Articles de revues : « Public reason citizenship »

1

Hartley, Christie, et Lori Watson. « On Equal Citizenship and Public Reason : Reply to Critics ». Journal of Applied Philosophy 37, n^o 5 (24 septembre 2020) : 881–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/japp.12466.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

2

Jacobs, Jonathan A. « Judaism, Pluralism & ; Public Reason ». Daedalus 149, n^o 3 (juillet 2020) : 170–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01810.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Central values of Judaism and the historical experience of Jews are sources of strong Jewish support for democracy, especially in the United States, where Jews did not have to wait for citizenship and rights to be conferred on them – and possibly withdrawn. Judaism is strongly committed to the political order in the United States and to the pluralistic, dynamic civil society it helps make possible. Jews have the freedoms that others have, and those freedoms resonate with fundamental Jewish values in ways that matter even to nonpracticing Jews. Moreover, there are reasons to regard the Constitution's nonestablishment neutrality as comparing very favorably with a notion of public reason as a political approach to the question of state and church relations. Neutrality does not impose upon or require bracketing of individuals' constitutive commitments and their conceptions of what matters most integrally to them. Public reason is vulnerable to that troubling possibility.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

3

McBride, Cillian. « Religion, respect and public reason ». Ethnicities 17, n^o 2 (9 mars 2017) : 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817690781.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Do the constraints of public reason unfairly exclude religious citizens? Two ways of framing the charge of exclusivity are examined: the burden of translation objection and the integrity objection. The first, it is argued, rests on a misapplication of the ‘distributive paradigm’ and fails to provide a convincing account of religious citizens’ relationship to their beliefs. The ‘integrity’ objection, it is argued, relies on a theologically questionable account of ‘wholeness’ and drastically overestimates the threat to personal integrity posed by the duty of civility. It is argued here that it is a mistake to interpret the ideal of public reason as inimical to recognising religious citizens as co-deliberators and that, on the contrary, only a public-reason-centred account of democratic citizenship can ensure that religious citizens will be appropriately recognised. A rival, convergence, account of public reason, which seeks to relax the constraint of public reason and eliminate the duty of civility is rejected on the grounds that it fails to underwrite the appropriate recognition of citizens.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

4

Rodríguez, Jefferson Andrés, Audin Aloiso Gamboa-Suárez et Raúl Prada-Núñez. « Public space and citizenship : understanding from urban heterotopias ». Revista Perspectivas 5, n^o 2 (10 août 2020) : 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22463/25909215.2831.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

This article shows a reflection on the urban environment, its influence on people's emotions and behavior, and on the configuration of public space from the perspective of herotopias, understood as juxtaposed places that, when analyzed, determine social relationships based on the configuration of space in an internal logic of power and resistance which have a content of reason. Heterotopia also configures city construction and requires an understanding of the environment from its green areas, paved roads, pedestrians and public services that contribute to the quality of life of citizens.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

5

Wickramasinghe, Nira. « Reorienting the Study of Citizenship in Sri Lanka ». PCD Journal 1, n^o 1-2 (6 juin 2017) : 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25686.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

In Sri Lankan scholarship the second component, namely 'citizenship' is virtually absent from the public discourse. The obvious reason for the elusive presence of citizenship is, as previously mentioned, the inevitable invasion in every sphere of peoples lives of issues of nationalism, subnationalism and conflict in the past thirty years owing to the Tamil insurrection in the North and East of the island. In the 1980s and 1990s while the world was embroiled in debates over cosmopolitan and multicultural citizenship Sri Lankan studies were concerned with issues of power and democracy and remained locked in outdated analytical frameworks of nation, ethnicity, and community. For historical reasons citizenship has not had in the Sri Lankan scholarly field the seminal and near obsessive presence that nation and state have occupied. Another reason may be that liberal and radical scholars - defenders of minority rights - have been suspicious of majoritarian appeals to some ideal of 'good citizenship' where minorities will eventually be expected to play by majority rules. Although by the 1990s the terms had become a buzzword amongst thinkers in the North, citizenship remained in fact one of the least theorized notions in Sri Lankan studies where a generally instrumental understanding of the term that includes common defense of personal freedom, establishment of basic conditions of social justice and maintenance of civil peace prevails. In Sri Lanka, the tie between citizenship and nationhood, however, can never be wholly deconstructed or ignored. In this light, this paper will proposes future possible areas of study.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

6

Miller, David. « Citizenship and Pluralism ». Political Studies 43, n^o 3 (septembre 1995) : 432–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1995.tb00313.x.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The idea of citizenship has played a prominent role in recent political debate. But how is common citizenship possible in societies that seem increasingly prone to cultural fragmentation along ethnic and other lines? The paper distinguishes three conceptions of citizenship – liberal, libertarian and republican – and asks how far each is able to respond to cultural pluralism. The liberal conception, exemplified by Rawls, interprets citizenship in terms of a set of principles that everyone has reason to accept; but Rawls fails to show why everyone should give political priority to the citizen perspective as he defines it. The libertarian conception views the citizen as a rational consumer who through contract and choice can gain access to a range of public goods. This caters to pluralism, but at the cost of eroding the idea of citizenship as a common status enjoyed by all members of society. The republican conception sees the citizen as someone who plays an active role in shaping his or her society through public discussion. Contrary to the claims of critics such as I. M. Young, this does not require the imposition of norms of impartiality and publicity which exclude certain cultural groups. This conception offers the best prospect of developing a political consensus to which all groups can subscribe.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

7

Pietrzyk–Reeves, Dorota. « Deliberative democracy and citizenship ». Polish Political Science Yearbook 35, n^o 1 (31 mars 2006) : 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2006004.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The model of deliberative democracy poses a number of dificult questions about individual rationality, public reason and justification, public spiritedness, and an active and supportive public sphere. It also raises the question about what kind of civic involvement is required for the practices of democratic deliberation to be effective. The aim of this article is to examine the last question by looking at the role and value of citizenship understood in terms of participation. It argues that deliberative democracy implies a category of democratic citizens; its institutional framework calls for the activity and competence of citizenry, and consequently, the participatory forms of deliberative democracy come closest to the democratic ideal as such. Also, the model of participatory-deliberative democracy is more attractive as a truly democratic ideal than the model of formal deliberative democracy, but it certainly faces more dificulties when it comes to the practicalities, and especially the institutional design. This problem is raised in the last section of the article where the possible applicability of such a model to post-communist democracies is addressed. The major dificulty that the participatory-deliberative model poses for the post-communist democratization can be explained by a reference to the cultural approach towards democratization and to the revised modernization theory presented by Inglehart and Welzel. The problem of the applicability of such a model in the post-communist context seems to support the thesis presented here which suggests that active citizenship, civic skills and civic culture are indispensable for the development of deliberative politics.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

8

Jakobsen, Jonas, et Kjersti Fjørtoft. « In Defense of Moderate Inclusivism : Revisiting Rawls and Habermas on Religion in the Public Sphere ». Etikk i praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics, n^o 2 (17 novembre 2018) : 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/eip.v12i2.2267.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The paper discusses Rawls’ and Habermas’ theories of deliberative democracy, focusing on the question of religious reasons in political discourse. Whereas Rawls as well as Habermas defend a fully inclusivist position on the use of religious reasons in the ‘background culture’ (Rawls) or ‘informal public sphere’ (Habermas), we defend a moderately inclusivist position. Moderate inclusivism welcomes religiously inspired contributions to public debate, but it also makes normative demands on public argumentation beyond the ‘public forum’ (Rawls) or ‘formal public sphere’ (Habermas). In particular, moderate inclusivism implies what we call a ‘conversational translation proviso’ according to which citizens have a duty to supplement religious with proper political arguments if – but only if – they are asked to do so by their co-discussants. This position, we argue, is more in line with the deeper intuitions behind Rawls’ political liberalism and Habermas’ deliberative model than is the fully inclusivist alternative. Keywords: conversational translation proviso, deliberative democracy, ethics of citizenship, Habermas, moderate inclusivism, public reason, Rawls

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

9

Michelman, Frank I. « Anti-Negativity as Form ». Law & ; Social Inquiry 21, n^o 01 (1996) : 83–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1996.tb00011.x.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Agreeing and sympathizing as I do with what I take to be the core of Professor Abraham's argument—that prevailingly American constitutional thought and public reason model their conceptions of liberty and basic rights too much on proprietorship and too little on citizenship—I confine myself here to a suggestion about the framing of the argument.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

10

Ivic, Sanja. « The concept of European public sphere within the European public discourse ». Etikk i praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics 11, n^o 2 (14 novembre 2017) : 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5324/eip.v11i2.1959.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

This inquiry analyzes the concept of ‘European public sphere’ within the European public discourse. In particular, it explores the European Communication Strategy for creating active European citizenship and European public sphere. The European Commission’s Plan D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate failed, because it employed homogeneous and static concepts of public sphere and European values. In this way it reduced deliberation to a mere debate. The European Year of Citizens was not sufficiently successful for the same reason. It involved citizens debated about EU rights, but it did not produce deliberation. The purpose of this inquiry is to show the dialectical relation between ideas of European values, European identity and European public sphere. This paper emphasizes performative nature of European public sphere, European identity and European values. These concepts may be perceived as grand narratives which aim at producing universal truths.Article first published online: 16 OCT 2017

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

11

Rivera, Joseph. « Liberal Citizenship and the Hermeneutics of Public Dialogue : A Rawlsian Perspective ». Journal of Nationalism, Memory & ; Language Politics 13, n^o 2 (17 décembre 2019) : 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2019-0012.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Abstract Focusing on the topic of public dialogue between religiously theistic, quasi-religious, atheistic, and non-religious citizens in a liberal democracy, this paper develops a practical strategy of dialogue in the wake of Rawls’ Political Liberalism (1993). To set the stage for a rereading of Rawls, the chief points of liberal citizenship are outlined in critical dialogue with recent literature that urges citizens to abandon liberalism. While metaphysics, religious norms, and moral visions of the good are not bracketed by liberal regimes, it is true that liberal states nonetheless attempt to remain neutral in matters of religion and worship. This may yield many worldviews incommensurable with each other. Liberalism, then, as a political order, involves a pluralism of worldviews, some religious and some not. A hermeneutics of public dialogue can enable citizens to be reconciled with, rather than escape, the pluralism born of liberalism. I suggest the point of departure for such a hermeneutic lies in the vocabulary of Rawlsian “overlapping consensus.” Reconsidered in this light, overlapping consensus can open up the prospect of dialogue among citizenry in the public square in a manner that facilitates agreement and cooperation. This is due to the fact that overlapping consensus contrasts with the idea that when one converges on a policy, one must always do so for the same reason or theoretical justification. The paper concludes with the structure of a four-way dialogue that may result from the application of this hermeneutic.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

12

Button, Mark E. « Bounded Rationality without Bounded Democracy : Nudges, Democratic Citizenship, and Pathways for Building Civic Capacity ». Perspectives on Politics 16, n^o 4 (23 novembre 2018) : 1034–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718002086.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The behavioral sciences are playing an increasingly important role in the design and implementation of public policy worldwide. While there have been several important critiques of the latest policy revolution linking the behavioral sciences and the state in the pursuit of human behavioral change, few scholars have investigated the potential costs of “nudging” for democratic citizenship and the deliberative capacities upon which democratic self-governance relies. A central purpose here is to consider the possible civic consequences of nudging within the pursuit of otherwise desirable social outcomes (like improved public health, energy conservation, or higher rates of financial saving). Through a critical investigation of the governing philosophy of the “nudging state” and drawing on the policy feedback literature, I argue that the recent behavioral turn in public policy risks overlooking or bypassing the personal capacities and institutional conditions necessary for the meaningful exercise of democratic citizenship. Evidence from the empirical assessment of deliberative democracy shows how liberal societies can fruitfully address bounded rationality while facilitating civic virtues like public practical reason without violating liberty or constraining pluralism.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

13

Norrie, Alan. « The Problem Of Mistaken Self-Defense : Citizenship, Chiasmus, and Legal Form ». New Criminal Law Review 13, n^o 2 (2010) : 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.2.357.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

This essay concerns the law of mistaken self-defense in England and Wales. It considers the widely held view that the honest mistake rule is wrong because it relates the mistake to mens rea. It accordingly fails to distinguish between offense and defense, and within defenses between justification and excuse. I argue against this view that these core criminal law concepts are fluid and irresolute. Mistaken self-defense can be analyzed in terms of an irreducible chiasmus (antithesis) in the law between "doing the right thing for a wrong reason" and "doing the wrong thing for a right reason." This makes it doctrinally unstable. When this is understood, it becomes clear that it may sometimes make moral and legal sense to analyze mistaken self-defense as concerning proof of mens rea, and sometimes not. What determines the matter in individual cases is a political understanding of the nature of citizenship in modern society. The analysis is offered in the light of recent police killings of innocent members of the public in London.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

14

Jack, Max. « The Crowd in Flux : Atmosphere and the Governance of Public Affects at FC Union Berlin ». Ethnomusicology 65, n^o 3 (1 octobre 2021) : 497–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/ethnomusicology.65.3.0497.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Abstract Exploring the role of atmosphere in the context of soccer fandom, I examine hard-core fans called “ultras” at Football Club Union Berlin. In response to the ultras’ coordination of crowd performativity in the stadium, an assemblage of competing governing apparatuses has intervened with an interest in alleviating risk and potentially inflammatory dispositions of the fans. In contrast to the text-based rational-critical discourse idealized as characteristic of the public sphere (Warner 2002), I argue that atmosphere is an affective-discursive realm through which ultras negotiate subjectivity, which is perceived as deviant because it deconstructs individualism, interiority, and reason as assumed traits of liberal democratic citizenship.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

15

Jackson, Sherman A. « The Alchemy of Domination ? Some Ashʿarite Responses to Muʾtazilite Ethics ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, n^o 2 (mai 1999) : 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800054015.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

In his provocative essay Knowledge and Politics, Harvard Law School professor Roberto Unger undertook what has since become a familiar critique of the contemporary social and political order. Beginning with the main postulates of Enlightenment epistemology, Unger contended that our acceptance of “liberal philosophy” has divided us, as moral beings, between the private world of value and desire and the public world of rules and reason. Since, moreover, reason functions as the medium of public (and ostensibly egalitarian) discourse, its inevitable exaltation over desire threatens, where it does not undermine, our sense of self and personality. Modern man, according to Unger, is inextricably ensconced between the irreconcilable poles of individuality and citizenship. From religious fundamentalism to Afro-centrism, from classical and radical feminism to multi-culturalism, modernity is evolving into an endless concatenation of reactions against the threat of domination that lurks beneath the demand to justify personal values and predilections through the impersonal language of reason, a medium over which some of us possess greater mastery than others, even if, as moderns (or perhaps post-moderns) we recognize that reason is not autonomous but can operate only in the interest of values already present.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

16

Chambers, Clare. « Respect, Religion, and Feminism : Comments on Lori Watson and Christie Hartley, Equal Citizenship and Public Reason : A Feminist Political Liberalism ». Journal of Applied Philosophy 37, n^o 5 (24 septembre 2020) : 863–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/japp.12455.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

17

García-Pérez, Mónica. « Recent Immigrants and Public Charge : Access to Coverage and New Legal Arrivals’ Employment, Self-Employment, and Health Insurance After Medicaid Expansions and the Marketplace ». Review of Black Political Economy 46, n^o 3 (28 juin 2019) : 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034644619857727.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

This article uses data from the American Community Survey from 2009 to 2016 to identify the effect of Medicaid expansions and the creation of the ACA Insurance Market Exchange (Marketplace) on low-income recent immigrants’ employment, self-employment, and health coverage. There is increasing interest in the connection between public coverage and employment outcomes among low-income documented immigrants after the current administration proposed to include the use of Medicaid as a potential reason for denying green card and citizenship applications based on the public charge criteria. The article finds little evidence on reduction of employment among those who are eligible in nongenerous states. We find evidence of an increase in the likelihood of being self-employed in generous states that expanded Medicaid before the implementation of the Marketplace. The findings suggests that low-income immigrants are likely to be employed regardless of their years in the country and that access to public coverage only affects the likelihood of having public versus private coverage.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

18

Underwood, Julie. « Under the Law : 2018–2019 Supreme Court highlights ». Phi Delta Kappan 101, n^o 1 (26 août 2019) : 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0031721719871565.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Julie Underwood highlights three cases from the 2018-2019 U.S. Supreme Court term that have implications for education. In American Legion v. American Humanist Association (2019), the Court ruled that a cross on public land honoring World War I soldiers was not a violation of the Establishment Clause. In this ruling, the Justices criticized the Lemon test often used in cases related to religion in schools, but they did not invalidate it entirely. In Kisor v. Wilkie (2019), Justices expressed the belief that the Court should defer to administrative agencies in interpreting complex regulations and administrative guidance. This leaves room for the Department of Education and other agencies to reinterpret regulations for political or ideological reasons. In Department of Commerce v. State of New York (2019), the Court ruled that a citizenship question on the U.S. Census is acceptable, but the that Department of Commerce did not provide an acceptable reason for the decision. The outcome of this case could affect the census count, which would then affect how education funding is allocated.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

19

McGill, Emily. « Lori Watson and Christie Hartley : Equal Citizenship and Public Reason : A Feminist Political Liberalism. (New York : Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xiii, 288.) ». Review of Politics 81, n^o 4 (2019) : 724–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000421.

Texte intégral

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

20

Muirhead, Russell, et Nancy L. Rosenblum. « The Political Theory of Parties and Partisanship : Catching Up ». Annual Review of Political Science 23, n^o 1 (11 mai 2020) : 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-041916-020727.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Despite their centrality to modern democracy, until recently political parties were relegated to the margins of normative democratic theory, taking a back seat to social movements, civil society associations, deliberative experiments, spaces for local participatory government, and direct popular participation. Yet, in the past 15 years, a burgeoning literature has emerged in democratic theory focused directly on parties and partisanship; that is our focus in this review. We locate three main normative defenses of parties: one centered in the special role parties can play in political justification as agents of public reason, a second that looks to the way parties contribute to deliberation, and a third that focuses on the partisan commitment to regulated political rivalry and peaceful rotation in office. In this last connection, we survey work on the constitutional status of parties and reasons for banning parties. We then consider the relation of partisanship to citizenship, and in a fourth section we turn to the ethics of partisanship. Parties and partisanship are interwoven but separable: If partisans are necessary to realize the value of parties, the reverse holds as well, and parties are necessary to realize the value of partisanship.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

21

Pennisi, Carlo. « Per una valutazione civile delle pubbliche amministrazioni ». RIV Rassegna Italiana di Valutazione, n^o 40 (février 2009) : 9–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riv2008-040002.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

- The paper highlights the process of social and institutional change within which evaluation practices are embedded in Italy. To recall the main institutional and normative framework through which the Italian public administration has read its own change can explain the reason why evaluation is necessarily a part of collective decision processes and of their institutionalization. The role participation procedures to public decision processes play in this change reveal the main social and cultural issues which are at stake: the due process and the separation of powers the one no more considered, as it once was, as a criterion and a boundary for administrative action; the other no more assumed as a democratic criterion to distinguish public decisions as either political or administrative ones. Administrative action and political decisions can be no more conclusively identified within the legal framework. They are constituted by the procedural enactment of administrative planning processes; they are also the focus of what we define as civil evaluation: the kind of evaluation processes which are strategic in the re-definition of both citizenship and administration as well as in the institutionalization of their mutual relationship. Key words: institutional change, administrative rules, civil evaluation, collective decisions.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

22

Kim, Kumjoo. « Doris Lessing’s “To Room Nineteen” : Injustice to Women through “a Failure in Intelligence” ». Institute of British and American Studies 56 (31 octobre 2022) : 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25093/ibas.2022.56.25.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

This essay examines that social institutions, cultural patterns, and social relations have contributed to restricting women's lives and pushing women to unequal status in Doris Lessing's “To Room Nineteen.” Modern ethics and political theories emphasized the impartial point of view of reason that rational subjects should have, and excluded women from citizenship on the grounds that they did not fit the model of the rational citizen capable of transcending body and sentiment. In addition, according to the concept of the ideal citizen in modern political ideas, individual citizens were rational, self-sufficient and independent rather than relational and interdependent. Therefore, vulnerability, dependency, interdependency, or caring were not considered ideal civic attributes. As the concept of citizenship rested on independence and political culture intensified gender difference, new and gendered senses of dependency appeared. And dependency was constructed gradually in a feminine sense and was stigmatized, and furthermore, deepened contempt for caring and caring laborers. Women appeared to personify dependency and were denigrated as subordinate status. Thus, modern ethics and political theories denigrating women as dependents have performed ideological functions of obscuring more emancipatory social relations and reproducing women's oppression. “To Room Nineteen” begins with the narrator's remark, “a story about a failure in intelligence.” In “To Room Nineteen,” intelligence is related to modern ethical and political theories based on reason and rationality that justify women's subordinate status, and these theories can be considered to have failed in that they led to injustice to women. The narrator refers to this failure as “a failure in intelligence.” This essay argues that the institutions, cultural patterns and social relations based on the ideals of modern civil society have caused the structural and institutionalized oppression and inequality of women, and they have leaded to injustice that have deprived women of the means and opportunities to exercise and develop their capabilities. In addition, this essay also argues that a political responsibility is needed to overcome this injustice and to practice organizational action for change, and citizens as participants in social processes should share this responsibility.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

23

MacIvor Thompson, Lauren. « The politics of female pain : women’s citizenship, twilight sleep and the early birth control movement ». Medical Humanities 45, n^o 1 (28 septembre 2018) : 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medhum-2017-011419.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The medical intervention of ‘twilight sleep’, or the use of a scopolamine–morphine mixture to anaesthetise labouring women, caused a furore among doctors and early 20th-century feminists. Suffragists and women’s rights advocates led the Twilight Sleep Association in a quest to encourage doctors and their female patients to widely embrace the practice. Activists felt the method revolutionised the notoriously dangerous and painful childbirth process for women, touting its benefits as the key to allowing women to control their birth experience at a time when the maternal mortality rate remained high despite medical advances in obstetrics. Yet many physicians attacked the practice as dangerous for patients and their babies and antithetical to the expectations for proper womanhood and motherly duty. Historians of women’s health have rightly cited Twilight Sleep as the beginning of the medicalisation and depersonalisation of the childbirth process in the 20th century. This article instead repositions the feminist political arguments for the method as an important precursor for the rhetoric of the early birth control movement, led by Mary Ware Dennett (a former leader in the Twilight Sleep Association) and Margaret Sanger. Both Twilight Sleep and the birth control movement represent a distinct moment in the early 20th century wherein pain was deeply connected to politics and the rhetoric of equal rights. The two reformers emphasised in their publications and appeals to the public the vast social significance of reproductive pain—both physical and psychological. They contended that women’s lack of control over both pregnancy and birth represented the greatest hindrance to women’s fulfilment of their political rights and a danger to the healthy development of larger society. In their arguments for legal contraception, Dennett and Sanger placed women’s pain front and centre as the primary reason for changing a law that hindered women’s full participation in the public order.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

24

Tomlinson, Dylan. « The ‘Employer-dominated Households’ of National Health Service Staff ». Journal of Social Policy 23, n^o 1 (janvier 1994) : 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400021310.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

ABSTRACTThe subject of this article is NHS staff accommodation, about which, as with other comparable forms of shared peer group housing, little is known. It is noted that there is no obvious reason why privileges, such as the provision of subsidised staff housing, should continue to be accorded to the professions by government, especially given the contemporary concern of the latter that state agencies should not be landlords on a large scale. NHS recruitment difficulties, and possibly also the need for mutual support felt by those in stressful ‘care’ occupations provide some grounds for staff accommodation to be provided. But it is argued in this article that it is rather the onset of citizenship and displacement of corporatism which implies a civic obligation on residents to take control of developing this sector of housing.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

25

Geriş, Ali, et Nesrin Özdener. « The Illusions on Digital Citizenship : What We Know and What We Do ? » Acta Educationis Generalis 11, n^o 3 (1 décembre 2021) : 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/atd-2021-0024.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Abstract Introduction: The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between the digital citizenship levels of information and communication technology teacher candidates and their user behaviours and habits in the digital world. The experimental work presented here provides one of the first investigations into a deeper understanding of misconceptions, problems, and deficiencies in digital citizenship and its sub-dimensions. Also, the study offers some important insights to bring solutions to the problems encountered in teaching the concept to individuals. Methods: To reach the goal, a mixed-method approach was utilized. Participants of the study were 74 information and communication technology teacher candidates enrolling at a public university in Turkey. Data for this research were collected using Digital Citizenship Scale (Kocadağ, 2012) and the e-Citizen mobile application. A combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches was used in the data analysis. Results: According to the research findings, it was established that the participants did not have sufficient awareness of the concept of digital citizenship in the sub-dimensions of digital security, digital health, digital rights and responsibilities, digital law, digital etiquette, and digital commerce. The digital citizenship levels of the participants in these dimensions obtained from the scale were not consistent with their digital technology user behaviours and habits. Considering digital access, digital communication, and digital literacy sub-dimensions, it was concluded that pre-service teachers had sufficient knowledge. Another research finding shows that the responses of the participants to the scales should be questioned and emphasizes the importance of using different data collection methods. Discussion: It was specified that the average digital citizenship score of 74 information and communication technology teacher candidates participated in the study was found to be 262 and it was described as “Very Good.” These results corroborate with the findings of a great deal of the previous works that show that digital citizenship levels of individuals have increased in recent years. However, data obtained from user habits and behaviours did not support this situation. This inconsistency may be due to the participants not acting objectively during scale scoring. The reason for this is not clear, but we thought possible causes maybe that teacher candidates may not express their real thoughts, may not want to get low scores on Digital Citizenship Scale (DCs) or they may see themselves as adequate despite their deficiencies. This situation is one of the biggest limitations of self-report measures and it is named “Social Desirability Bias” in the literature. There are, however, other possible explanations. In the study, participants have filled the DCs first and then used the e-Citizen application. Information and communication technology teacher candidates have taken lower scores from User Habits and Behaviours Surveys (UHBs) in each of the sub-dimensions compared to DCs. According to these data, we can infer that the participants may be able to increase their knowledge about digital citizenship and see their deficiencies thanks to the e-Citizen mobile application. Limitations: It should not be forgotten that this study was limited by the validity and reliability of the digital citizenship scale, the efficiency of the mobile application, and the level of knowledge of the participant group and their objectivity in their answers. Conclusion: Overall, this study strengthens the idea that there are problems in the concept of digital citizenship and its sub-dimension. As a result of the research, although the digital citizenship levels of the participants were measured to be very good, it was determined that there are inconsistencies with their behaviours and habits during the use of digital technologies in six of the nine sub-dimensions (security, health, rights and responsibilities, law, etiquette, and commerce). In three sub-dimensions: digital communication, access, and literacy, the data were relatively consistent. At the end of the study, the possible causes of the digital citizenship misconception experienced by teacher candidates were discussed separately and suggestions were made for future studies.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

26

Slotte, Pamela. « Securing Freedom whilst Enhancing Competence : The “Knowledge about Christianity, Religions and Life Stances” Subject and the Judgment of the European Court of Human Rights ». Religion & ; Human Rights 6, n^o 1 (2011) : 41–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103211x543644.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

AbstractIn an attempt to accommodate the increasing religious and cultural diversity in European societies, religious instruction in public schools is being rearranged across Europe. However, the issue is sensitive owing to the societal matters involved, such as multiculturalism, minority issues, nationalism, and citizenship. A crucial question is how religious instruction can be organized in public (state-funded) schools so as to conform to fundamental human rights. The European Court of Human Rights has also recently dealt in Folgerø and Others v. Norway with an ambitious attempt to introduce compulsory non-confessional religious instruction in public schools with the aim of enhancing dialogue and cultural understanding and take into account the future status of children as adult members of both national and international societies. Dividing children into separate study groups according to their faith had been dismissed as a form of segregation and parallel multiculturalism. This article focuses on Folgerø and Others v. Norway. What is at stake in the argumentation before the European Court of Human Rights, and how does it reason concerning religion and life-views, religious freedom and the aims of religious instruction in public schools? Based on this analysis, the article discusses what it means that a conflict over what constitutes adequate religious instruction is brought to a legal forum and the consequences this has for what will be understood as acceptable instruction.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

27

Basevich, Elvira. « W. E. B. Du Bois’s Socialism ». Philosophical Topics 48, n^o 2 (2020) : 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics202048214.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

W. E. B. Du Bois’s socialism has provoked debate for decades. His democratic theory and critique of political economy champions democratic socialism. In this article, I offer a philosophical reconstruction of the normative foundation of his democratic socialism in three steps. First, I argue that his philosophy of the modern democratic state supports the people’s advance of the principle of free and equal citizenship or civic equality. Next, I present his critique of the modern American welfare state, which asserts the fair value of political liberty and democratic control over productive activities. Finally, I introduce the method of the excluded groups from Darkwater as an ideal procedure for guiding democratic deliberation in a profoundly nonideal public sphere. The method foregrounds the voices of excluded groups to correct asymmetrical relations of practical power and to infuse democratic reason with practical intelligence, namely, new content and values that can lead to the development of a democratic socialist state.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

28

Carneiro, Rosalvo Nobre. « Contemporary challenges of teaching education ». Terrae Didatica 15 (17 septembre 2019) : e019035. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/td.v15i0.8655111.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

In the public space of the theoretical renewed discourses, the geographic knowledge expands itself from the university world for the school world, with criticism as a key word of the teacher education. Thus, the objective of this paper is to discuss the challenges of teacher education, particularly the one of the teacher of Geography, based on the concepts of communicative competence and universal ethical principles, from the theory of communicative action of Jürgen Habermas. It started from our experience as a professor in Geography College, when questioning the reason for the low participation of undergraduates in establishing a dialogue or an argumentative discourse in the classroom. From the literature review, we identified the current predominant themes in geographic education on the education of teachers in Geography. It was observed the domain of the themes: researcher teacher and citizenship. An understanding of professional and human formal education is defended, associated to the action, around universal ethical principles of geographic base.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

29

Hofer, Sibylle. « Hofer, Sibylle, „Freier Mann im freien Staat” Persönlichkeitsschutz in der Schweiz ». Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte : Germanistische Abteilung 136, n^o 1 (26 juin 2019) : 261–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2019-0009.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Abstract “Freier Mann im freien Staat”. The Protection of Legal Personality in Switzerland. The Swiss Civil Code (1912) guarantees a comprehensive protection of legal personality. In this respect there exists a fundamental difference to the civil code of Germany (1900). The difference can be traced back to the 19th century when in Switzerland legal personality was not merely understood as an abstract legal entity, but rather as an expression of citizenship. The protection of legal personality therefore included the protection of personal freedom. This freedom was not only understood to protect a person’s capacity to act in his legal sphere, but also to protect his political rights and for this reason democracy. Resulting from this understanding it became self-evident that the protection of legal personality had to be comprehensive. This concept pervades Eugen Huber’s writings and especially his legislative contributions to the creation of the Swiss Civil Code. Thereby he constructed a model which was particularly referred to by prominent public law scholars later in times of political crisis (the 1940s).

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

30

Arbeláez-Campillo, Diego Felipe, Vasyl Ya Tatsiy, Magda Julissa Rojas-Bahamón et Oleg G. Danilyan. « Contributions of critical thinking as a form of participation and political deliberation ». Revista Amazonia Investiga 9, n^o 27 (21 mars 2020) : 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2020.27.03.1.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Critical thinking is an attribute of consciousness that can be manifested in all human activities where it is required, as a condition of possibility, in the use of critical reason and deliberation. Consequently, it is in the domains of politics that critical thinking is used more frequently, to discuss the scope and concrete significance of the discourses and practices that, from the exercise of public powers, are deployed on intelligent citizenship and with the minimum necessary of information for peer deliberation. The objective of this article is to deconstruct the most common contributions of critical thinking as a form of participation and political deliberation. Methodologically it is a research of documentary design developed in the coordinates of the philosophical essay, next to the Latin American philosopher and the revision of the most popular political theory. Among the main findings, the idea that critical thinking is not the exclusive patrimony of certain self-defined political and ideological tendencies as progressive in the region stands out. It is concluded that, this way of thinking is uncomfortable per se for all the paradigms that serve as the basis for the status quo, in politics and society.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

31

Lackaff, Derek. « Escaping the Middleman Paradox : Better Reykjavik and Open Policy Innovation ». JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 7, n^o 2 (14 décembre 2015) : 137–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v7i2.386.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Better Reykjavik is a unique municipal ePetition website that is developed and maintained by a grassroots nonprofit organization, has significant deliberative mechanisms, and has been normalized as an ongoing channel for citizen-government interaction across multiple elected administrations. The primary contribution of this study is an analysis of the novel “interface” that was established between the grassroots-developed technical system and the existing political and administrative institutions of policymaking. I begin with a brief overview of the challenges that citizens and governments face in the implementation of ePetition processes. I then suggest that Landemore’s (2012) “democratic reason” and Coleman’s (2008) “autonomous citizenship” constructs provide useful insights into why and how the Better Reykjavik has made a continuing impact on city governance. Next, I present an analysis of the socio-technical process of the initiative’s software development and political integration, showing how this project moved from the fringes of the grassroots towards the center of public and governmental awareness. I conclude by examining Reykjavik’s “new normal” political culture, which illustrates how a bottom-up, fast-moving technical initiative can productively support the slower-moving processes of democratic governance.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

32

Luizard, Pierre-Jean. « Conflicts and Religions : The Case of Syria and Iraq ». ETHICS IN PROGRESS 10, n^o 1 (30 mai 2019) : 94–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2019.1.8.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Religion is at the heart of the lacerating conflicts in Iraq and Syria today. In both countries the matter at hand is the fracture between the two main branches of Islam. This fracture escalated into a religious war after the Arab Springs in 2011, even though the violent conflict between Shia and Sunni started in Iraq in 2003, after the American invasion of the ancient Mesopotamia. The reason for both the foreign occupation and the insurrection of the civil society leading to the same chaos is that, in both countries, the State does not raise enough legitimacy to open a public space able to welcome a unitary citizenship. Such a phenomenon calls back to the history of the two states and at the British (Iraq) and French (Syria) establishing mandates of the two institutions, which never succeeded in imposing their legitimacy for most people (Shia in Iraq and Sunni in Syria), left out of the ruling bodies for a long time. The Shia-Kurdish combination, which is the leading force in Iraq since 2003, conducted to the refusal of the Arab Sunni minority to live marginalized and powerless.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

33

Szostek, Dawid. « Employee Behaviors toward Using and Saving Energy at Work. The Impact of Personality Traits ». Energies 14, n^o 12 (9 juin 2021) : 3404. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14123404.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The purpose of the article is to determine how personality traits (extraversion, neuroticism, conscientiousness, agreeableness and openness to experience) affect organizational citizenship behaviors for the environment (OCBE), especially in the context of energy saving. The purpose is also to verify the hypothesis that this impact is significantly moderated by individuals’ demographic characteristic (sex, age, length of service, work type and economic sector of employment). To achieve the purposes, a survey was conducted in 2020 on 454 working people from Poland. The analysis was based on structural equation modeling (SEM). The research model assumed that particular types of personality affect direct and indirect OCBEs, including energy-saving patterns. The model also included the aforementioned demographic characteristics of respondents. I proved that personality traits have a significant impact on direct and indirect organizational citizenship behaviors for the environment. In the case of direct OCBEs, the energy-saving items that were most significantly affected by employee personality were: I am a person who turns off my lights when leaving my office for any reason; I am a person who turns off the lights in a vacant room; I am a person who makes sure all of the lights are turned off if I am the last to leave. The strongest predicators were Neuroticism (negative relationship) and Agreeableness (positive relationship) for direct OCBE, but Extraversion (positive relationship) and Agreeableness (negative relationship) for indirect OCBE. The impact of an individual’s personality on OCBE was significantly moderated mainly for indirect behaviors. This applied to all the analyzed demographic variables, but it was stronger for women, employees aged up to 40 years, those with 10 years or more experience, office/clerical workers, and public sector employees. The article discusses the theoretical framework, research limitations, future research directions and practical implications.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

34

Ortega-Sánchez, Delfín, Joan Pagès Blanch, Jaime Ibáñez Quintana, Esther Sanz de la Cal et Raquel de la Fuente-Anuncibay. « Hate Speech, Emotions, and Gender Identities : A Study of Social Narratives on Twitter with Trainee Teachers ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, n^o 8 (12 avril 2021) : 4055. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18084055.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The objective of this study is, on the one hand, to analyse emotional responses to the construction of hate speech relating to gender identity on Twitter. On the other hand, the objective is to evaluate the capabilities of trainee primary education teachers at constructing alternative counter-narratives to this socially alive issue, surrounding the approval of the Ley de Identidad de Género [Gender Identity Law] in Chile, in 2018. With this two-fold objective in mind, quantitative, descriptive, and inferential analysis and qualitative analysis techniques are all applied. The results inform us of the influence of socially constructed emotions and feelings that are expressed in social narratives. However, the narratives of the participants neither appeared to reach satisfactory levels of reflection on the social issues that stirred their own emotional responses, nor on the conflict between reason and the value judgements that they expressed in the digital debate (counter-narratives). These results point to the need to consider both emotions and feelings, as categories of social analysis, and to reflect on their forms of expression within the framework of education for inclusive democratic citizenship.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

35

Moret-Tatay, Carmen, Inmaculada Baixauli-Fortea et M. Dolores Grau-Sevilla. « Profiles on the Orientation Discrimination Processing of Human Faces ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, n^o 16 (10 août 2020) : 5772. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17165772.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Face recognition is a crucial subject for public health, as socialization is one of the main characteristics for full citizenship. However, good recognizers would be distinguished, not only by the number of faces they discriminate but also by the number of rejected stimuli as unfamiliar. When it comes to face recognition, it is important to remember that position, to some extent, would not entail a high cognitive cost, unlike other processes in similar areas of the brain. The aim of this paper was to examine participant’s recognition profiles according to face position. For this reason, a recognition task was carried out by employing the Karolinska Directed Emotional Faces. Reaction times and accuracy were employed as dependent variables and a cluster analysis was carried out. A total of two profiles were identified in participants’ performance, which differ in position in terms of reaction times but not accuracy. The results can be described as follows: first, it is possible to identify performance profiles in visual recognition of faces that differ in position in terms of reaction times, not accuracy; secondly, results suggest a bias towards the left. At the applied level, this could be of interest with a view to conducting training programs in face recognition.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

36

Alves Faria, Ana da Conceição, Maria Manuela Martins, Olga Maria Pimenta Lopes Ribeiro, João Miguel Almeida Ventura-Silva, Paulo João Figueiredo Cabral Teles et José Alberto Laredo-Aguilera. « Adaptation and Validation of the Individual Lifestyle Profile Scale of Portuguese Older Adults Living at Home ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n^o 9 (29 avril 2022) : 5435. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19095435.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

(1) Background: Unadjusted lifestyles have been the main cause of risk for the loss of years of healthy life. However, currently valid and reliable instruments to assess the lifestyles of the elderly are quite long and difficult to interpret. For this reason, the objective of this study was to adapt and validate the ‘Individual Lifestyle Profile’ (ILP) scale in a sample of elderly people; (2) Methods: A methodological study was carried out and a sample of 300 older adults enrolled in a Health Unit located in the North of Portugal was used, who responded to the scale. We examined internal consistency, predictive validity, and discriminative ability; (3) Results: After the Exploratory Factorial analysis, a solution was found with four factors that explain a variance of 67.8%. The designation of the factors was changed from the original scale, with the exception of one dimension, and they were called Health Self-management, Social Participation and Group Interaction, Citizenship and Physical Activity. The total internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha) was 0.858, ranging from 0.666 to 0.860 in the mentioned factors; (4) Conclusions: The ILP scale proved to be easy to apply and presented a good reliability and validity index, based on internal consistency, AFE and AFC. The scale allows evaluating the lifestyle of older adults, and its use will be aimed at modifying behaviors associated with negative lifestyles of older adults and their individual needs.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

37

Mačkinis, Vilius. « Prigimtinės tvarkos idėja kaip Mykolo Pranciškaus Karpavičiaus politinio mąstymo pagrindas ». XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6 : Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (2 janvier 2020) : 138–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006007.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

IDEA OF NATURAL ORDER AS A BASIS FOR POLITICAL THINKING IN THE SERMONS OF MYKOLAS PRANCIŠKUS KARPAVIČIUS Analysis of the idea of natural order in the sermons of Mykolas Pranciškus Karpavičius (Michał Franciszek Karpowicz, 1744–1803) is presented in the article. M. P. Karpavičius in his sermons elucidated societal relations emphasising natural law. In his teachings social state was understood as an outcome of a divine organisation and meant that a human being – a social member of the society, with a gift of natural reason – has to make decisions that create his wellbeing. Such an explication where society is attributed to natural order was a main pillar upon which his political thought rested. It encompassed the goal of the upbringing of a rational and reasonable individual, which by itself connected aspects of both religious and secular life. M. P. Karpavičius’ sermons have to be understood in the context of physiocratic political tradition, which accentuated the preference of the nation through its natural rights and liberties which require the political contract in order to achieve security and safety of one’s property. Following the reasoning that social condition stems from the natural order, M. P. Karpavičius upheld the physiocratic ideals while naming the principles of authority. According to him, authority is needed to ensure security, prosperity and justice of the society. Being a Catholic enlightener he emphasised that the main task of any government, no matter its form, is to protect the natural rights. In its essence this argument remains physiocratic, emphasising the basic tenets of life, property and justice. Accentuating the natural order and Christian values, he taught that duties accepted as upheld laws are a continuation of the natural order and natural condition stemming from citizen’s obligations related to the established society. In the sphere of political thinking this allowed to emphasise the nobility’s obligations towards the body politic as an inherent part of their citizenship, and at the same time depreciate their political privileges. Out of the principles of the natural order consistently followed the concept of natural liberty, which allowed the implementation of the functions of natural right. This concept of liberty together with directions to uphold laws and societal duties directly influenced the understanding of noble liberty, because enlightened teaching encouraged to rethink its limits. M. P. Karpavičius emphasised differences between rational liberty and licence, explaining that reasonable liberty in the enlightened society has to be restricted. Natural liberty was understood as a liberty limited by the law ensuring political existence of the nation. The guarantee of such liberty assured the security of justice and law abiding citizens. Licence and anarchy were presented as opposition to the interests of the state and society leading the state to a demise. Antithesis to licence and anarchy relied on a simple argument of aspiration to have order in the state and was elucidated as rational liberty. Universal education was understood as an instrument in upbringing of the civil society, which understands the limits of its freedom and its duties. Meaning of such a concept of citizenship manifested itself as a rational reflection of the civic existence. It emphasised the principles of natural order and civic duties, criticised licence and established an idea of rational liberty. Supporting such a concept M. P. Karpavičius emphased citizenship as engagement towards the state and God. Such understanding was connected to the goals of state prosperity, was named love of motherland and was traced not to the noble heritage, but to duties stemming from the natural order. Being a citizen meant upholding one’s duties and in this way securing one’s life, liberty and prosperity. Civic relationship stemming from nature was understood as the only incentive needed in order to uphold the relationship itself. Sermons by M. P. Karpavičius can be identified as a local programme for citizen upbringing emphasizing goals of state prosperity. Emphasis on citizenship was directed towards foundation of the will of the nation, understood as a common and public matter. The upbringing of citizens was understood as an inseparable part of the teaching on how to be a proper nation. It was a goal to change individuals that think only about their own wellbeing into citizens that care about the common good. Keywords: Michał Franciszek Karpowicz, natural order, social state, liberty, citizenship.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

38

Listorti, Elisabetta, Aleksandra Torbica, Silvano G. Cella, Gianfrancesco Fiorini, Giovanni Corrao et Matteo Franchi. « Healthcare Services for Undocumented Migrants : Organisation and Costs from the Italian NHS Perspective ». International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, n^o 24 (8 décembre 2022) : 16447. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph192416447.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Based on the principle of health equity, the Italian National Health Service is known worldwide for being a universalistic system that guarantees healthcare services for all its population, among which there are undocumented migrants. A commitment for their health needs is further motivated by their lower utilisation rates of healthcare services, which becomes even more crucial when considering chronic conditions such as diabetes that require adherence and continuity of care. However, the need for more official data has resulted in little research documenting these healthcare usage patterns. For this reason, our objective has been to deepen, from the Italian NHS perspective, the quantity, costs, type, preventability and organisation of healthcare services directed to undocumented migrants. We used official healthcare data from the Lombardy Region, which enable the identification of people receiving the STP code (undocumented migrants) and of people with foreign citizenship (documented migrants). After quantifying the average annual amount and expenditure for healthcare services grouped by Italian citizens, documented migrants and undocumented migrants for all clinical conditions (quantity and costs), we performed three primary investigations where we enlightened differences between the three mentioned groups focusing on the diagnosis of diabetes: (i) mapping the types of healthcare services used and their characteristics (type); (ii) quantifying the impact of preventable hospital admissions (preventability); (iii) examining the healthcare patterns linking pharmaceutical prescriptions with hospital accesses (organisation). Our results reveal significant differences among the three groups, such as more urgent hospital admissions, more preventable complications, and a higher recurrence in terms of access and costs to hospital services rather than pharmaceutical prescriptions for undocumented migrants. These findings can represent the leverage to raise awareness toward the emerging challenges of the migrant health burden.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

39

Al-Kuwārī, ʿAlī Khalīfa. « The visions and strategies of the GCC countries from the perspective of reforms : the case of Qatar ». Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, n^o 1 (1 janvier 2012) : 86–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.647417.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The countries of the Arab Gulf have witnessed a wave of production of ‘national’ strategies and ‘vision’ initiatives, most of which have been developed by foreign firms and consultants, and many of which were drafted in English. Two examples of these that form the basis of analysis of this article are the Qatar National Vision 2030 (QNV) issued in 2008 and followed up by the Qatar National Developmental Strategy 2011–2016 (QNDS) in 2011. Neither document was subjected to public referendum, and many of those directly involved in Qatar's central planning were unable even to obtain copies until after publication in final form. Both are problematic for reason of vague or undefined terms, lack of concrete goals, as well as any explicit mention of political development in the country. Even more serious is the question of citizenship, where the huge expatriate populations and permanent residence concessions granted on the basis of ownership of real estate threaten to undermine Arab Qatari identity – a situation aggravated further when English was made the official language of instruction in education and a primary language of administration. This latter development also had the effect of dwindling participation of Qatari citizens in the labour force – already low at 14% in 2001 – to a mere 6% in 2009. The article examines four major deficiencies inherent in Qatar in light of the QNV and QNDS: economic–productive, labour force, political and security. Of these, mention of the political deficiency is conspicuously absent from both documents (where there is not a single mention of terms such as ‘democracy’, ‘citizenship’ or ‘elections’) and both the labour force and economic–productive deficiencies are addressed in terms more relevant and favourable to foreign concerns than those of native Qataris. In the final analysis, both the QNV and QNDS are reflective of Qatar's severe demographic anomaly where the number of Qatari citizens was estimated to be only 230,000 out of a total population of 1.64 million in 2010; and official policy in terms of both the labour market and the granting of permanent residence on the basis of unregulated foreign purchases of real estate and investment only serves to perpetuate an already precarious situation. If Qatar is unable to restructure and reform its policies to the benefit of the indigenous Arab population, the matter of identity and the future character of the country threaten to be matters of serious doubt by the end date of the QNV in 2030, if not well before then.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

40

Juwita*, Agnes. « Optimalisasi Sim Online Sebagai Strategi untuk Mewujudkan Pelayanan Prima pada Kantor Satpas Jember ». Airlangga Development Journal 2, n^o 2 (29 janvier 2020) : 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/adj.v2i2.18072.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Service reform in Indonesia has links with decentralization. The aim of implementing service reforms throughout Indonesia is to improve service quality so as to create public trust in the government. The problem of SIM services is one of the internal problems in terms of service to the community. Therefore, SIM services must be excellent in accordance with the standards of the technological era that is growing at this time. Seeing this development, the Chief of the Republic of Indonesia National Police (Kapolri) General Police M. Tito Karnavian launched a future program for the National Police which is called the Promoter program. Promoter main policy, focused on 3 (three) main substances, namely Improved Performance, Improved Culture and Media Management. SIM Services in the Administrative Unit of the SIM Administration (SATPAS) of the Jember Police Department itself, based on the pre-survey conducted by the service researchers in making and extending the SIM, were still inadequate or had not yet achieved excellent service, especially regarding Polri's human resources at Samsat Jember. hampered by a good understanding of e-policing policies. In connection with these problems, the Jember Police SIM Administration Unit (SATPAS) conducted an opinion poll (survey questionnaire) during January to April 2015. The online service system is a form of government policy based on Presidential Instruction (Inpres) No. 3 of 20043 about national policies and strategies for the development ofe-government. The basic reason for the emergence of online services is to eliminate the practice of brokering and to reduce criminal acts of corruption within the National Police. Then also to increase community satisfaction inthe realization to become administrative citizenship, which is related to the ownership of a Driving License (SIM). Seeing this reality, it becomes interesting to conduct research on the problem with the title “Optimalisasi SIM Online Sebagai Strategi untuk Mewujudkan Pelayanan Prima pada Kantor Satpas Jember ”.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

41

Audunson, Ragnar, Svanhild Aabø, Roger Blomgren, Hans-Christoph Hobohm, Henrik Jochumsen, Mahmood Khosrowjerdi, Rudolf Mumenthaler et al. « Public libraries as public sphere institutions ». Journal of Documentation 75, n^o 6 (26 septembre 2019) : 1396–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jd-02-2019-0015.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the role of public libraries as institutions underpinning a democratic public sphere as reasons legitimizing libraries compared to reasons that are more traditional and the actual use of libraries as public sphere arenas. Design/methodology/approach A survey of representative samples of the adult population in six countries – Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Germany, Hungary and Switzerland – was undertaken. Findings Legitimations related to the libraries role as a meeting place and arena for public debate are ranked as the 3 least important out of 12 possible legitimations for upholding a public library service. Libraries are, however, used extensively by the users to access citizenship information and to participate in public sphere relevant meetings. Originality/value Few studies have empirically analyzed the role of libraries in upholding a democratic and sustainable public sphere. This study contributes in filling that gap.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

42

Ellison, Nick. « Proactive and Defensive Engagement : Social Citizenship in a Changing Public Sphere ». Sociological Research Online 5, n^o 3 (décembre 2000) : 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.513.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Arguing that the nature of citizenship is changing as a result of the progressive fragmentation of the public sphere in late modern societies, this article suggests that contemporary citizenship is best understood as a series of ‘temporary solidarities’ contained within a social politics characterised by ‘defensive’ or ‘proactive’ forms of engagement. Beginning with a theoretical discussion which explores some of the reasons for the fragmentation of the public realm as well as its possible impact on citizenship and the conduct of social politics, the article subsequently considers a number of examples of defensive and proactive engagement in the general area of welfare. The article then moves on to examine the implications of a theory of citizenship as defensive and/or proactive engagement for contemporary understandings of social divisions, before concluding with a brief consideration of how this approach of citizenship might also contribute to a more detailed understanding of social inclusion and exclusion.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

43

Arifin, Bambang Samsul. « MEMBANGUN KARAKTER PADA ANAK USIA PRASEKOLAH ». Psympathic : Jurnal Ilmiah Psikologi 1, n^o 1 (27 février 2018) : 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/psy.v1i1.2163.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Preschool children—as we have known—have much potential which could be used as a basis to build up their character, either in family, school, and society. Their potential therefore needs to be nurtured to help them to achieve their potential to the fullest. But daily life nowadays—could bring negative impact on their development. The intensity of meaningful communication in daily conversation between children and their parents—was seen as a major obstacle on this process, which then becoming the main reason behind the unsuccessful learning of moral values, honesty, and manners. This condition then have negative impact on their character—as we have seen today—many children has emotional disturbance, violent, and shows an inappropriate behaviors.From this phenomenon, a couple effective approaches could be used to design an effective learning good program for their character development—which are knowing the good, reasoning the good, feeling the good, and acting the good. From this approaches point of view—altering their behavior and make good manners as habit were seen as the best approaches available, since altering behavior can be very effective way to develop their character and potential to the fullest. Their character behavior would also be affected by the daily basis learning and natural conditioning to make a good behavior as a habit.Character development for children in this case are including personal character which is an accumulation of goodness that will drive individuals to do the right thing, have a strong self consciousness on moral values, become a good member of society, ethical, knows which is right and wrong, and act consistently on Golden Rules. Aside from it, nationhood and citizenship characteristic is need to be developed too—where this trait is the accumulation of the personal goodness and set of moral and culture values such as an obedience to the state authority, laws, responsibility, fairness and active participation on public affairs.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

44

Jakobsen, Jonas. « Moderate Inclusivism and the Conversational Translation Proviso : Revising Habermas' Ethics of Citizenship ». European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11, n^o 4 (20 décembre 2019) : 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v11i4.2829.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Habermas’ ‘ethics of citizenship’ raises a number of relevant concerns about the dangers of a secularistic exclusion of religious contributions to public deliberation, on the one hand, and the dangers of religious conflict and sectarianism in politics, on the other. Agreeing largely with these concerns, the paper identities four problems with Habermas’ approach, and attempts to overcome them: (a) the full exclusion of religious reasons from parliamentary debate; (b) the full inclusion of religious reasons in the informal public sphere; (c) the philosophical distinction between secular and religious reasons; and (d) the sociological distinction between ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’ religions. The result is a revised version of the ethics of citizenship, which I call moderate inclusivism. Most notably, moderate inclusivism implies a replacement of Habermas’ ‘institutional translation proviso’ with a more flexible ‘conversational translation proviso’.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

45

Jugović-Spajić, Anika. « Approaching actually existing neoliberalisms : Citizenship, responsibility, and (health)care in anthropology ». Genero, n^o 24 (2020) : 193–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/genero2024193j.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Neoliberalism seems to be a ubiquitous concept, both in anthropological scholarship and in the public discourse, as global social inequalities continue to grow. In anthropology, neoliberalism has been particularly popularized in the past decade and a half, but - as is the case with most anthropological concepts - the consensus on its meaning has not been met. Furthermore, it is not rare to see neoliberalism being used in scholarship without an operational definition. Concurrently with its popularity, the concept attracted numerous criticisms. In this review article, I present a short overview of how neoliberalism has originated, then used, and criticized in anthropology and its sister disciplines such as human geography. Additionally, I focus on the transformations in the nature of the state, governance, and subjectivity that occur in late capitalism, as well as how we can approach those transformations ethnographically. The increased unavailability of welfare provision in neoliberalism has been heavily investigated in anthropology of health and care. I thus particularly discuss how the concepts of care and responsibility have been used in anthropology to that end.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

46

Bezrukov, Andrey V., Ilya S. Iksanov, Anastasia A. Isaeva et Alina P. Fedorova. « Protecting migrants' right to family life in the Nordic countries ». Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, n^o 476 (2022) : 225–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/476/25.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

In this study, the authors refer to the migration policy of the Nordic countries and the consolidation in them at the legislative level of the right of foreign citizens to protect and respect family life. The issue under consideration is extremely relevant in this period of time, since there are problems generated by the Scandinavian juvenile justice that are directly related to the systematic violation of the rights of foreign citizens. The novelty of the article lies in the fact that it analyzes judicial practice, as well as decisions of international bodies, in particular the European Court of Human Rights, that reflect the specifics of juvenile justice in the states under consideration. The aim of the study is to carry out a comparative analysis of the legislation of Northern Europe and the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in specific cases in the field of protection of the rights of foreign citizens. The study is based on the theoretical material of the works of Russian authors (M.A. Mogunova, E.A. Orlova, N.S. Plevako, O.V. Chernysheva, et al.), the national legislation and international legal acts and decisions. The article analyzes the law enforcement practice of the European Court of Human Rights, which reflects the main principles that make up the objective opinion of this body, taking into account the main provisions of international legal documents, including the norms of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Hague Convention Abolishing the Requirement for Legalization of Foreign Public Documents. The methodological basis of the research was the dialectical, comparative legal and formal legal methods. In particular, the use of the dialectical method contributed to the study of legislation that enshrines the rights of foreign citizens to protect and respect family life in the states of Northern Europe. The use of comparative legal and formal legal methods helped to identify trends in the development of legislation on citizenship and the legal status of foreign citizens in the states of Northern Europe. As a result, the authors note a tendency for the authorities of some Scandinavian states to revise their attitude towards children from foreign and mixed families, which is happening under, among other reasons, the “pressure” of international bodies specializing in the protection of individual rights and freedoms. Special instructions are being introduced that explain to guardianship officials the need to cooperate with the immigration authorities if the officials are considering children's documents, and the need to react to requests from foreign authorities (in particular, embassies). Employees of the Scandinavian guardianship services should facilitate the establishment of contact between the family and the embassy of the state with which they have expressed a desire to contact for one reason or another.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

47

Breaugh, Jessica, Catherine DeJong et Lauren Rutherford. « Reconsidering Canadian Citizenship Policy in an Era of Globalization ». Potentia : Journal of International Affairs 1 (1 octobre 2009) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v1i1.4365.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Over the last half of the 20th century, forces of globalization have lead to a significant growth in the number of international migrants, and influenced the national governments of emigrant and immigrant countries to implement dual citizenship policies. This paper will argue that global forces have intensified the extraordinary growth of dual citizenship in Canada, changing the social meaning attributed to dual citizenship and placing internal and external pressures on the government to re-evaluate existing citizenship policies and the rights afforded to non-resident Canadians. The first section of this paper will address the theoretical framework of citizenship policy in Canada, as well as its historical foundations. The second section will discuss the forces of globalization, exploring the reasons behind the dramatic increase in dual citizenship. To conclude, the final section will examine the impact of these pressures on Canadian domestic policy as seen through the public debate surrounding the Lebanon evacuation, and the recent revision of policies granting citizenship to third generation nonresident Canadians. The final thoughts section will speak to recommended policy considerations for government.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

48

Banaji, Shakuntala. « Everyday Racism and «My Tram Experience» : Emotion, Civic Performance and Learning on YouTube ». Comunicar 20, n^o 40 (1 mars 2013) : 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c40-2013-02-07.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Does the public expression and performance of shock, distress, anger, frustration and ideological disapproval of particular sorts of politics constitute a form of collective political expression from which individuals can learn about being citizens? When it comes to the expression of feelings of racial and other types of prejudice, has political correctness led to a deepening of entrenched racist beliefs with no channel for discussion? This article engages with such questions through a case study of YouTube responses to «My Tram Experience» a commuter-uploaded mobile-phone video of a racist diatribe on a tram in the UK. Using qualitative content analysis, and thematic analysis, it describes how these performed, networked and distributed moments of citizen angst demonstrate a limited but interesting range of civic engagements with and positionings towards racism, immigration, class and nationalism. For one reason or another these are not allowed to occur in other public for a such as the mainstream media or schools. The article argues that these vlogs are both a wide-ranging potentially therapeutic resource for those needing validation for their racist or anti-racist views, or for those who wish to express and garner solidarity for discomfort and pain caused by racism; they are also a significant though currently uncurated resource for citizenship education both formal and informal because of their engagements with technology, social context, emotional context and political rhetoric. ¿La manifestación pública de sentimientos de conmoción, angustia, ira, frustración y desaprobación ideológica de ciertos tipos de hacer política constituyen una forma de expresión colectiva que permiten a las personas aprender a ser ciudadanos? En expresiones de prejuicios raciales u otros, ¿es posible que la «corrección política» haya llevado a una profundización de creencias racistas arraigadas? Este artículo interpela estos interrogantes a tfravés de las respuestas en YouTube al vídeo «Mi experiencia en un tranvía», realizado por un viajero con teléfono móvil a partir de una diatriba racista ocurrida en un tranvía del Reino Unido. Tras un análisis cuantitativo de contenido y un análisis temático, se describe cómo momentos de angustia ciudadana –compartidos y distribuidos por la Red– demuestran un rango limitado y a la vez interesante de relaciones cívicas, así como posicionamientos ante el racismo, la inmigración, la clase social y el nacionalismo. Por diferentes motivos, estos posicionamientos no están presentes en otgros foros públicos como los medios y las escuelas. Se argumenta que estos videoblogs son un recurso terapéutico para aquellos que necesitan el reconocimiento de sus puntos de vista racistas o anti-racistas, o para aquellos que desean expresar o provocar solidaridad en momentos incómodos y dolorosos causados por el racismo. Además son un recurso significativo, aunque todavía no considerado, en la educación para la ciudadanía, tanto la formal como la informal, debido a sus compromisos con la tecnología, el contexto social, el contexto emocional y la retórica política.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

49

SAAVEDRA GARCÍA, Francisco, et Ángel INIESTA NICOLÁS. « Los institutos y escuelas de Administración Pública como centros de gestión del conocimiento para la innovación. la experiencia de la EFIAP. » RVGP 17, n^o 17 (30 décembre 2019) : 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvgp.17.2019.04.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

Laburpena: Administrazio publikoak gaur egun duen erronka handienetako bat honako hau da: zerbitzatzen duen gizarteak bizi dituen aldaketa azkar eta etengabeetara egokitzeko gaitasun nahikoa izatea. Egia esan, Administrazio publikoa aldakorra den ingurunera egokitzeko aski arina izateaz gain, aldaketa horiei aurre hartzeko gai ere izatea nahiko genuke. Prestakuntza eta, bereziki, ezagutzaren kudeaketa aldaketa faktorea dugu, eragina izan behar duena administrazioaren ekintzaren modernizazioa eta kalitatean. Horrenbestez, enplegatu publikoaren etengabeko prestakuntzaren bidez eskuratzen den ezagutza horrek administrazio berri batera egokitu behar du, eta administrazio horrek prestakuntza, giza baliabideen eskubide batez harago, profesionalizazio eta aldaketarako elementu gisa ulertu beharko du, kudeaketa eraginkorrago eta efizienteagoa lortze aldera. Hori dela eta, Murtziako Eskualdeko Administrazio Publikoko Prestakuntza eta Berrikuntza Eskolan (aurrerantzean, EFIAP) ezagutzaren kudeaketa funtsezko tresna iruditzen zaigu berrikuntzarako, administrazioaren aldaketarako eta langileen motibaziorako, izaera publikoaren balioa nabarmenduz prestakuntza-ekintza guztietan. Hau da, herritarrei ematen zaien zerbitzu horrek izan behar du Administrazioaren izateko eta jarduteko arrazoia. Resumen: Uno de los principales desafíos a los que se enfrenta hoy día la Administración pública es el de tener suficiente capacidad de adaptación a los continuos y rápidos cambios que vive la sociedad a la que sirve. En realidad, la Administración pública no solo debe ser suficientemente ágil para adaptarse al medio cambiante, sino que sería deseable que fuese capaz de anticiparse a esos cambios. La formación, y más concretamente la gestión del conocimiento, es un factor de cambio que debe incidir en la modernización y calidad de la acción administrativa. Por ello, el conocimiento a través de la formación continua del personal empleado público debe adaptarse a una nueva Administración que reconozca dicha formación, no sólo como un derecho de sus recursos humanos, sino como un elemento de profesionalización y cambio para una gestión más eficaz y eficiente. Por esta razón, desde la Escuela de Formación e Innovación de la Administración Pública de la Región de Murcia (en adelante EFIAP) apostamos por la gestión del conocimiento como la herramienta esencial para la innovación, el cambio en la Administración y la motivación de su personal, inculcando el valor de lo público en todas las acciones formativas. En definitiva, una Administración en la que en su razón de ser y actuar esté el servicio a la ciudadanía. Abstract: One of the main challenges facing the public administration today is to have sufficient capacity to adapt to the continuous and rapid changes that the society it serves experiences. In reality, public administration must not only be sufficiently agile to adapt to the changing environment, but it would be desirable if it were able to anticipate these changes. Training, and more specifically knowledge management, is a factor of change that must affect the modernization and quality of administrative action. Therefore, knowledge through the continuous training of public employed personnel must be adapted to a new Administration that recognizes such training, not only as a right of its human resources, but as an element of professionalization and change for more efficient and effective management. For this reason, from EFIAP we are committed to knowledge management as the essential tool for innovation, change in administration and the motivation of its staff, instilling the value of the public in all training actions. In short, an Administration in which service to citizenship is its raison for being and acting

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

50

Proniakina, Svetlana. « Denaturalization as a special ground for termination of legal ties with the state ». Юридические исследования, n^o 10 (octobre 2021) : 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7136.2021.10.36630.

Texte intégral

Résumé :

The legal grounds for acquisition and revocation of citizenship by persons born and residing on the territory of different states may differ significantly due to historical, political, economic, and other reasons. This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the grounds for revocation of citizenship – denaturalization. The author establishes the factors and circumstances that contribute to termination of the political0legal ties of an individual with the state upon the initiative of the state. The article explores the international legal acts, as well as conducts a comparative analysis of the legislation of different countries on the issues of denaturalization. The author reviews the conditions and restrictions for implementation of the procedure for revocation of citizenship by the state, as well as correlation of such grounds for termination of citizenship as revocation of citizenship and reversal of decision on naturalization. The scientific novelty lies in the conclusion that revocation of citizenship is not prohibited by the international legal acts if there are legal grounds established by the domestic legislation of the country. Such grounds may include unlawful actions of a citizen against public security and national interests, as well as other actions that undermine the fundamentals of the constitutional system. The author offers the open legislative consolidation of the legal institution of denaturalization for the possibility of revocation of citizenship of an individual upon the initiative of the state.

Styles APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, etc.

Articles de revues sur le sujet « Public reason citizenship »

Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres