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1
Cooper, Matthew. « The Labour Governments 1964-1970 and the other equalities ». Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2013. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8384.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the idea that an equality state has evolved in Britain since the 1960s. The policies and institutions that make up the equality state are those that seek to ensure some forms of equality between its citizens. Its latest development has been through the 2010 Equality Act that promotes equality in relation to nine protected characteristics, but just two of these are considered here, race and sex. The study will investigate the origins of the equality state under the 1964-1970 Labour governments through the formulation of policies that explicitly or implicitly promoted sex and racial equality. The main areas examined in relation to racial equality are the anti-discrimination provisions of the 1965 and 1968 Race Relations Acts; measures to promote the integration of immigrants, particularly in employment, education, housing and policing; the institutions which aided integration particularly the National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants and Community Relations Commission; and the Urban Programme and other measures taken in response to Enoch Powell's 1968 'Rivers of Blood' speech. With sex equality the areas considered are the 1970 Equal Pay Act; the development of policy to promote equal opportunity in employment; and the reform of law relating to abortion, divorce and the availability of contraceptive services through state agencies. iv The primary focus of the thesis is on the policy making process and the research is based on government papers in The National Archives. Other influences on these policy areas have been researched through primary sources, particularly policies' origins in the Labour Party, the influence of the trade union movement, campaigning groups and, in the case of sex equality, the remaining first wave feminist organisations. Through this the thesis develops an understanding of the nature and limitations of the equality that the equality state promotes.
2
Murphy, Richard. « Health professionals and ethnic Pakistanis in Britain : risk, thalassaemia and audit culture ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2802.
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The central theme or 'red-thread' that I consider in this thesis is the concept of risk as it is perceived by and affects the two sides of the medical encounter -in this instance ethnic Pakistanis and Health Professionals- in Britain. Each side very often perceives risk quite distinctively, relating to the balance between the spiritual and temporal realms. This is particularly germane in matters to do with possible congenital defects within the prenatal realm for the ethnic Pakistani, and predominantly Muslim, side of this encounter. Thus one of the factors considered in this thesis is how senses of Islam impact upon the two sides. By ethnic Pakistanis Islam is seen as central to all life decisions, whilst Health Professionals view Islam with some considerable trepidation, little understanding it or its centrality to the former's decision-making processes. This is particularly significant with regard to attitudes to health and health care. In the initial stages of the project I had thought first cousin marriage (FCM), seen by ethnic Pakistanis as desirable and by Health Professionals as putting ethnic Pakistanis at-risk to be central to the argument, but concluded that concerns around FCM were a 'red herring', merely a trope for the tensions between the two sides -at once both British and at-risk from audit culture. Although no longer central, FCM remains a viable touchstone in consideration of the two sides' perceptions of genetic risk. In this thesis the medical encounter between ethnic Pakistanis and Health Professionals is performed within the realm of the so called New Genetics. Here the respective understandings of the New Genetics are informed by the enculturation processes that shape the two sides' world view. Furthermore, I will agree with Lord Robert Winston's and others' concern that any attempt to eradicate an adaptive genetic mutation, in this instance, thalassaemia, from the gene pool is not only undesirable in the short term, but also that such eradications may have an adverse, and far reaching, effect on whole population groups in the future. The main thrust of my argument is that audit culture not only compounds risk for both sides, but also perpetuates institutional racism within the National Health Service (NHS), by promulgating what I have called the language myth. That is to say that much institutional racism is the unwanted by-product of the NHS's attempts to become more patient centred and its continuing efforts to develop systems of best practice. This professionalisation process within the NHS can be seen to impact most strongly in relation to communication -particularly the claimed language barrier between the two sides. This 'barrier' has worrying policy implications for any meaningful communication between the two sides, notably relating to obtaining informed consent from ethnic Pakistani patients -with a resultant increase in risk for the two sides and clear economic consequences for the NHS.
3
Ramos, Miguel R. « Group identification and perceived discrimination : a study of international students in the UK ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/934.
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This thesis examined how international students experience life in the UK and, in particular, how these students respond to experiences with discrimination and social exclusion. Specifically, we drew on the rejection-identification model (Branscombe et al., 1999) in order to examine the impact of minority group identification as a coping strategy against perceptions of discrimination. Despite the number of studies supporting the rejection-identification model (e.g. Schmitt et al., 2002, Schmitt et al., 2003), discrepant findings were found in other research (e.g. McCoy & Major, 2003; Eccleston & Major, 2006). In order to solve these inconsistencies we proposed to extend this model in two important ways. Firstly, building on important work on the multidimensionality of social identification (e.g. Cameron & Lalonde, 2001; Ellemers et al., 1999; Jackson, 2002), we argued that a multidimensional perspective of the rejection-identification model is fundamental given that different dimensions of social identification (i.e. ingroup affect, centrality, and ingroup ties) have different effects on psychological well-being. Secondly, we hypothesised that the protective effect of the different dimensions of social identification depended upon individual preferences, beliefs and behaviours towards own and host group (i.e. acculturation strategies). These two extensions to the rejection-identification model were tested longitudinally with a sample of 160 international students. Results indicated that none of the dimensions of social identification serve to protect students from the harmful effects of discrimination. Indeed, support was found for the argument that it is important to investigate possible moderators of the rejection-identification relationship. Our results also indicated that when international students perceive discrimination, a separation strategy allows them to maintain ingroup affect, and in this way protect their self-esteem. Integration, marginalisation, and assimilation strategies were associated with lower ingroup affect leaving these students without a successful strategy to cope with discrimination. Although the aim of this thesis was to examine the experiences of international students, in Chapter 7 we replicated our previous model with a sample of Polish immigrants (N = 66) in order to test whether our results could be generalised to other minority groups. Results supported the previous findings with international students. Finally, the discussion of this thesis focused on the importance of taking into account individual acculturation strategies in order to understand the relation between perceived discrimination, minority group identification, and well-being. We also focused on how the knowledge generated by this research may support international students.
4
Shimazu, Naoko. « The racial equality proposal at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference : Japanese motivations and Anglo-American responses ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8fd0f80b-a0be-42df-a1a0-7441fb27616b.
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This thesis is a study of the racial equality proposal at the Paris Peace Conference. It explores Japanese motivations for submitting the proposal, and the responses of the British and American governments which eventually defeated it. The thesis uses an analytical framework based on five categories of possible explanations for the proposal: immigration, universal principle, great power status, peace conference politics and bargaining, and domestic politics. The thrust of the analysis contained in the thesis is as follows. For Japan, the proposal meant three things: a means of reaffirming its great power status by securing racial equality with the western great powers in the League of Nations; a justification for Prime Minister Hara whose pro- League position was maintained by a fragile domestic consensus against sceptics in the government and the wider public; and a means of resolving Japanese immigration problems in the United States and British Dominions. But for Japan the proposal was not originally intended as a demand for universal racial equality. For Britain, the proposal was unacceptable because it meant "free immigration" of non-white immigrants into the Dominions. In particular, Australia adamantly opposed it also because of its political significance for Australian public opinion. For the United States, Wilson's determination to create the League of Nations at almost any cost led him to impose a unanimity ruling at the crucial vote on llth April 1919. Other explanations worked in the background. The proposal highlighted the importance of the link between race and great power status for Japan, Japan's insecurity concerning the League of Nations and the West, and Japan's different approach to international relations. Moreover, the failure of the proposal revealed the limits of Wilsonian idealism in that neither Britain nor the United States at that time seriously considered the possibility of universal racial equality.
5
Sampson, David. « Strangers in a strange land the 1868 Aborigines and other indigenous performers in mid-Victorian Britain / ». Click here for electronic access to document : http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/dspace/handle/2100/314, 2000. http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/dspace/handle/2100/314.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Technology, Sydney, 2000.Sportsmen: Tarpot, Tom Wills, Mullagh, King Cole, Jellico, Peter, Red Cap, Harry Rose, Bullocky, Johnny Cuzens, Dick-a-Dick, Charley Dumas, Jim Crow, Sundown, Mosquito, Tiger and Twopenny. Bibliography: p. 431-485.
6
Elliot-Cooper, Adam. « The struggle that has no name : race, space and policing in post-Duggan Britain ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7efad2ea-75e2-4a54-a479-b3b2b265e827.
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State violence, and policing in particular, continue to shape the black British experience, racialising geographical areas associated with African and African-Caribbean communities. The history of black struggles in the UK has often centred on spaces of racial violence and resistance to it. But black-led social movements of previous decades have, for the most part, seen a decline in both political mobilisations, and the militant anti-racist slogans and discourses that accompanied them. Neoliberalism, through securitisation, resource reallocation, privatisation of space and the de-racialising of language, has made radical black activism an increasingly difficult endeavour. But this does not mean that black struggle against policing has disappeared. What it does mean, however, is that there have been significant changes in how anti-racist activism against policing is articulated and carried out. Three high-profile black deaths at the hands of police in 2011 led to widespread protest and civil unrest. These movements of resistance were strengthened when the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States mobilised hundreds of young people in solidarity actions in England. In this thesis, I argue that, over time, racist metonyms used to describe places racialised as black (Handsworth, Brixton etc.) and people racialised as black (Stephen Lawrence, Mark Duggan etc.), have led to the rise of metonymic anti-racism. While metonymic anti-racism was used alongside more overt anti-racist language in the period between the 1950s and early 1990s, I argue that such overt anti-racist language is becoming rarer in the post-2011 period, particularly in radical black grassroots organisations that address policing. Intersecting with metonymic anti-racism are gender dynamics brought to the surface by female-led campaigns against police violence, and forms of resistance which target spaces of post-industrial consumer capitalism. Understanding how police racism, and resistance to it, are being reconceptualised through language, and reconfigured through different forms of activism, provides a fresh understanding of grassroots black struggle in Britain.
7
Thomlinson, Natalie Joy. « Race and ethnicity in the English women's movement after 1968 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252297.
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8
Patterson, Lewis James. « Shield of empire race, memory, and the "cult of the navy" in fin de siécle Britain / ». Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2009. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Thesis/Summer2009/l_patterson_072209.pdf.
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9
Khalid, Amr. « Aspects of Islam and social coexistence : the case of Britain ». Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683357.
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10
Prince, Graham. « The yellow peril in Britain, 1890-1920 / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63845.
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11
Connell, Kieran. « A micro-history of 'black Handsworth' : towards a social history of race in Britain ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3568/.
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This thesis represents an account of the experience of race in contemporary Britain. It adopts a ‘micro historical’ approach: the focus is on those of African-Caribbean descent in Handsworth, an inner-city area of Birmingham, during the ‘long 1980s’, defined roughly as the period from the middle of the 1970s to the start of the 1990s. This was a period of heightened racial tension. Popular anxieties about the black inner city were brought to the fore following rioting in 1981 and 1985, after which Handsworth was conceptualised by the media as the ‘Front Line’ in an ongoing ‘war on the streets’. The long 1980s was also a period in which inequalities in housing, unemployment and other areas continued to disproportionately affect black communities in Handsworth. These issues were an important contributing factor to the black experience. However, this thesis argues that the black experience was by no means reducible to them. Race, it is argued, was something that was lived in Handsworth, sometimes in relation racism and inequality, but also in what E. P. Thompson famously argued to be ‘the raw material of experience’. Race was a ‘structure of feeling’ in Handsworth. It meant having to deal with the effects of discrimination or high unemployment, for example, sometimes on a daily basis. But the thesis will show that race was also often re-articulated as a positive identity, and was lived out in routines, traditions, institutions and everyday practices. Taken together, this constituted what can meaningfully be described as a black way of life in Handsworth, something that represents a significant part of the social history of contemporary Britain.
12
Gladwin, Maree. « Movements for equality : the nature of equality politics in Britain ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362811.
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13
Njaka, Chinelo. « Constructing mixed race : racial formation in the United States of America and Great Britain ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/constructing-mixed-race-racial-formation-in-the-united-states-of-america-and-great-britain(de67baa1-d2a5-440d-adc7-3ddf3463be0a).html.
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The aim of the thesis is to examine contemporary constructions of mixed race in the United States and Britain through the examination of two types of racial projects: the national census and voluntary and community organisations focused on mixed race. Using a combination of critical discourse analysis and qualitative interviews, the research analyses the ways in which mixed race is being described, conceptualised, and constructed through macro- and meso-level racial projects in each nation, in order to compare the racial formation processes that are occurring in the early twenty-first century's "mixed race moment". The thesis builds upon racial formation theory, which argues that the concept of "race" is never fully fixed, but rather is made through socio-historical processes that create, inhabit, transform, and destroy racialised notions over time and context (Omi and Winant 1986, 1994, 2015). The theory examines the struggles over racialised meanings that occur between macro-level and micro-level racial projects. This thesis aims to fill the gap left by this focus through examining racial projects that occupy the socio-political "middle ground" between macro- and micro-level projects: the "meso-level."The research examines the ways in which the state constructs mixed race in the United States and Britain. Each nation's census allowed for mixed race self identification in 2000 and 2001, respectively. The thesis examines the social, historical, and political processes that led to mixed race options at that particular time. It argues that the ways in which the census organisations report upon mixed race functions as a discursive practice that provides an official construction of mixed race through simultaneously reflecting and shaping racialised descriptions and narratives within each nation. The thesis examines the usefulness of "meso-level" projects by exploring the role of mixed race organisations in racial formation processes through the examination of six meso-level mechanisms of racialisation: social identity, social capital, collective action, idioculture, extended networks, and civil society (Fine 2012). Incorporating Michel Foucault's notion of "governmentality" (Gordon 1991), the thesis highlights the ways that mixed race organisations have interacted directly and indirectly with macro-level bodies during and after the addition of the mixed race census options as well as other routes of interaction specific to each national context. The thesis argues that the racialisation that occurs at the macro-level holds a "default" role with which mixed race organisations then engage. This highlights the relative roles of power the institutions have in each national context and the ways they are managed through relations fostered through governmentality. The thesis also examines the discourses used by mixed race organisations in the US and Britain as meso-level racial projects and poses the argument that the varied usage of multiple racialised paradigms leads to an increased relative fluidity in the constructions of mixed race than their respective macro-level projects. The systematic cross-national comparison of the ways mixed race is constructed in the US and Britain highlights the ways in which both macro-level and meso-level organisations articulate and promote racialised ideology through their relative levels of power in society. By analysing and comparing these racial projects and their interactions, the paradigms and discourses used reveal the particularities and overlaps by these organisations as they contest, negotiate, and accept formations of mixed race.
14
Gill, Josephine Ceri. « Race, genetics and British fiction since the Human Genome Project ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610822.
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15
Mc, Inerney Timothy. « 'The Better Sort' : ideas of Race and of Nobility in Eighteenth-Century Great Britain and Ireland ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA030124/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Durant des siècles, la noblesse britannique a défendu une hiérarchie fondée sur la lignée et la généalogie, qui s’inscrivait dans la tradition occidentale de l'ordre universel. En 1735, cependant, l'Homo sapiens de Linné marque le début d'un nouveau discours sur les hiérarchies humaines, désormais fondées sur la « variété » physique. Cette étude veut cerner l’influence de la tradition noble sur les conceptions de la race, en Grande-Bretagne et en Irlande, au cours du long XVIIIe siècle. Nous examinons un ensemble de textes de nature diverse, dans l'espoir de mettre en lumière la continuité des hiérarchies généalogiques à travers plusieurs disciplines et sur plusieurs centaines d'années. La première partie retrace l'histoire du privilège héréditaire comme « identité généalogique » à partir d’œuvres comme A British Compendium, or, Rudiments of Honour (1725-7) de Francis Nichols et l’Essay on Man (1734) d’Alexander Pope. La seconde partie réexamine ces mêmes traditions sous l'angle de la théorie de la race au XVIIIe siècle. Elle s'intéresse aux idées de la race et du breeding dans le roman anonyme, The Lady’s Drawing Room (1744), et à la rhétorique de la variété humaine dans plusieurs ouvrages d’histoire naturelle, dont A History of the Earth and Animated Nature (1774) d’Oliver Goldsmith. La troisième partie étudie l'influence des Lumières et de la Révolution française sur l’idée de « race noble » telle qu'elle apparaît dans les Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) d'Edmund Burke, ainsi que le rôle de la « noblesse naturelle » dans des œuvres abolitionnistes, notamment Slavery, or, the Times (1792) d’Anna Maria Mackenzie. Ainsi, cette étude entend démontrer que la tradition de la « race » noble a été, et demeure, une composante fondamentale dans la construction d'un concept de « race » humaine, qui fait de la pureté du sang, de la supériorité des mœurs et de l’anatomie des principes définitoires de la hiérarchie humaineFor centuries, British nobility promoted an elite hierarchy based on genealogical precedence within the greater Western tradition of universal order. In 1735, however, Carolus Linnaeus’s Homo sapiens signalled the beginning of an entirely new discourse of human hierarchy based on physical ‘variety’. This study aims to identify how noble tradition influenced conceptions of race in Great Britain and Ireland during the long eighteenth century. Tracing the persistence of a ‘pureblood’ model of human superiority in the West, it traverses a vast range of historical material in order to highlight the continuity of genealogical hierarchies across multiple disciplines and over hundreds of years. The first section reviews the history of hereditary privilege as a backdrop to noble culture in eighteenth-century Britain: examining works such as Francis Nichols’s British Compendium, or, Rudiments of Honour (1727-7) and Alexander Pope’s Essay on Man (1734), it considers how nobility as a genealogical identity was accommodated in the ‘Great Chain of Being’ understanding of human hierarchy. The second section considers these same traditions in terms of the eighteenth-century ‘race’ construct: it considers the notion of ‘breeding’ in works such as the anonymous The Lady’s Drawing Room (1744) and the rhetoric of human variety in naturalist texts such as Oliver Goldsmith’s History of the Earth and Animated Nature (1774). The third and last section considers the influences of Enlightenment and the French Revolution on ideas of noble race in Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), and the role of ‘natural’ nobility in abolitionist texts such as Anna Maria Mackenzie’s Slavery; or, the Times (1792). In short, this study demonstrates that the tradition of noble ‘race’ was, and is, a fundamental component of the human ‘race’ construct, asserting blood purity, anatomical superiority, and inimitable excellence as defining principles of human hierarchy
16
Kushnick, Louis. « Race and class : racism and the reproduction of class-based societies : studies of Britain, the United States and western Europe ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 1996. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669670.
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17
Shepard, Scott. « The rise of pan-Islamism in Britain ». Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FShepard.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Michael Freeman, Zachary Shore. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-101). Also available in print.
18
Mizutani, Satoshi. « The British in India and their domiciled brethren : race and class in the colonial context, 1858-1930 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa01ca84-a9e5-432d-bb51-4091416be26c.
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This DPhil dissertation aims to delineate an ambivalent construction of 'Britishness' in late British India by paying special attention to certain discourses and practices that regulated the lives of both colonial elites and of their impoverished and/or racially mixed kin. Peculiar racial self-anxieties of the colonial ruling classes, - namely those over hygienic / sexual degradation and cultural hybridisation, the increased presence of indigent and/or racially mixed white populations, and the undesired consequences of the last - are examined thorough a close and analytically coherent analysis of colonial representations and practices. An important feature of this research is to bring the internal-cum-class distinctions of metropolitan society to the fore in order to circumscribe a peculiarly class-specific constitution of British racial identity in the colonial context. Broadly speaking, in two related senses can the (re)production of white racial prestige in the British Raj be regarded as a class-conditioned phenomenon. First of all, colonial Britishness can be said to have been characterised by class because not all persons or groups of British descent living in the colony were recognised as 'European enough': only those from the upper or middle classes were considered as so 'European' as to be capable of ruling the 'subject races' of India. The remaining people of British racial origins, including the so-called 'poor whites', the 'domiciled Europeans' (those whites permanently settled in India), and the mixed-decent 'Eurasians', were not regarded as 'British enough' (although they were not seen as 'Indian', either). Especially, 'domiciled Europeans' and 'Eurasians', often collectively referred to as 'the domiciled class', were not treated as 'British' but only as 'Native' in socio-legal terms: the 'domiciled' differed from 'Indians' in terms of racial and cultural identification, but were supposed to be no higher than the latter by constitutional status and socio-economic standard. Secondly it was because of its recourse to 'bourgeois philanthropy' that the construction of Britishness in late British India may be said to have been bound by aspects of Victorian or Edwardian class culture. Although the British excluded their domiciled brethren from the sphere of their social and economic privileges, the former also 'included' the latter within limited frames of philanthropic and educational care. For, their exclusion from the elite white community notwithstanding, the domiciled were still regarded as one part of the European (as opposed to Indian) body politic. Thus the colonial authorities feared that an unregulated destitution of 'poor whites', domiciled Europeans, and Eurasians might present itself as a political menace to the prestige of the British race as a whole: in a sense, the authority of Britishness also depended on how 'European pauperism' could be solved before it had disorderly effects on the colonial hierarchies of race and class. It was in this context that the philanthropic management of pauperism emerged as a negative but no less unimportant measure for reproducing British prestige in the colonial context. And central to this was a specific, colonial application of a politics of class that the bourgeoisie played against the indigent and various 'unfit' populations in the metropole.
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Perrott, Stella. « The masculinization of everyone ? : a study of a profession in gender transition ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14397.
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This thesis is an exploration of how professional status is gained and sustained. Sociologists, in taking for granted which occupations are universally identified as professions have concentrated their studies on elite occupations, primarily law and medicine. Their attention has been focussed on the occupational, organizational and behavioural characteristics of these professions, rather than the personal or social characteristics of the incumbents. Consequently, although acknowledging that class, gender and race can provide or limit the resources for professionalizing, these personal attributes have not been considered central to the understanding of the term profession. The research is concerned with the relationship between professional status and gender in probation during a period in its history when it faced considerable threats. It traces the profession's history and maps its rise and fall in relation to its changing gendered composition, culminating in the government's decision to remove the prior qualification for practice in 1995 in order to attract ex-servicemen into probation. The reconstruction of probation into a credible profession is the substantive focus of this study. The analysis of the reconstruction is through a gendered lens and a discourse analytical approach is used to examine texts prepared by probation to promote its cause. This thesis concludes that the status of an occupation is directly related to its gendered construction and to be considered a 'full' profession requires middle class masculinity. Whilst masculine characteristics continue to be necessary for influence and success, the constant drift towards the masculinization of everyone undermines the contribution women can make to organizations and services. In retrospectively revealing the processes through which masculinization and professionalization are discursively achieved, the study opens up the possibility for future challenges to the devaluation of occupations dominated by women.
20
Nishikawa, Makiko. « Occupational sex segregation : a comparative study between Britain and Japan ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3901602d-063e-4e04-a851-190449e0d6bf.
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Occupational sex segregation is often regarded as the central component of gender inequality in the labour market in contemporary industrial societies. Through comparing the situation between Britain and Japan, which have contrasting features in their patterns of occupational sex segregation and in the position of women in the labour market, this thesis examines the mechanism of occupational sex segregation - how it is constructed and maintained - in the two societies with different social and economic backgrounds. Particular focus is on the impact of occupational sex segregation on individual workers' experiences, and systematic analysis is applied to investigate the impact by using a range of national-level large-scale data sets. The findings suggest that the implications of occupational sex segregation differ for Britain and Japan; for the former, occupational sex segregation contributes to gender inequality in the labour market, but this is not the case for the latter. It is suggested that occupational sex segregation could be one of the components of gender inequality in the labour market, but not necessarily the principal one. This thesis argues that the implications of occupational sex segregation in a society very much depend on the given social and economic institutions in the society that differ across countries, and thus occupational sex segregation should not be treated a priori as the central component of gender inequality.
21
Hunter, Kathleen Allison. « Gender and science in twentieth-century British engineering : an interdisciplinary analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669883.
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Blackham, Alysia Paige. « Extending working life for older workers : an empirical legal analysis of age discrimination laws in the UK ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709060.
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Alexander, Nathan. « Race in a godless world : atheists and racial thought in Britain and the United States, c. 1850-1914 ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10120.
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“Race in a Godless World” examines the racial thought of atheists in Britain and the United States from about 1850 to 1914. While there have been no comprehensive studies of atheists' views on race, there is a trend in the historiography on racial thought, which I have described as the “Race-Secularization Thesis,” that suggests a link between the secularization in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and an increase in nineteenth-century racialism – that is, racial essentialism and determinism – as well as resulting racial prejudice and discrimination. Through a study of both leading and lesser-known atheists and freethinkers, I argue that the “Race-Secularization Thesis” needs to be reconsidered. A simple link between secularization and racialism is misleading. This is not to suggest that the “Race-Secularization Thesis” contains no truth, only that secularization did not inevitably lead to racialism. This dissertation helps to tell a more complex and nuanced story about the relationship between atheism and racial thought. While in some cases, nineteenth-century atheists and freethinkers were among the leading exponents of racialist views, there is an alternative story in which the atheist worldview – through its emphasis on rationality and skepticism – provided the tools with which to critique ideas of racial prejudice, racial superiority, and even the concept of race itself.
24
Chiarodo, Nicole M. « From Behind Closed Doors to the Campaign Trail : Race and Immigration in British Party Politics, 1945-1965 ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002660.
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Melnick, Elaine Millar. « Women's employment, sex discrimination, and the law : legal and administrative remedies in Great Britain, with some reference to the United States ». Thesis, University of Surrey, 1986. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/688/.
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Bidnall, Amanda M. « "The Birth pangs of a new nation" : West Indian artists in London, 1945-1965 ». Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104400.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis advisor: Peter WeilerThis dissertation examines the careers and cultural productions of West Indian artists and entertainers working in London between 1945 and 1965, a period of large-scale West Indian migration to Britain. It argues that these artists espoused a collective cultural politics that was both ethnically aware and actively integrationist. Their work emphasized the historic cultural ties between the "mother country" and the Caribbean colonies, but did so in an effort to challenge prevailing media depictions of New Commonwealth migration as an unwanted foreign deluge. As a result, these migrant artists were among the first to express the potential of Commonwealth multiculturalism in Britain. Unlike many post-war histories of British race relations that emphasize the marginalization of black artists from mainstream culture, this study will show how the first wave of post-war West Indian artists, like Edric and Pearl Connor, Cy Grant, Ronald Moody, and Lloyd and Barry Reckord, sought to reach out to a wider British audience. Although their careers and artistic expressions were shaped - and at times stifled - by British cultural institutions that exercised their own assumptions and priorities, they posed alternatives to racism in a nation painfully coming to terms with its imperial legacy and multicultural future
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
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Barot, Manoj. « Black and minority ethnic police officers : experiences of, and resisting, racism ». Thesis, University of Northampton, 2013. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/8849/.
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Anderson, Catherine Eva. « Embodiments of empire : Figuring race in late Victorian painting ». View abstract/electronic edition ; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3328111.
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Nunnerley, Margaret L. « A study of family mediation during divorce in the Pakistani Muslim community in Bradford : some observations on the implications for the theory and practice of conflict resolution ». Thesis, University of Bradford, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4335.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Conflict resolution theory and practice have been increasingly criticised for ignoring the centrality of culture in their attempts to find theories and models that are applicable universally, not only across cultures but also across levels of society. Mediation is one form of conflict resolution, which has come to occupy a central position in the resolution of disputes both at international and local levels. At the level of family disputes, family mediation has failed to engage users from different ethnic groups in England and Wales. This thesis explores the hypothesis that culture and, in particular, culturally defined concepts of gender are the important factors determining the success or failure of mediation in divorce disputes.
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Lake, Rosalind. « Discrimination against people with mental health problems in the workplace : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005712.
Texte intégralRésumé :
For a long time the rights of disabled persons have been ignored worldwide. A major obstacle faced by disabled persons is discrimination in the workplace. Due to the development of a social approach to disability and the efforts of the Disability Rights Movement, legislation has been passed throughout the world to improve this dire situation. The thesis considers the efficacy of some of these statutes. It is concluded that stigma and negative stereotypes remain a constant hurdle in overcoming discrimination. The forthcoming UN Disability Convention is demonstrative of the recognition of the importance of the needs and rights of disabled people. The convention proposes some innovative measures to overcome stigma and stereotyping. Mental health problems constitute one of the leading causes of disability. The thesis explores how people with mental health problems fit within the concept of people with disabilities and whether they are included in anti-discrimination legislation and affirmative action measures. Special attention is given to statutory definitions of disability, the different forms of discrimination and the concept of reasonable accommodation. A comparative approach is taken to analyse how South Africa's disability law measures up against that of Britain and Australia in terms of its substantive provisions and enforcement thereof. In considering the South African position American and Canadian jurisprudence is consulted in order to aid in interpretation. It is concluded that although South Africa has a comparatively good legislative framework, it is held back by an overly restrictive and medically focused definition of disability. As a result many individuals with mental health difficulties, desirous of obtaining and retaining employment may be excluded from protection against discrimination in the workplace. It is argued that it will be necessary either to amend the Employment Equity Act or for the courts to adhere strictly to the concept of substantive equality in order to ensure that the rights and dignity of people with mental health difficulties are adequately protected.
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Slattery, Thomas Eamon. « Intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American "special relationship ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2534.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation examines the intellectual and historical roots of the Anglo-American “Special Relationship,” most notably Anglo-Saxonism and social Darwinism, and their effect on the noted policy organs of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (or Chatham House) and the Council on Foreign Relations (or the Council). It first traces the origins of Anglo-Saxonism and considers its effect on important historical events such as the Spanish-American War and the Second Boer War. This thesis also presents a definition of Anglo-Saxonism which appreciates the complexity of the term and allows a better understanding of its effects. It then shows the memberships of both groups were strongly affected by these Victorian and Edwardian phenomena, a fact which augments our understanding of them. Furthermore, this relationship between Anglo-Saxonism and Chatham House and the Council is not fully appreciated by many modern academics. Ultimately, the language of Anglo-Saxonism developed during the Victorian and Edwardian eras became institutionalised during the formative years of these groups’ memberships, predisposing both to the importance of permanent Anglo-American cooperation.
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Hodacs, Hanna. « Converging world views : the European expansion and early-nineteenth-century Anglo-Swedish contacts / ». Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb399622233.
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Lloyd-Jones, Glyn Francis Michael. « Britain after the Romans : an interdisciplinary approach to the possibilities of an Adventus Saxonum ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019806.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the fifth century, after the departure of the Romans, according to tradition, which is based on the ancient written sources, Britain was invaded by the Angles and Saxons. This view has been questioned in the last century. The size of the ‘invasion’, and indeed its very existence, have come into doubt. However, this doubting school of thought does not seem to take into account all of the evidence. An interdisciplinary, nuanced approach has been taken in this thesis. Firstly, the question of Germanic raiding has been examined, with reference to the Saxon Shore defences. It is argued that these defences, in their geographical context, point to the likelihood of raiding. Then the written sources have been re-examined, as well as physical artefacts. In addition to geography, literature and archaeology (the disciplines which are most commonly used when the coming of the Angles and Saxons is investigated), linguistic and genetic data have been examined. The fields of linguistics and genetics, which have not often both been taken into consideration with previous approaches, add a number of valuable insights. This nuanced approach yields a picture of events that rules out the ‘traditional view’ in some ways, such as the idea that the Saxons exterminated the Britons altogether, but corroborates it in other ways. There was an invasion of a kind (of Angles – not Saxons), who came in comparatively small numbers, but found in Britain a society already mixed and comprising Celtic and Germanic-speaking peoples: a society implied by Caesar and Tacitus and corroborated by linguistic and genetic data.
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Stephan, Lea. « Social policies and racial questions : from the Great Society to Obamacare ». Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOU20120/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse propose un éclairage inédit sur la stratégie politique employée par le président Barack Obama pour réduire les inégalités raciales ; ceci dans un contexte dominé par le fort ressentiment de la population blanche envers les politiques sociales en général et les mesures dites « raciales » en particulier. La présente analyse s’appuie sur l’exemple spécifique de la réforme de santé Obamacare, fruit d’une stratégie politique soigneusement et prudemment choisie, mais qui a vu le jour au terme d’une bataille houleuse. La réforme fut élaborée dans un contexte d’extrême polarisation partisane en matière de politique sociale et de questions raciales, mais aussi au sujet de l’intervention de l’État. Ayant pour but la création d’une législation significative quoique politiquement acceptable, Obama a opté pour une stratégie politique de neutralité raciale en ciblant toutefois des problèmes spécifiques aux Afro-Américains. Ainsi, cette thèse démontre en quoi cette tactique s’est basée sur des considérations tant de faisabilité politique que d’efficacité afin de répondre aux besoins économiques spécifiques à la population noire. Il s’est également agit d’analyser comment l’administration Obama a réussi, après presque un siècle de tentatives infructueuses, à promulguer une loi mettant en place un système de couverture de santé universelle ; loi que les attaques répétées du Parti républicain ont profondément mutilé. Nous démontrons enfin qu’à l’instar de la non-extension de Medicaid qui a particulièrement nuit à la population noire, la réforme d’Obama, puisque basée sur un système préexistant, a finalement ravivé les problèmes de stratification racialeThis dissertation examines the political strategy used by President Barack Obama to address racial inequalities in a context dominated by a rejection of social policies in general, and race-specific initiatives in particular. This analysis is based on the example of health care reform. The legislation known as Obamacare, passed in 2010, which is composed of two Acts, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act and the Health Care and Education Reconciliation Act, was the result of a careful political strategy and a heated political battle. Obamacare was enacted in a context of strong partisan polarization around issues of social policies, racial inequalities, and the scope of government intervention. To achieve meaningful, yet politically acceptable, legislation, Obama chose a race-neutral, but issue-focused approach. This approach was mainly based on considerations of political feasibility, but also on considerations of efficiency in furthering black economic interests. Thus, this dissertation examines the foundation, application, and outcome of Obama’s political strategy as applied to health care reform. On the one hand, his administration managed to enact comprehensive health care reform after almost a hundred years of frustrated attempts. On the other hand, subsequent Republican attacks maimed the reform. Moreover, as the reform was built on the existing system, previous issues of racial stratification resurfaced. The non-extension of Medicaid was particularly detrimental to African-Americans. Yet, despite its imperfections, Obamacare, by creating for the first time a system of universal health care coverage in the US, has contributed to make public opinion more favorable to a single-payer system, in other words, a fully government-run health care system
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Andersson, Sofie. « Anti-terrorlagstiftning och mänskliga rättigheter : En studie av Frankrikes och Storbritanniens anti-terrorlagstiftning och hur den riskerar att kränka Europakonventionen för skydd av mänskliga rättigheter ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-331550.
Texte intégralRésumé :
2000-talet markerade födelsen av en ny sorts terrorism. Sedan dess har Europa fått utstå frekventa terrorattacker vilket resulterat i att länder antagit strängare lagar och kontrollåtgärder för att bekämpa terrorismen. Mot bakgrund av detta är uppsatsens syfte att försöka svara på om strängare anti-terrorlagstiftning i Frankrike och Storbritannien kan medföra omfattande begränsningar i människors grundläggande fri-och rättigheter. Genom att använda sig utav en rättsdogmatisk metod och en komparativ metod har uppsatsen kritiskt granskat internationella konventioner, lagstiftningar, rättsfall, vetenskapliga artiklar och doktrin i syfte att besvara följande frågeställningar; vad krävs för att länder ska kunna deklarera allmänt nödläge och således ha en lagstadgad rättighet att derogera från eller begränsa vissa mänskliga rättigheter? Vilka rättsliga åtgärder gällande preventiv häktning och andra kontrollåtgärder har Frankrike och Storbritannien tagit i syfte att bekämpa terrorism och riskerar dess inskränkningar att kränka artikel 5 EKMR? Hur regleras rätten till icke-diskriminering i artikel 14 EKMR? Uppsatsen har också försökt att svara på om de eventuella begränsningarna av människors rättigheter kan försvaras genom John Finnis rättsteori och tankar om mänskliga rättigheter. Den första slutsatsen som nås i uppsatsen är att terrorism kan utgöra ett accepterat allmänt nödläge enligt artikel 15 EKMR då det uppfyller artikelns rekvisit. Därmed är både Frankrikes och Storbritanniens deklarerande av allmänt nödläge accepterat och lagligt enligt artikel 15 EKMR. Uppsatsens andra slutsats slår fast att Frankrikes och Storbritanniens lagstiftningar gällande preventiv häktning kan utgöra en möjlig kränkning av artikel 5 EKMR då lagstiftningarna saknar kravet på förutsägbarhet. Studien har också påvisat att lagstiftningarna gällande preventiva häktningar riskerar att användas för generella misstankar om terrorism vilket också kan utgöra en möjlig kränkning av artikel 5 EKMR. Uppsatsen sista slutsats är att dessa lagstiftningar riskerar att diskriminera vissa samhällsgrupper om de tillämpas på ett felaktigt sätt, t.ex. endast mot icke-medborgare.The 21st century marked the birth of a new kind of terrorism. Since then, Europe has suffered frequent terrorist attacks, resulting in countries adopting stricter laws and control measures to combat terrorism. The aim of this thesis is therefore to investigate if stricter anti-terrorist legislation in France and Great Britain can lead to unlawful limitations on human rights. The thesis critically examines international conventions, legislation, case law, articles, and doctrine by using an investigative approach and a comparative method to answer the following questions; what is required for countries to declare a state of emergency and thus have a statutory right to derogate from or limit certain human rights? What legal measures regarding preventive detention and other control measures have France and Great Britain adopted to combat terrorism and does the limitations violate Article 5 of the ECHR? How is the right to non-discrimination regulated in Article 14 of the ECHR? The thesis also aims to clarify if any limitations of human rights can be justified by the legal theories of John Finnis. In conclusion, the thesis reveals that terrorism can constitute a state of emergency according to Article 15 of the ECHR. Thus, both France and Great Britain's declarations of states of emergency are accepted and legal in accordance with Article 15 of the ECHR. Furthermore, the thesis states that the legislation in France and Great Britain, which regulate preventive detention, may constitute a possible violation of article 5 ECHR, due to its lack of predictability. The thesis has also shown that the legislation regarding preventive detention may constitute a violation of article 5 ECHR if its applied wrongfully and thus, may also constitute a violation of article 14 ECHR.
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Presber, Ingrid Lucia. « Gypsies et Travellers au Royaume-Uni et leur image dans la presse entre 1997 et 2010 ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030114.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Les principaux stéréotypes relatifs aux Gypsies présents dans la presse britannique contemporaine sont fermement enracinés dans une perception historique homogène et persistante faite d’incompréhension envers cette communauté ethnique non-indigène, dépréciée et rejetée depuis près de six siècles. L’examen de l’histoire du peuple romani - à partir de la migration hors de l’Inde jusqu’à la tentative de génocide sur le continent européen entre 1933-1945 - permet d’éclairer l’attitude de la presse britannique envers la minorité romani (gypsy). On peut être frappé par la ténacité et la prégnance des préjugés et stéréotypes et l’évolution constatée pendant la période étudiée n’en est que plus significative. Le thème dominant demeure le mode de vie non-sédentaire qui déclenche l’hostilité envers les Gypsies et Travellers souvent présentés comme un groupe social marginal, soucieux de profiter d’un statut de minorité ethnique pour servir ses intérêts propres et sans offrir en retour une contribution à l’harmonie et à la prospérité de la société dans son ensemble. Mais l’antithèse - qui les présente comme victimes de préjugés ainsi que de lois inadaptées à leur héritage culturel - tend à prendre de l’ampleur. Une politique plus compréhensive adoptée par le gouvernement New Labour, dans le cadre de sa promotion de la diversité et du multiculturalisme, conjuguée avec une mobilisation des communautés gypsy et traveller (utilisant notamment les nouvelles technologies et s’appuyant sur les groupes de pression) ont permis de noter une amélioration récente du statut de ces minorités de tradition non-sédentaire et l’évolution concomitante de leur couverture par une partie de la presse reflète et renforce à la fois ce changement. Les progrès constatés dans la situation réelle des communautés gypsy et traveller et dans leur représentation médiatique demandent à être confortés mais ils semblent bien acquis et notamment être de nature à faciliter la résistance à la politique moins favorable menée par le gouvernement de coalition depuis 2010Gypsies (or Romanies) have been denigrated and rejected for nearly six hundred years and the consistent historical perception of stereotyping and misunderstanding of this non-indigenous ethnic community is perpetuated by the contemporary British press. Romani history, from migration out of India to the genocide in Europe in the 20th century and more contemporary events has set the backdrop against which contemporary society and the British press have adopted a tenacious and pervasive attitude of stereotyping and prejudice towards the Romani (Gypsy) minority, a trend which will be evident in the analysis provided by this thesis. The dominant theme is the non-sedentary lifestyle that has triggered the hostility of ‘respectable’ sedentary society against Gypsies as well as Travellers. The minority, marginalised groups can sometimes be portrayed as being intent on using their minority status for personal gains whilst not contributing to the harmony and prosperity of society as a whole. The antithesis, which seems to be gaining ground, presents them as victims of prejudice as well as of laws which are incompatible with their cultural heritage. The New Labour government adopted comprehensive policies to address the promotion of diversity and multiculturalism and, together with the mobilisation of the Gypsy and Traveller communities (notably aided by the use of new technologies and the support of pressure groups), there have been recent improvements of the status of these traditionally non-sedentary communities, and the simultaneous development of their coverage by a part of the press both reflects and reinforces this change. The British press has represented Gypsy and Traveller communities more favourably of late, with the progress and gains afforded by New Labour. Those gains must be consolidated and sufficiently robust to resist the less favourable policies of the coalition government since 2010
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DeLoach, CarrieAnne. « EXPLORING TRANSIENT IDENTITIES : DECONSTRUCTING DEPICTIONS OF GENDER AND IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY IN THE ORIENTAL TRAVEL NARRATIVES OF E ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3062.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Englishwomen who traveled to the "Orient" in the Victorian era constructed an identity that was British in its bravery, middle-class in its refinement, feminine in appearance and speech and Christian in its intolerance of Oriental heathenism. Studying Victorian female travel narratives that described journeys to the Orient provides an excellent opportunity to reexamine the diaphanous nature of the boundaries of the public/private sphere dichotomy; the relationship between travel, overt nationalism, and gendered constructions of identity, the link between geographic location and self-definition; the power dynamics inherent in information gathering, organization and production. Englishwomen projected gendered identities in their writings, which were both "imperially" masculine and "domestically" feminine, depending on the needs of a particular location and space. The travel narrative itself was also a gendered product that served as both a medium of cultural expression for Victorian women and a tool of restraint, encouraging them to conform to societal expectations to gain limited authority and recognition for their travels even while they embraced the freedom of movement. The terms "imperial masculinity" and "domestic femininity" are employed throughout this analysis to categorize the transient manipulation of character traits associated in Victorian society with middle- and upper-class men abroad in the empire and middle- and upper-class women who remained within their homes in Great Britain. Also stressed is the decision by female travelers to co-assert feminine identities that legitimated their imperial freedom by alluding to equally important components of their transported domestic constructions of self. Contrary to scholarship solely viewing Victorian projections of the feminine ideal as negative, the powers underlining social determinants of gender norms will be treated as "both regulatory and productive." Englishwomen chose to amplify elements of their domestic femininity or newly obtained imperial masculinity depending on the situation encountered during their travels or the message they wished to communicate in their travel narratives. The travel narrative is a valuable tool not only for deconstructing transient constructions of gender, but also for discovering the foundations of race and class ideologies in which the Oriental and the Orient are subjugated to enhance Englishwomen's Orientalist imperial status and position. This thesis is modeled on the structure of the traveling experience. In reviewing first the intellectual expectations preceding travel, the events of travel and finally the emotional reaction to the first two, a metaphoric attempt to better understand meaning through mimicry has been made. Over twenty travel narratives published by Englishwomen of varying social backgrounds, economic classes and motivations for travel between 1830 and World War I were analyzed in conjunction with letters, diaries, fictional works, newspaper articles, advice manuals, travel guides and religious texts in an effort to study the uniquely gendered nature of the Preface in female travel narratives; definitions of "travelers" and "traveling;" the manner in which "new" forms of metaphysical identification formulated what Victorian lady travelers "pre-knew" the "East" to be; the gendered nature in which female travelers portrayed their encounters with the "realities" of travel; and the concept of "disconnect," or the "distance" between a female traveler's expectation and the portrayed "reality" of what she experienced in the Orient.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History
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Ben-Galim, Dalia. « Equality and diversity : the gender dimensions of work-life balance policies ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d078b9c7-ceab-454c-a1b6-09ebe88fb725.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyses the gender dimensions of work-life balance policies in the UK. It focuses on three related questions: firstly, to what extent are work-life balance policies framed by 'diversity'; secondly, how does this impact on the conceptualisation and implementation of work-life balance policies (in government and in organisations); and thirdly, what are the implications for gender equality? Through analysing published research, the UK Government's work-life balance agenda and data generated from three selected case study organisations, the prominent dimensions of diversity that shape the conceptualisation and implementation of work-life balance policies are presented. This thesis argues that the concept of diversity - as defined by the feminist literature - offers the potential to progress gender equality through overcoming the same-difference dichotomy, and by recognising multiple aspects of identity. However, this theoretical potential is not necessarily reflected in practice. With the emphasis on the individual worker and choice, diversity has been primarily defined as 'managing diversity', and has a significant affect on how work-life balance policies have been applied in both government policy and organisational practice. The UK Government states that work-life balance policies are meant to provide everyone with opportunities to balance work with other aspects of life. The current policy framework targets parents and in particular mothers, potentially limiting the choices that men and women have to 'work' and 'care'. Locating work-life balance policies within the context of 'managing diversity' supports and facilitates women's employment, but does not necessarily challenge fundamental gender disparities such as occupational segregation and gender pay gaps. Analysis of the UK Government's current agenda and organisational case studies show that despite progressive equality, diversity and worklife balance agendas, work-life balance policies are limited in challenging persistent structural gender inequalities.
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ZUCCOTTI, Carolina Viviana. « Shaping ethnic inequalities : the production and reproduction of social and spatial inequalities among ethnic minorities in England and Wales ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/37641.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 22 September 2015Examining Board: Professor Fabrizio Bernardi, European University Institute (supervisor); Professor Alessandra Venturini, European University Institute; Professor Anthony Heath, University of Oxford; Professor Héctor Cebolla-Boado, UNED.
This thesis is about the production and reproduction of social and spatial inequalities among ethnic minorities in England and Wales. More specifically, I study how the interaction of different forms of inequality shapes the opportunities of individuals in a series of outcomes. The main source of inequality explored here is that which derives from ethnicity and migration status. Alongside this, two dimensions of inequality are also explored: social origins and the characteristics of the neighbourhood of residence. The analysis, carried out for second generation ethnic minorities (Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Chinese, Caribbean and African) and the white British, is based on rich individual, household and neighbourhood-level data: the ONS Longitudinal Study, a dataset that links census information for a 1% sample of the population of England and Wales and to which it is possible to attach household and neighbourhood information, and aggregated census data (1971-2011). I show that ethnic penalties in the labour market are, partly or totally, penalties related to the socio-economic origins of ethnic minorities, usually less advantaged as compared to that of the white British. This suggests that scholars in migration might overestimate the ethnic gap if social origins are not considered. A second crucial finding is that the geographical space is a source of production and reproduction of ethnic inequalities. Three outcomes support this. First, I found evidence of ethnic enclave and place stratification spatial models: most ethnic minorities, but particularly individuals with lower educational and occupational attainments and Pakistani and Bangladeshi populations, are less likely than the white British to improve the neighbourhood in which they were raised, both in terms of deprivation levels and in terms of the share of non-whites. Second, I found evidence of neighbourhood effects: having been raised in areas with a high share of co-ethnics has a negative effect on the labour market outcomes of some groups, mainly Pakistani and Bangladeshi. Third, I found evidence of increasing spatial segregation: between 2001 and 2011, non-whites, and in particular Pakistani populations, increased their spatial clustering and their likelihood of sharing the space with other co-ethnics.
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MÜLLER, Martin. « Civilization, culture, and race in John Crawfurd's discourses on Southeast Asia : continuities and changes, c.1814-1868 ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28045.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 7 June 2013Examining Board: Professor Sebastian Conrad, Freie Universität (Supervisor) Professor Jorge Flores, EUI Professor Michael Harbsmeier, Roskilde Universitet Dr. Christina Skott, University of Cambridge.
First made available online on 26 February 2015.
In this dissertation I examine the uses of the notions of civilization, race, and culture within a set of British 19th century discourses on especially Southeast Asian societies, their present state and history. Taking the point of departure in John Crawfurd's (1783-1868) publications, it contains a study of the many debates on economic, ethnological, historical, and linguistic issues in which he participated throughout six decades and to which he contributed significantly. Through this approach I aim at providing a densely contextualized analysis of the colonial, intellectual, political, and socio-cultural aspects of Crawfurd et al's knowledge production, its routes of transmission, receptions, and appropriations. The analytic focus is directed at the evaluative-descriptive qualities attributed to the terms civilization, race, and culture, and immanent in the concepts they refer to; on the surface claiming to be primarily descriptive, they nonetheless were normatively cogent in their inherent hierarchal and classificatory structures, as well as in providing a theoretical template delineating the naturalized historical trajectories. Arguing that the notions of civilization, race and culture were pivotal key concepts in this colonial knowledge production, I chart the intertwined dynamics between these notions / both in their conceptual framings and contextualized uses. During this quest I endeavour to demonstrate the interpretive primacy of the concept of civilization throughout the entire period, even though racial concerns clearly were on the ascendancy and by the 1860s constituted the major theme of discussion and dissent. Common to all the analysed discourses is that they were hinged upon these three fundamental notions and their ability to address the universal as well as the particular, their capacity to encompass the past, present and future within one interpretive framework, and not at least their provision of a conceptual common ground which also, however, facilitated the possibilities of fundamental dissent within the actual interpretations.
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Thompson, Debra Elizabeth. « Seeing Like a Racial State : the Census and the Politics of Race in the United States, Great Britain and Canada ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/33830.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis compares the political development of racial categories employed by the United States, Canada and Great Britain on their national censuses, particularly focusing on the enumeration of mixed-race individuals in the late 20th century. Though literature on race and the U.S. census often stresses the causal influence of social mobilization, this analysis reveals that the common explanations for the development of racial classifications such as interest group mobilization, demography and civil rights legislation are not viable in comparative context. To explore and explain how the racial state sees, this thesis conceptualizes race as a system of power relations and develops a framework of the schematic state, which operates concurrently as both an actor responsible for putting the underlying organizational pattern of race into place, solidifying a particular set of racial meanings, and implementing a scheme for the racial configuration of society, and an arena in which policy alternatives are contested and where the state itself participates among other actors. This characterization demonstrates that the schematizing impetus of the census is not an exemplar of a dichotomous relationship between an all-powerful state and powerless racial subjects; instead, the power and meaning of race exist well beyond the control of the fragmented and sometimes contradictory schematic state, from the transnational realm to the level of the group or individual. Contrary to the majority of the literature on race, this thesis demonstrates that state institutions do not act for purely domestic reasons; rather, institutions mediate between national nuances and transnational ideas about race that exist in excess of national boundaries. Thus, while the decision to count mixed-race can be explained by a crystallization of transnational ideational trends that are mediated by national politics, the domestic arena of policy making – or the policy network itself – emerges as a key factor that determines the method of multiracial enumeration. However, these domestic political and policy outcomes are not contained by borders. Once a policy is in place, it has the potential to reinforce domestic policy and contribute to the global discourse of race itself – and in its travels among these levels of abstraction, race transforms.
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CONNAN, Dominique. « Race for distinction : a social history of private members' clubs in colonial Kenya ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40809.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 9 December 2015Examining Board: Professor Stephen Smith (EUI Supervisor); Professor Laura Lee Downs, EUI; Professor Romain Bertrand, Sciences Po; Professor Daniel Branch, Warwick University.
This thesis explores the institutional legacy of colonialism through the history of private members clubs in Kenya. In this colony, clubs developed as institutions which were crucial in assimilating Europeans to a race-based, ruling community. Funded and managed by a settler elite of British aristocrats and officers, clubs institutionalized European unity. This was fostered by the rivalry of Asian migrants, whose claims for respectability and equal rights accelerated settlers' cohesion along both political and cultural lines. Thanks to a very bureaucratic apparatus, clubs smoothened European class differences ; they fostered a peculiar style of sociability, unique to the colonial context. Clubs were seen by Europeans as institutions which epitomized the virtues of British civilization against native customs. In the mid-1940s, a group of European liberals thought that opening a multi-racial club in Nairobi would expose educated Africans to the refinements of such sociability. The United Kenya Club only highlighted the strength of racial prejudice. It gave rise to much discomfort and awkwardness among its members, which reflected the contrast between European will to promote moderate, educated Africans and the brutality by which Kenya's most radical nationalists were crushed during the Mau Mau War. If Africans eventually took interest in joining European clubs, it was because these institutions had become entwined with state power. Settlers and officials met in clubs to discuss politics, within an Empire of which decorum, epitomized during official visits, almost recognized European clubs as official buildings. Africans eventually became members, torn between a nationalist rejection of the colonial past and the will to join institutions that conferred prestige and afforded connections. They abandoned Gilbert & Sullivan operas, yet they took over golf. On Kenya's fairways, white domination was challenged by black triumphs, while African elites appropriated clubs as an attribute of class, and no longer race, distinction.
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Allan, Susan Rhoena. « Women and War in Britain 1914 to 1920 ». Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146226.
Texte intégral
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BARTOLETTI, Gloria. « La discriminazione basata sul sesso nel campo del lavoro : Il diritto comunitario e la sua ricezione in Italia e nel Regno Unito ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4557.
Texte intégral
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Maimela, Charles. « Legal issues relating to the treatment of persons living with cancer ». Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24490.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cancer is regarded as a global disease and one of the leading killer diseases in the
world. The reason why cancer is so widespread and often misunderstood stems from
multiple factors, namely, the lack of knowledge about cancer, unfair discrimination of
persons living with cancer, inadequate or inappropriate treatment provided to patients,
the stigma attached to cancer, misdiagnosis and late diagnosis of persons living with
cancer, as well as the inadequate provision of screening programs to detect cancer at
an early stage.
The combination of these issues raises alarming medico-legal problems that merit
further attention. The thesis will explore the origin, nature, philosophical and clinical
aspects pertaining to cancer, as well as legal issues related to cancer and oncology.
The study will conclude with recommendations aimed at mitigating and addressing the
shortcomings that exist in the medico-legal framework. The study will also draw on a
legal comparison of relevant South African, English and American laws and
regulations. Since this thesis entails focussing on medico-legal principles, the study
will draw on aspects of medical law, labour law, law of contract, law of delict,
constitutional law and criminal law.Private Law
LL. D.
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Masaka, Dennis. « Impact of Western colonial education in Zimbabwe's traditional and postcolonial educational system(s) ». Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20951.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this study, we employ the theory of deconstruction to challenge and reject the
contention that a knowledge paradigm was non-existent among the indigenous people of
Zimbabwe before the arrival of the colonisers. This is necessary because the imposition
of the colonisers’ knowledge paradigm was premised on the supposed absence of an
epistemology among the indigenous people. In defending the thesis that education and
indeed an epistemology was in existence among the indigenous people of Zimbabwe, we submit that education is part of any given culture. In the light of this, it becomes
untenable to deny the existence of education among the indigenous people of Zimbabwe
before the arrival of the colonisers. Knowledge ceases to be the exclusive preserve of the
colonisers. It must be noted that the imposition of the colonisers’ knowledge paradigm
was accompanied by the suppression and partial destruction of the epistemology of the
indigenous people.
The suppression and partial destruction of the indigenous people’s epistemological
paradigm is called epistemicide. The epistemicide that the colonisers inflicted on the
indigenous people led to the exclusive dominance of their knowledge paradigm in the
school curriculum at the expense of that of the indigenous people. In the light of this
status quo, we present transformation and Africanisation as corrective to the unjustified
dominance of the present day curriculum by the epistemological paradigm of the
colonisers. We argue that despite the commendable proposals contained in the Report of
the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into Education and Training (1999: 24) to
change the curriculum so that unhu/ubuntu becomes its organising principle and to allow
the co-existence of the indigenous people’s epistemological paradigm and others, in
practice the dominance of the colonisers’ epistemological paradigm remains in place. We
submit that the Africanisation of the curriculum is a matter of justice that demands the
end of the dominance of the knowledge paradigm of the colonisers and the co-existence
of the indigenous people’s knowledge paradigm and othersPhilosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D.Litt et Phil. (Philosophy)
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Cox, Cheryl Pearl. « Tolerance in multicultural education : development of interventionstrategies for educators ». Diss., 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17935.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Multicultural education is only one of the major changes, which have occurred since the
inception of the new democracy in South Africa. However, this inevitable change has
resulted in many challenges for both educators and educational institutions.
A literature study was done to discuss and clarity concepts of multicultural education,
culture, race, ethnicity, bias and anti-bias. The perspectives, principles and history of
multicultural education in the United States of America, Britain and South Africa were also
investigated.
An exploratory study, using a qualitative research design, was done to investigate
educators' viewpoints on multicultural education in schools. The results of the investigation
indicate that there is a lack of tolerance in schools and that educators require training and
intervention strategies to help them cope with the changes in a multicultural education
system in South Africa.
Recommendations regarding training and policy implementation were discussed and
intervention strategies for educators have been given.Educational Studies
M. Ed. (with specialisation in Guidance and Counselling)