Thèses sur le sujet « Public policy – congresses »
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Pierce, Howard Wilson. « Understanding the Role of Federal Procurement Policy in Federal Social Policy ». ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4245.
Texte intégralMcCollester, Maria Lynn. « Executive Power in Unlikely Places : The Presidency and America's Public Lands ». Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107219.
Texte intégralBy examining the interactions between the presidency and the other branches of government, research illuminates the causes and mechanisms by which the presidency, and its power, ebbs and flows. Due to the nature of the powers directly granted to the president within the Constitution, much consideration has been given to presidential power through the prisms of national security, international affairs, and times of national emergency. Yet the presidency consists of more than the roles of commander- and diplomat-in-chief. By looking beyond the more obvious considerations of presidential power, the complexity of the institution’s development is not only revealed, but more fully explained. Consequently, this dissertation analyzes the development of presidential power by looking at the less obvious. It considers the use of formal executive tools to implement congressionally delegated and supported authority in an area of domestic policy: the creation of federally protected public lands. Instead of seeking to understand how the use of presidential power impacted an area of public policy, this research flips that perennial question on its head by asking: how has public land policy contributed to the development of presidential power? The research presented here shows, through the analysis of five public land categories, that the consistent application of executive power within this policy realm, combined with Congressional acceptance of this application, enhanced the overall power of the American presidency
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Gathje, Todd. « THE CHRISTIAN RIGHT AND FEDERAL STEM CELL RESEARCH POLICY : A QUALITATIVE STUDY OF INFLUENCE AND ADVOCACY STRATEGIES IN CONGRESS (2001-2009) ». VCU Scholars Compass, 2009. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/1966.
Texte intégralSILVA, Rodrigo Santiago da. « Os parlamentares são omissos ao debate da política externa ? um examedos Atos Internacionais no Congresso Nacional ». Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18064.
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CAPES
A pergunta a que esta tese pretende responder é: os parlamentares são omissos ao debate da política externa? Para isso, levanta-se elementos que possibilitam a compreensão sobre o interesse congressual na política externa, especificamente, na tramitação dos atos internacionais. O período da análise compreende os anos de 1988 a 2014 e será realizada tanto para a Câmara dos Deputados quanto para o Senado Federal. É comum encontrar na literatura especializada argumentos que focam nos conceitos de delegação, abdicação ou participação limitada pelas regras constitucionais. A partir desta bibliografia foram esquematizados seis objetivos específicos: 1) identificar os instrumentos de atuação na arena legislativa nos temas da política externa; 2) explorar as possíveis conexões entre a atuação parlamentar e a intervenção do Executivo; 3) pesquisar se há relação entre a atuação parlamentar e o tipo de ato internacional; 4) examinar a atuação parlamentar focando na relação governo versus oposição, partidos políticos (ideologia) e interesses locais das bases eleitorais; 5) investigar a formação profissional/acadêmica dos deputados e senadores (expertise); e 6) analisar empiricamente a política externa como política pública. Utiliza-se o multimétodo, isto é, a visão metodológica que é a favor da combinação consciente dos instrumentos analíticos qualitativos e quantitativos. E, por fim, as principais conclusões do trabalho vão no caminho oposto daquele defendido por grande parte dos pesquisadores da área.
The question that this thesis aims to answer is: are the parliamentarians silent in the debate on foreign policy? For this, it raises elements that enable the understanding of congressional interest in foreign policy, specifically in dealing with international acts. The period of analysis covers the years 1988-2014 and will be held for both the House of Representatives and the Senate. It is common to find in the specialized literature arguments that claim that constitutional rules limit delegation, abdication and participation. From this bibliography were outlined six specific objectives: 1) to identify the instruments of legislative action on issues of foreign policy; 2) to explore the possible connections between the parliamentary action and the intervention of the Executive; 3) to investigate whether there is a relationship between the parliamentary action and the kind of international act; 4) to examine the parliamentary action, focusing on the relationship government versus opposition, political parties (ideology) and local interests of the constituencies; 5) to investigate the professional and/or academic education of deputies and senators (expertise); and 6) to empirically analyze foreign policy as public policy. It is used the multi-method, i.e., the methodological vision that is in favor of conscious combination of qualitative and quantitative analytical tools. Finally, the main conclusions indicate the opposite direction from what most researchers have been advocating.
Keeler, Rebecca L. « The Power to Constitute Courts and Other Tribunals Inferior to Supreme Court ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/479.
Texte intégralBhattacharya, Debasis. « Legislative-executive relations and U.S. foreign policy| Continuum of consensus and dissension in strategic political decision process from 1970 to 2010 ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3610246.
Texte intégralDuring the last four decades, precisely from the early 1970s, U.S. foreign policy has played a dominant role in the U.S. political landscape. The current political discourse is predominantly marked by divided government, polarized politics and gridlock. Such a contentious political environment has proved to be detrimental for efficient and effective policy-making in foreign policy. There are significant factors that profoundly complicate the process of decision making and congressional-presidential relations. Partisan and ideological differences under the conditions of divided government are dominant in the current political process and in turn affect the prospects of legislative-executive consensus and dissension. Other factors such as media salience, public opinion, and electoral imperatives also complicate the dynamics of legislative-executive relations. In an era in which heightened political brinkmanship has enveloped Washington politics, continuum of consensus and dissension between Congress and the president on strategic foreign policy issues has virtually become a norm. This dissertation examines the dynamics of legislative-executive relations in two high politics U.S. foreign policy issue areas of treaty process and war powers. It appears that in contemporary U.S. foreign policymaking the trajectory of a continuum of legislative-executive consensus and dissension is a new normal and potentially irreversible, as Congress and the president try ardently to preserve their respective constitutional prerogatives.
Empirical investigation across these two issue areas demonstrates a new era of a resurgent Congress marked by its greater assertive role and acting as a consequential player in the foreign policy domain. The passage of the War Powers Resolution in 1973 by Congress, overriding a presidential veto, has profound implications in the modern political landscape. It was a pivotal moment that permanently transformed the future road map of congressional-presidential relations. Since then the U.S. political system has been relentlessly experiencing an institutional power struggle in the foreign policy domain. Findings suggest that when Congress determines to confront the president and exercise its constitutional responsibilities it becomes very difficult for the president to overcome such congressional resistance. Interbranch competition has virtually created a consistent trajectory of a continuum of legislative-executive consensus and dissension in the foreign policy decision-making process.
Campos, Marcelo da Silveira. « Crime e Congresso Nacional no Brasil pós-1988 = uma análise da política criminal aprovada de 1989 a 2006 ». [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279483.
Texte intégralDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A partir de meados dos anos 90 do século XX até os dias atuais, parte da literatura internacional sobre criminalização, segurança pública e justiça criminal (sobretudo nos EUA e Inglaterra) sinalizou o abandono da política criminal tradicional - chamada de penal welfarism. Esta política, baseada na tradição liberal dos direitos humanos e pautada no ideal de ressocialização do criminoso, teria sido substituída por uma política penal mais dura, abrangente e agora mais voltada para a defesa social. Modificou-se o funcionamento estratégico da justiça penal contemporânea e sua importância. A partir desse enquadramento teórico geral, este trabalho analisa quais foram as políticas criminais adotadas pelo Parlamento brasileiro. Para isso analiso a produção das principais leis aprovadas em segurança pública e justiça criminal no Congresso Nacional brasileiro no período de 1989 a 2006. Divido a pesquisa em dois momentos: i) um mapeamento do material apontando quais são os partidos, estados e casas proponentes; mandatos presidenciais que sancionaram as leis; número de leis aprovadas por ano e o tempo de tramitação das leis de acordo com a casa propositora; ii) os tipos gerais (modelos) de punição propostos pelas normas. Proponho nas considerações finais que é possível pensar: coexistências na política criminal entre criminalização, recrudescimento penal e leis que despenalizaram ou buscaram efetivar direitos dos réus; ii) apesar da coexistência ou (e) sobreposição entre estes domínios na política criminal, o Parlamento e o Executivo 'escolhem' o uso simbólico do Penal como forma fundamental de resolução de conflitos, a partir de demandas estatais (ou da sociedade civil) por maior (ou mais pesada) criminalização de condutas
Abstract: From the mid-90s of the twentieth century until today, part of the international literature on criminality, public safety and criminal justice (primarily in the U.S. and England) signaled the abandonment of traditional criminal policy - called the penal welfarism. The policy, based on the liberal tradition of human rights and on the ideal of social resocialization of criminals, would have been replaced by a tougher criminal justice policy, more comprehensive and now more focused on social defense. The strategic functioning of criminal justice and its contemporary relevance has changed. From this general framework, this research examines the criminal policies which were adopted by the Brazilian Parliament. To that end, I analyze the production of the major laws approved on public safety and criminal justice in the Brazilian Parliament in the period from 1989 to 2006. The research is divided into two different moments: i) a mapping of the material indicating which are the proponent parties, states and houses; presidential mandates, the number of laws adopted per year and the time of the drafting of laws in according to the proponent house ii) the general types (models) of punishment proposed by the laws. I propose in my final considerations that: the coexistence in Brazilian criminal policy of criminalization and the stiffening of criminal laws/expansion of rights in Brazil. Despite this coexistence or (and) overlap between these areas, the Parliament and the Executive 'choose' the symbolic use of the penal laws as a fundamental form of conflict resolution from state (or civil society) demands for more extensive (or heavier) criminalization of conducts
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
Santos, Viviane Cristina dos [UNIFESP]. « Análise qualitativa e quantitativa da produção legislativa relacionada à saúde em tramitação no Congresso Nacional nos anos de 2007 e 2008 ». Universidade Federal de São Paulo (UNIFESP), 2011. http://repositorio.unifesp.br/handle/11600/8942.
Texte intégralEsta dissertação teve como objetivo descrever e analisar quantitativamente e qualitativamente a produção legislativa que trata da questão da saúde, em tramitação, nos anos de 2007 e 2008, no Congresso Nacional. Foi realizado um estudo descritivoexploratório com corte transversal e abordagem quantitativa e qualitativa. O material de análise do estudo foi constituído por 112 projetos de lei em tramitação na Comissão de Seguridade Social e Família (Câmara dos Deputados) e 32 projetos de lei na Comissão de Assuntos Sociais (Senado Federal), relacionados à saúde, com data de apresentação entre janeiro de 2007 a dezembro de 2008. A pesquisa teve duas fases distintas: na primeira fase foi realizada uma pesquisa quantitativa através da estratificação, classificação e análise dos Projetos de Lei. Na segunda fase houve uma abordagem qualitativa através de um questionário com perguntas fechadas a um grupo de profissionais que atuavam no sistema de saúde, com a finalidade de avaliar a relevância, viabilidade, alinhamento estratégico e impacto dos projetos selecionados. Ao final da pesquisa, os seguintes resultados foram obtidos: das 144 proposições, 57,6% dos PL’s selecionados foram apresentados no ano de 2007 e 42,4% em 2008. O PT (12,5%) foi o partido político que mais apresentou PL's seguido do PMDB (11,1%) e PSDB (10,4%). Apenas 25,7% dos parlamentares que apresentaram PL's relacionados à saúde são da área da saúde. Um ano após a coleta de material de análise do estudo, foi verificado que a maioria (93,7%) dos PL's continuava em tramitação, 4,9% foram arquivados e apenas 1,4% foram transformados em Norma Jurídica. Quanto ao foco de atenção dos projetos de lei relacionados à saúde, mais da metade (57,7%) dos PL's estava relacionada com o Sistema Público de Saúde e apenas 4,2% se referem à natureza orçamentária (financiamento da saúde). Em relação aos resultados do questionário aplicado, 78,1% dos respondentes encontravam-se insatisfeito/muito insatisfeito com o Poder Legislativo e 41,8% dos respondentes classificaram o Sistema Público de Saúde como ruim/péssimo. Já no Sistema Privado de Saúde, apenas 9,6% o consideraram ruim/péssimo. Quanto aos critérios avaliativos dos projetos de lei, mais da metade (51,5%) dos respondentes declararam que não entenderam no PL a forma de viabilizar (Viabilidade) o proposto, 40,6% responderam que não existe relevância nos projetos de lei apresentados, 52,7% responderam que não existe alinhamento estratégico às prioridades e às políticas de saúde do país e 52,5% disseram que a recusa do projeto de lei não traria impactos negativos e/ou seria prejudicial para a sociedade brasileira. Quando simulado uma consulta pública, mais da metade (54,4%) respondeu que aprovaria o projeto de lei que analisou, 30,1% reprovariam e 10,1% se abstiveram da escolha. Por meio dos dados deste estudo, pôde-se perceber que a produção legislativa, no âmbito da saúde, é baixa; os parlamentares com formação acadêmica na área da saúde produzem pouco (25% da amostra) e a transformação dos projetos de lei em Norma Jurídica é mínima (apenas 1,4% da amostra). Outro aspecto importante verificado foi o alto índice de insatisfação com o Poder Legislativo e com o Sistema de Saúde Público Brasileiro, além da baixa qualidade da produção legislativa no Congresso Nacional.
This dissertation had the objective to describe and analyse qualitatively and quantitatively the legislative production which deals with health, at the National Congress, happening in 2007 and 2008. It was done a descriptive-exploratory study with transverse cut and quantitative and qualitative approach. The material of analysis from the study was constituted by 112 draft bills which were performed at Social Security and family (House of representatives) and 32 draft bills at the Social Subjects (Federal Senate), related to health, which were performed from January 2007 to December 2008. The research had two distinctive phases, at the first phase there was a quantitative research through stratification, classification and analysis of the draft bills. At the second phase there was a qualitative approach made through a questionnaire containing closed questions to a specific group of professionals who performed in the Health System and the objective was to analyse the relevance, viability, strategic balance and impact of the selected projects. At the end of the study, the following results were found; from the 144 possibilities, 57,6% of the draft bills selected were presented in 2007 and 42,4% in 2008. The Labour Party, PT, was the one which most presented draft bills (12,5%) followed by PMDB (11,1%) and PSDB (10,4%). Only 25,7% of the Members of the Congress who presented draft bills deal with Health Policy. After a year of gathering the material to analyse the study, was verified that the majority of the draft bills (93,7%) were still being done, 4,9% were filed and only 1,4% were transformed in juridical norm. Considering the aim of the draft bills related to health, more than a half (57,7%) of the draft bills are related to the SUS ( Public Health Care ) and only 4,2% are related to quotation (financing for health). Considering the result of the applied questionnaire, 78,1% from the questioned people were dissatisfied, very dissatisfied with the Legislative Power and 41,8% classified as bad, extremely bad; at the private Health System only 9,6% considered bad, extremely bad. In relation to the criteria of the draft bills, more than a half (51,5%) from the questioned people declared that they did not understand, in the draft bills, the way of making viable what was proposed, 40,6% answered that there is no relevance; 52,7% answered there is not strategic balance from the draft bills to the priorities and the health policies of the country and 52,5% answered that the refusal of the draft bills would not bring negative impacts or would be prejudicial to the Brazilian society. Through a public enquire, more than a half (54,4%) answered they would approve the draft bill they analysed; 30,1% would not approve and 10,1% did not answer. Through the data of this study we can perceive that the Legislative production, related to health, is low; the members of the congress with academic graduation in the health area has a low output (25% of the amount) and the draft bills which become juridical norm is minimal (only 1,4% of the amount). It is important to point out the high rate of insatisfaction with the Legislative Power, with the Health Public Brazilian System and the low quality of the legislative production at the National Congress.
TEDE
BV UNIFESP: Teses e dissertações
Lewinstein, Jenna Floricel. « Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez : A Case Study of Social Media as an Agenda Setting Tool in the U.S. House of Representatives ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1336.
Texte intégralFeinman, David Eric. « Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.
Texte intégralID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Twati, Mahfod. « L'organisation des pouvoirs publics territoriaux en Libye : pour une meilleure répartition des compétences en aménagement du territoire ». Thesis, Tours, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012TOUR1002/document.
Texte intégralLibya is one of the most important Arab countries due to its great oil wealth and its strategic geographic position, along the Mediterranean sea and close to southern Europe. However, since it’s independence in 1951, it has experienced different political movements which had left a great influence, on all aspects of life in Libya. From this fact, our study deals first of all with the influence of political movements, since independence in 1951 until the fall of Qaddafi in 2011, and the structure of locale public territorial authorities. This infuence has been characterized by the instability of the organization and the planning of local public territorial authorities. This study is based on the analysis, which is the use of the instability as mean to ensure the durability of power, including maintaining a constant legal and administrative uncertainty. This territorial structure instability and legal uncertainty has had a major impact on the process of planning of local government. Indeed, the territorial authority should be able to carry out this process, and playing a role which comes from a direct relationship of the people and their needs. This relationship should be the first principle of the organization of power at all levels. Secondly, we studied the influence of legal uncertainty and instability in the organization of territorial authorities on the process of planning at the local level. This impact is linked to the sharing of competences in urban planning and local control apparatus, which in turn led to an interruption of the enlargement and implementation of plans and development schemes. Such disorders could only lead to troubling the effectiveness of solutions proposed by the competent authorities to reduce the problems of access to necessary services required by all citizens
Tsampiras, Carla Zelda. « Politics, polemics and practice : a history of narratives about, and responses to, AIDS in South Africa, 1980-1995 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001653.
Texte intégralRosomoff, Sara Stephanie. « Promote the General Welfare : A Political Economy Analysis of Medicare & ; Medicaid ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1574263717055768.
Texte intégralSchwarz, Christopher Charles. « Attack-ademically Ineligible : Student Athlete Sex Crimes and the Dangerous Misunderstandings of FERPA ». The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1457096185.
Texte intégralBaloch, Bilal Ali. « Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
Texte intégralJorge, Álvaro Palma de. « Supremo interesse : protagonismo político-regulatório e a evolução institucional do processo de seleção dos ministros do STF ». reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/16202.
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Based on the fact that higher courts are assuming a greater role in Brazil today, as is the global trend in complex contemporary societies, in the shaping of public policy and regulation, the study aims to map the evolution – and progressive democratization – of the checks and balances structure established in the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, i.e., the selection process of justice for Federal Supreme Court, Brazil’s apex constitutional court. The text analyses the institutional/constitutional framework of the selection process for new justices, and exemplify changes in the profile of political players, in the network of competences of institutions involved in the process and in the social, political, economic and cultural context that pushed through the practical transformation of the institutional selection model without altering, however, the format originally established in the 19th Century. By mapping the origin and evolution of the constitutional formula for collaboration between the Executive and Legislative branches in choosing the members of the Judiciary’s highest court, the study finds the origin of the Brazilian model in the US experience, describing the latter and making parallels between the two. Taking the 1988 Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil as a milestone, the work demonstrates the even greater mobilization of political and social players concerning the selection process, especially in relation to the hearings and confirmation of appointments for the Federal Supreme Court by the Federal Senate Constitution, Justice and Civic Rights Commission (CCJ). Finally, the studies analyzes actual CCJ hearing sessions and some of the main discussions therein so as to draw lessons that may guide the debate on the evolution of the selection process of justices to the Federal Supreme Court , including as an early control tool used by those involved in the creation of future public policy through Federal Supreme Court decisions.
Partindo da constatação de que o Brasil acompanha hoje um fenômeno global de protagonismo das cortes supremas nas sociedades complexas contemporâneas, notadamente na criação de políticas-públicas e regulação, o estudo procura mapear a evolução – e progressiva democratização – de uma estrutura de freios e contrapesos prevista na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 ('Constituição'), qual seja, o processo de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Ao longo do texto é analisada a arquitetura institucional e constitucional do processo de indicação e aprovação de novos ministros, bem como exemplificadas mudanças no perfil dos atores políticos, no plexo de competências das instituições envolvidas e no contexto social, político, econômico e cultural que forçaram a transformação prática do modelo de seleção institucional, sem alteração, no entanto, da formatação originalmente prevista desde o Século XIX. Mapeando a origem e evolução da fórmula constitucional de colaboração entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo para a escolha dos membros da cúpula do Poder Judiciário, o estudo identifica a origem do modelo brasileiro na inspiração da experiência norte-americana, descrevendo esta e os paralelos possíveis com aquele. A partir do marco central da Constituição, o trabalho procura demonstrar uma progressiva mobilização de atores políticos e sociais em relação ao processo de escolha, notadamente em relação ao momento em que os indicados para o Supremo Tribunal Federal são sabatinados pela Comissão de Constituição, Justiça e Cidadania do Senado Federal. Finalmente, são analisadas concretamente as sabatinas e algumas das suas principais discussões, buscando extrair lições que sirvam de norte colaborativo para a evolução da forma de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal, inclusive como instrumento de controle prévio de seus membros, futuros elaboradores de políticas-públicas.
Shafran, Jobeth Surface. « Bringing policy back into the policy making process ». Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3243.
Texte intégraltext
Hagley, Annika. « The slave of two masters : Members of Congress and elite and public divergence on foreign policy issues ». 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1407503681&sid=9&Fmt=2&clientId=39334&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Texte intégralTitle from PDF title page (viewed on Feb. 20, 2008) Available through UMI ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Thesis adviser: Finocchairo, Charles J., Johnson, Gregg B. Includes bibliographical references.