unions in respect of their multiracial membership, the critical question is why and how race discrimination claims may act to boost indie unions’ efforts to organize diverse workplaces. Drawing on Nancy Fraser’s work that asserts a politics of recognition can contribute to a politics of redistribution, this article proposes that recognition claims may be advancing the broader goals of labour organizing by building a worker subjectivity poised for action, and a collective identity undergirded by respect, mutual understanding, and solidarity. Discrimination, Migrant Workers, Legal Mobilization, Recognition, Organizing
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Franklin, John Hope. « The Two Worlds of Race : A Historical Perspective ». Daedalus 140, no 1 (janvier 2011) : 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00056.
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Franklin's essay traces the practices, policies, and laws that, from colonial times through the mid-1960s moment when he composed his essay, created and sustained the two worlds of race in America. He outlines the history of efforts from that period to alleviate racial distinctions and to foster a “world of equality and complete human fellowship.” Franklin cautions, however, that even certain well-intentioned efforts to extend services, opportunities, and rights to African Americans sometimes reinforced segregation and discrimination. He considers how key historical, legal, political, and social developments from the twentieth century - World War II, the growth of labor unions, the Great Migration, America's ascendancy as a world power, among others - advanced racial equality in America while often intensifying the backlash from opponents to such equality. Still, Franklin concludes optimistically that however strident those opponents may be, they “have been significantly weakened by the very force of the numbers and elements now seeking to eliminate the two worlds of race.”
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Deivasigamani, T. « RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN JAMAICA KINCAID’S THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MY MOTHER ». International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 4, no 12SE (31 décembre 2016) : 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v4.i12se.2016.2476.
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Jamaica Kincaid is an American novelist, short-story writer, gardener, essayist, and reviewer. She has become one of Caribbean’s major woman writers in recent decades. Kincaid’s writings comprise exile, search for identity, and alienation. Her production strikes the reader with a balanced mixture of anger and loss. Kincaid’s great variety of issues draws so many readers to her writings. Kincaid’s novels reflect her desire to draw on the people, places, language, race, mother-daughter relationship, values, cultural traditions, and politics that have shaped her own life and that of African American people. In America, Racial discrimination is very common and hurts very much. During the slavery era, white people had black people as slaves in their own household. Black people have to satisfy their white masters. If the white people were not satisfied, they would try to hurt the black people. This paper “Racial Discrimination in Jamaica Kincaid’s The Autobiography of My Mother” focuses on how race plays a pivotal role in Africans literature and their day today life and how blacks suffered for their survival. It also reveals how Kincaid’s The Autobiography of My Mother illuminates black American experiences in the contemporary American society from various perspectives. It also shows how black women have been exploited in a white dominated male chauvinistic society. In the face of enormous problems and frequent victimization, black women are shown imitating through their sense of community and social powers.
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Hudima, Tetiana, Oleksandr Trehub et Vladyslav Kamyshanskyi. « INTERNATIONAL DIGITAL TRADE & ; DIGITAL ECONOMY AGREEMENTS : CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR UKRAINE ». Financial and credit activity problems of theory and practice 5, no 52 (31 octobre 2023) : 449–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.55643/fcaptp.5.52.2023.4139.
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The article examines the prospects for the digital transformation of Ukraine's foreign economic policy in the context of international digital trade/economy agreements, especially the Digital Trade Agreement between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Ukraine. The economic and legal effectiveness of these agreements in the process of digital transformation of foreign economic policy (foreign trade) in Ukraine and at the international level is proven. To increase their effectiveness and accelerate implementation, the political and legal framework is of great importance. Under other circumstances, the realisation of such agreements will be complicated by the need to bring domestic legislation in line with their provisions, as the case of Ukraine shows. It is substantiated that the implementation of the Digital Trade Agreement between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Ukraine is complicated by the lack of national legislation regarding electronic document management in cross-border trade; the slow pace of implementation of international legislation, for example, on personal data protection; the existence of differences in the legislative approaches of the European Union and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland regarding certain issues of trade in goods and services etc. It is emphasized that certain norms of the agreement are declarative and that it does not address some important issues that can be of great value for cross-border trade in the future.The expediency of Ukraine's constant participation in international cooperation in order to modernize foreign economic and national economic policy, taking into account the requirements of international documents and current challenges, is reasoned. In this context, constant monitoring, study of foreign experience and analysis of the consequences of resolving such important issues as cross-border transfer of information by electronic means, localization of data and entities that provide their transfer, non-discrimination, etc. are vital.
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Friji, Noureddine. « Racial/Facial Discrimination in Malcolm Bradbury’s Eating People Is Wrong ». American, British and Canadian Studies 34, no 1 (1 juin 2020) : 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/abcsj-2020-0010.
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AbstractAs unprecedented waves of immigrants poured into Britain in the wake of World War Two, racism reared its ugly head. Literary works, like several branches of learning, made a considerable contribution towards bringing the problems of otherness and foreignness to the forefront of public attention. Malcolm Bradbury’s academic novel, Eating People Is Wrong (1959), is a typical case in point. This essay attempts to turn the spotlight on the unjust and unjustifiable racist judgments and practices inflicted on black African students in the said novel’s provincial redbrick university and, by extension, in the social universe. Unlike previous scholarly research on Bradbury’s work, the present paper pursues a new line of investigation by leaning on George Lakoff and Mark Johnson’s analysis of metonymy in their Metaphors We Live By (1980). This interdisciplinary venture aims to gauge the extent to which metonymic concepts involving skin colour and certain body parts inform race-related attitudes and demeanour. More precisely, I maintain that by purposely boiling the appearance and identity of a Nigerian student called Eborebelosa down to a “black face” or a “black head,” some prejudiced white academics cast him in the role of an inferior other and an unwelcome alien. This is all the more lamentable as intellectuals are supposed to ensure the prominence and permanence of tolerance, equality, and justice, instead of assuming the role of complacent and complicit social actors.
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Moreno, Paul. « ADMINISTERED ENTITLEMENTS : COLLECTIVE BARGAINING TO AFFIRMATIVE ACTION ». Social Philosophy and Policy 38, no 1 (2021) : 289–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052521000327.
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AbstractThis essay tells the story of the development of two of the most significant and controversial entitlement programs in twentieth-century U.S. history—collective bargaining and affirmative action. It focuses on the nexus between them—how New Deal empowerment of labor unions contributed to racial discrimination, and thus fed the Great Society race-based programs of affirmative action. The evolving relationship between the courts and the bureaucracies is emphasized, particularly how the judiciary went from an obstacle to an enabler of the entitlement state.
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Fisher, Tracy, et Ellen Reese. « The Punitive Turn in Social Policies : Critical Race Feminist Reflections on the USA, Great Britain, and Beyond ». Critical Sociology 37, no 2 (17 août 2010) : 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920510378772.
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Davies, Madeleine, Kate A. Jackson, Anna Louise Mackinnon, Alison Turner, Kerry Kuznik, Jerry Hill, Julia L. Newton et Maria Sanchez Santos. « Epidemiology of race day injury in young professional jockeys in Great Britain from 2007 to 2018 : a retrospective cohort study ». BMJ Open 11, no 8 (août 2021) : e044075. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-044075.
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IntroductionThere are limited injury data in professional horse racing, particularly by sex.ObjectivesTo describe injury incidence, characteristics and falls in male and female, flat and jump jockeys in Great Britain.Design and settingRetrospective cohort study of professional jockeys in Britain.Participants245 jockeys licensed between 2007 and 2017.Primary and secondary outcome measuresThe primary outcome measure was injury on a race day. Injury incidence (per 1000 rides; per 1000 falls) was derived. Incidence-rate ratios (IRR) were calculated to compare incidence between flat and jump racing, male and female jockeys, and male flat and male jump jockeys for: (i) injury incidence, (ii) fall incidence and (iii) injuries per fall.Results234 British professional jockeys were included. Jockeys were on average 19.5±2.0 years old at licence date, 79.9% male and 58.1% flat. The time of follow-up (racing in the study) was 3.7 (SD=2.3) years. There were 278 injuries, occurring in-race (81.7%), in the stalls (10.8%) or parade ring (6.1%). After one injury was removed to preserve anonymity, 57.2% were soft tissue injuries, 25.3% fractures and 10.5% concussion. There were 1634 falls, with 92% in male jump racing. The injury incidence was higher in jump racing (5.1 vs 1.0/1000 jockey rides). The falls incidence was 1.8/1000 rides in flat and 46.2/1000 rides in jump racing (IRR 0.04, 95% CI 0.03 to 0.04). There were over five times higher injuries/1000 falls in flat than jump racing (IRR 5.56, 95% CI 4.05 to 7.53). Male flat jockeys fell less than female flat (IRR 0.57, 95% CI 0.35 to 0.97).ConclusionMost injuries occurred in-race and were soft tissue injuries. Jump jockeys fell more often than flat, and female flat jockeys fell more often than male flat. Flat jockeys injured more frequently when falling. No sex differences were seen for injuries per fall.
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Gotham, Kevin Fox. « Racialization and the State : The Housing Act of 1934 and the Creation of the Federal Housing Administration ». Sociological Perspectives 43, no 2 (juin 2000) : 291–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389798.
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Research examining the impact of corporate interests, state structures, and class contradictions on the state policy formation process has been dominated by three major theoretical perspectives: business dominance theory, state-centered theory, and Marxian structuralism. I argue that these existing perspectives pay insufficient attention to race and racial discrimination as a central component in the formulation and implementation of state policy. This article uses the concept of racialization to reframe existing theories of the state to explain the origin of the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) through the Housing Act of 1934. As an integral component of New Deal legislation, the FHA was created for the purpose of salvaging the home building and finance industries that had collapsed during the Great Depression. I draw on government housing reports and analyses, real estate industry documents, and congressional testimony to examine the racial dynamic of the FHA's housing policies and subsidies. The analysis demonstrates the value of employing a racialization framework to account for the racial motivations surrounding the origin of state policies, the racial basis of corporate interests, and the impact of race and racial discrimination on the creation and development of state structures.
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Grandy, Christine. « “The Show Is Not about Race’” : Custom, Screen Culture, and the Black and White Minstrel Show ». Journal of British Studies 59, no 4 (octobre 2020) : 857–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.125.
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AbstractIn 1967, when the BBC was faced with a petition by the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination requesting an end to the televised variety program the Black and White Minstrel Show (1958–1978), producers at the BBC, the press, and audience members collectively argued that the historic presence of minstrelsy in Britain rendered the practice of blacking up harmless. This article uses critical race theory as a useful framework for unpacking defenses that hinged on both the color blindness of white British audiences and the simultaneous existence of wider customs of blacking up within British television and film. I examine a range of “screen culture” from the 1920s to the 1970s, including feature films, home movies, newsreels, and television, that provide evidence of the existence of blackface as a type of racialized custom in British entertainment throughout this period. Efforts by organizations such as the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination, black press publications like Flamingo, and audiences of color to name blacking up and minstrelsy as racist in the late 1960s were met by fierce resistance from majority white audiences and producers, who denied their authority to do so. Concepts of color blindness or “racial innocence” thus become a useful means of examining, first, the wide-ranging existence of blacking-up practices within British screen culture; second, a broad reluctance by producers and the majority of audiences to identify this as racist; and third, the exceptional role that race played in characterizations of white audiences that were otherwise seen as historically fragile and impressionable in the face of screen content.