Thèses : « Public administration – Europe »

1

Moorhead, Gavin. « Britain in Europe : a discourse-theoretical approach ». Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/390.

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Previous research upon European integration has observed that Britain has an I awkward partnership' with the rest of the EU. However, these analyses have not addressed how this awkward relationship reflects a difference in political and governmental discourse between Britain and the other Continental European member states. This thesis will examine this divergence. To this end, it applies the discourse-theoretical approach developed by Ernesto Laclau, Chantal Mouffe, and Slavoj Zi2ek. By applying the discourse-theoretical concept of social antagonism, it will seek to explain why these discourses are different and opposed. Possible solutions to this conflict will then be identified and explored. Inspired by Laclau and Mouffe's vision of a 'radical plural democracy', this research concludes by advancing a project for a universal European identity that embraces the liberal democratic principles of 'freedom and equality for all' and transcends the national antagonisms that have plagued Europe's past.

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Bayat, Babolghani Babak, et Sebastian Reuter. « A STUDY OF INVESTMENT AND FIRM VALUE : Evidence from public real estate companies in Europe ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Företagsekonomi, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-161405.

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This paper investigated the relationship between investments and value of the 100 public real estate companies in Europe for the period between 2008-2018. Percentage alteration in long-term investments by the firms represents the investments and percentage alteration in total market value is considered as indicator of value of the firms. Effects profitability, growth, interest paid, solvency, liquidity and size on value of the firms are also examined as control variables. The data of this quantitative research consists of financial data extracted from audited financial statements of the targeted companies. The result of correlation analysis revealed the association between variables of the study, except Debt to Equity as indicator of solvency that showed negative correlation. Also, the result of regression analysis showed the positive relationship between investments, as well as, profitability, interest paid, growth, liquidity and size with value of the firms, but negative relationship between Debt to Equity ratio as solvency ratio and value of the targeted firms.

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Leitch, Duncan. « International assistance and the reform of public administration in Ukraine : fiscal decentralisation and regional policy 2000-2012 ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6382/.

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The thesis examines the influence of external advice on domestic reform in a post-communist state following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. As an example of this, the research analyses the role of international assistance in the reform of public administration in Ukraine in the period 2000 to 2012, with particular reference to the relationship between the national and sub-national tiers of government. Two empirical case studies, on fiscal decentralisation and regional policy, are employed to provide an in-depth analysis of reform programmes introduced by the Government of Ukraine and an examination of the contribution of external advice to each. The thesis draws on concepts from Institutional Theory, Comparative Politics and Development Studies to explain the interaction between external donors and the domestic recipients of their advice. It is argued that international assistance to public administrative reform in Ukraine is a form of normative institutional isomorphism involving the deliberate transfer of models of state institutions from donor countries where they are regarded as good practice. The findings of the case studies indicate the narrow circumstances in which this transaction may lead to short-term progress with reform, through the establishment of a policy transfer network linking domestic and external actors. However the case studies also demonstrate that in the longer term both these attempts at reform, and the international advice which contributed to them, failed to achieve a sustained outcome. Employing the political economy analysis of development aid the thesis argues that the international community bears a large share of the responsibility for this owing to the technocratic nature of assistance programmes and their limited engagement with the political realities of reform processes.

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Rodda, Ruth. « The 1989 revolutions in East-Central Europe : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/372.

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There is a substantial amount of existing literature that focuses on the revolutionary events of 1989 in East-Central Europe. Yet, there are few comparisons which apply a comparative-historical approach to a small set of cases. A large body of existing literature provides the ideal situation for a comparative-historical study. This thesis will test the utility of applying a comparative-historical methodological approach to the events of 1989 in four countries in East-Central Europe. The four countries are paired into two cases. The case of Poland and Hungary is compared with the case of Bulgaria and Romania. A theoretical frame of reference is developed from previous comparative-historical studies of revolutionary events, criticisms of them, and the general theoretical debates which they generate. This frame of reference incorporates a broad range of variables, and is used to inform the application of the method. Differences (and similarities) between the cases are then investigated, and the utility of the method assessed. Additionally, the application of the method allows some current theoretical and conceptual debates concerning the East- Central European events to be confronted. Part 1 of the thesis applies a comparative-historical method of analysis to the cases up to, and including some aspects of the 1989 events. In Part 2, patterns of difference between the cases are identified in terms of revolutionary forms and outcomes. Following the logic of the method common factors are identified as potential contributing factors to the collapse of communism, while patterns of difference suggest that the political, economic and social 'nature' of the communist systems had an impact on the forms of change and their outcomes. It is recognised that the comparative-historical approach utilised in this thesis has limitations. However, the method is shown to be useful for identifying common factors across cases, and significant variations between cases, which can generate potential explanation, and provide better understanding of such revolutionary phenomena as that which occurred in East-Central Europe in 1989.

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Fernandez, Juan Manuel. « The Potential Populist Voter : A Comparative Study About The Rebellious Voter In Europe ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95695.

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This quantitative paper explores the mean value between selected countries with the ambition to compare the different regions and to understand the conditions in which populist parties grow. The main question that runs through this paper is “How does the potential populist support vary between different regions in Europe?”. This was done by drawing a framework based on the theory of the four D’s of Distrust, Destruction, Deprivation and De-alignment. The selected countries were divided in a similar order from the comparative study of 2015 conducted by Kriesi and Pappas. A survey from 2014 provided the necessary variables in order to measure the mean value of each category and summed up together in order to measure the “pool of potential populist voters”. The paper concludes that the regional and theoretic framework is validated judging upon the mean numbers in each country.

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Ahlén, Anton. « Unconditional Conditions : A Study of How Civic Integration Policies Affect Migration Flows in Europe ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-118858.

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In the last decade, there has been a diffusion of civic integration policies in Europe, which requires immigrants by certain category of entry to accomplish integration tests for acquisition of residence. Despite a flurry of literature based on civic integration policies, attention drawn to the implication of these policies has been quite rare. This thesis examines how civic integration strategies associate with immigration, and tests if civic integration policies are connected to variations of immigration by certain category of entry. I argue in this thesis that the conditional factor in civic integration policies creates a barrier for affected migrants and their possibility to gain long term residence in the host country. Based on theories of immigrant integration that relate civic integration to the backlash against multiculturalism in Europe, the thesis emphasize a reasoning in which the push for internal inclusion seems to be associated with excluding implications. The result presented here shows that there are connections between the extension of civic integration policies and reduced family and labour immigration between 2004 and 2011. The connection between the variables can however not be discerned from other integration requirements. The main concern is the lack of harmonized data, which obstructs the possibility to test for causality and to draw generalizing conclusions. However, the thesis reveals noteworthy correlations between the concepts, which contribute to the research field by connecting civic integration to immigration and by showing what implications civic integration policies may result in.

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Tragl, Stefanie. « Zwischen Europäisierung und innenpolitischer Auseinandersetzung : der Umbau der Ministerialverwaltung in Estland und Polen ». Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/1590/.

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Die Dissertation befasst sich mit den Reformprozessen, die sich vom Zeitpunkt des System-umbruchs 1989/90 bis zum EU-Beitritt 2004 in den Ministerialverwaltungen Estlands und Polens vollzogen haben. Die Veränderungen, die während dieser Zeit stattfanden, standen im Spannungsfeld zweier Prozesse: des von innenpolitischen Erfordernissen geprägten Transformationsprozesses und des Europäisierungsprozesses, in dem die EU als einflussreicher externer Akteur hinzutrat. Konzeptionell greift die Untersuchung auf die Diskussionen aus der institutionellen Transformationsforschung und die Debatten um die Europäisierung von Regierungs- und Verwaltungssystemen zurück. Die Arbeit konzentriert sich auf die Veränderungen auf der zentralstaatlichen Ebene und betrachtet diese Veränderungen in ihrer horizontalen und sektoralen Dimension. Die horizontale Dimension umfasst Rahmenbedingungen des Verwaltungssystems insgesamt, dies sind zentrale Strukturen des Regierungsapparates, die regierungsinternen Koordinationsmechanismen und die Etablierung des öffentlichen Dienstes. In der sektoralen Dimension wird die Verwaltung im Politikfeld Landwirtschaft betrachtet. In beiden Ländern gab es einen gemeinsamen Ausgangspunkt der Entwicklungen, das sozialistische Verwaltungssystem, und einen ähnlichen Zielpunkt der Verwaltungsreformen in den 1990er Jahren: eine wie auch immer definierte „moderne Verwaltung“. Auch die Rahmenbedingungen des EU-Integrationsprozesses in Mittelosteuropa lassen eher Konvergenzen erwarten. Doch spielen nationale politische Konstellationen eine entscheidende Rolle für die Entwicklungen, so dass man bilanzierend sagen kann: Estland und Polen haben mit Beginn der Transformation unterschiedliche nationale Entwicklungspfade eingeschlagen und ihre Verwaltungssysteme unterscheiden sich mittlerweile stärker voneinander als zur Zeit des Sozialismus.
The dissertation is concerned with transformation of ministerial administrations in Estonia and Poland between 1989/90 and EU accession in 2004. Two processes, the transformation process largely determined by domestic politics and the Europeanisation process with the EU entering the arena as a powerful external actor, influenced changes during this period. The theoretical background of the study refers to institutionalist approaches in transformation research and debates on Europeanisation of governmental and administrative systems. The study focuses on developments on central state level, which are analysed in a horizontal and a sectoral dimension. The horizontal dimension covers the framework of the administra-tive system, as there are structures of central state government, coordination mechanisms within government and the establishment of a civil service. In the sectoral dimension administrative structures in agricultural administration are examined. Both countries share a common point of origin, the socialist administrative system and a simi-lar point of arrival, a “modern” administration, however the latter may be defined. The conditions of the EU integration process also lead to the assumption of convergent developments. But in national political constellations have a decisive impact on developments. As a résumé it can be stated that Estonia and Poland entered different national paths of development from the outset of transformation and administrative systems by now differ in a larger degree than in socialist times.

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Sasic, Filip. « Russia’s Geopolitics in Southeast Europe : Energy security and pipeline politics ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutet för Rysslands- och Eurasienstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447910.

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This thesis analyzes Russia’s geopolitical objectives in Southeast Europe by focusing on natural gas pipelines and energy security. Natural gas is a crucial soft power asset that Russia utilizes to maintain its sphere of influence in the region. When defining Southeast Europe, this thesis focuses on the following countries of the region: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, North Macedonia, and Serbia. The empirically driven research explores Russia’s role as the main natural gas supplier in Southeast Europe and the geostrategic implications of the region’s potential to become a vital entry point into Europe for Russian natural gas. This thesis applies the theory of defensive realism to the study of gas-infrastructure developments and to the impact of new pipelines on Russia’s dominant energy role within the region. Further on, Russia faces various challenges to its control of the regional gas market, including European Union’s energy policies, LNG from the United States, natural gas from Azerbaijan, and other complex factors that play into the regional geopolitical and energy arena. With the analysis of the empirical data, this thesis assesses how each of the Southeast European countries respond to new gas-infrastructure projects and to Russia’s effort to leverage its gas assets. These developments, including Russia’s gas projects, could provide opportunities for positive, regional cooperation, while creating commercial value by transforming this region into an important natural gas hub.

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Fjell, Lubna Jaffery. « Mission impossible ? : en studie av utenriksdepartementets håndtering av tsunami-katastrofen / ». Bergen : Institutt for administrasjon og organisasjonsvitenskap, Universitet i Bergen, 2007. https://bora.uib.no/bitstream/1956/2468/1/Masterthesis_Fjell.pdf.

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Bruhagen, Åsa. « European Identity-building and the Democratic Deficit - a Europe in search of its 'Demos' ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-557.

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During the last two decades the citizens’ trust in the European Union (EU) has decreased. It has been established that the Union suffer from a democratic deficit which has caused it to impose so called “identity-policies”. There is a need for the citizens to identify with the Union as a foundation of its legitimacy. But there is a problem since there is no clear idea of who constitutes “the people” in the European case.

Democratic theory presupposes a demos and a polity. The problem of the EU is that there are difficulties defining the ‘demos’ – there are difficulties identifying ‘the people’. The fact that the EU is in a situation where it has to deal with ‘peoples’ instead of a ‘people’ (demoi instead of demos) makes it more difficult since demos is closely related to the ‘nation’. Only nations may have states, thus the EU may not have a state. Hence it is difficult for the EU to conceptualize a demos, and without a demos there cannot be democracy. By arguing in this way the great need to create a ‘peoples’ Europe’ is understandable.

The thesis will concentrate on why there is a lack of a demos, or a “We-feeling”, within the Union, why this is a source of anxiety, and what possibly could unite the Union.

Attempts have been made to create a ‘European’ identity through constitution-making (however, a new constitution was recently rejected) and citizenship rights. The Union has also adopted a number of symbols to facilitate the citizens in identifying with the Union. Most of these symbols have been similar to those of the memberstates, thus, the Union has tried to use the methods of nation-building to overcome the legitimacy problem. Still, there is a lack of uniqueness of the Union. This may be for various reasons. Institution-building and constitution-making cannot alone provide democratic legitimacy; social practice and contestation must be included. This should take place in a public sphere but, in order to ‘have’ a public sphere, there must be a certain degree of collective identification.

It has also been claimed that there is a ‘European’ culture stemming from three ancient treasure houses (the ancient Near East, the ancient Greece, and the Roman Empire). Since culture is based on norms, i.e. customs, attitudes, beliefs, and values of a society, it is of importance to the Union when this is what politics are based on.

The study of this topic is relevant since the EU has an increased impact on the lives of its citizens, yet troubles to reach them. There is a lack of communication between the Union and its citizens and the democratic deficit becomes more and more obvious. The methods used by the Union do not seem successful and the issue of a European identity has become a source of anxiety.

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Er, Basak. « The Evolving Concept Of Flexible Integration Within The European Union : A Tool For Managing Diversity ? » Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605525/index.pdf.

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This thesis scrutinizes &ldquo
flexible integration&rdquo
as an evolving concept within the European Union. It aims to understand the framework in which the debate on flexibility has taken place before the institutionalisation of the mechanism with the Treaty of Amsterdam through examining the different conceptualisations, past examples and the political debate associated with these examples. After analysing the Treaty provisions on flexible integration, the thesis attempts to answer the question whether this mechanism can be perceived as a tool for managing diversity in economic and political sense.

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Kuhl, Mara. « Umsetzungsbedingungen für eine europäische Gleichstellungsstrategie im post-kommunistischen Kontext : Gender Mainstreaming in Estland ». Phd thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1515/.

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Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist die Umsetzung der europäischen, gleichstellungspolitischen Strategie Gender Mainstreaming (GM) in der Ministerialverwaltung des neuen EU-Mitgliedslands Estland. GM hat die Umsetzung der Gleichstellung von Männern und Frauen zum Ziel und wird als eine Querschnittsaufgabe mit Instrumenten der Verwaltungsmodernisierung (Folgenabschätzung, Wissensmanagement, u.a.) umgesetzt. Wie diese Strategie in der Ministerialverwaltung als ausführendes Organ der Regierung aufgenommen, übersetzt und umgesetzt wird in einem Land, das viele Jahrzehnte dem kommunistischen Gleichheitspostulat unterworfen war und als Staatsneugründung seine nationale Verwaltung erst aufbauen musste, wird in der Arbeit beschrieben und analysiert. Die Dissertation ist in vier Teile gegliedert: in Teil I wird in den Untersuchungsgegenstand und die Methode der Arbeit eingeführt. Teil II beschreibt die gesellschaftlich-politischen und administrativen Rahmenbedingungen im Fallbeispiel Estland. Teil III widmet sich dem Untersuchungsgegenstand „Umsetzung von GM in der estnischen Ministerialverwaltung“. Der IV. Teil beschließt die Arbeit mit der Analyse der Zusammenhänge zwischen den Rahmenbedingungen und der Umsetzung. Teil I beginnt mit der Darstellung des Forschungskonzepts, das sich aus Elementen der Verwaltungswissenschaft und der Forschung zu staatlichen Strukturen für Gleichstellungspolitik, einem Zweig der politikwissenschaftlichen Geschlechterforschung, zusammensetzt. Damit wird für die Untersuchung von GM erstmals systematisch die Verwaltungswissenschaft herangezogen. Die Arbeit wird methodisch und theoretisch als explorativ-explanative Single Case Studie verortet, die sich an neo-institutionalistischen Ansätzen orientiert. Teil II der Arbeit führt in das Fallbeispiel Estland ein: Es werden drei identifizierte Interpretationsmuster dargestellt anhand derer in Estland die Vergangenheit als besetzte Nation und die Gegenwart als demokratischer Staat (re )konstruiert werden und die das estnische, kollektive Selbstverständnis prägen. Anschließend werden die gesellschaftlichen und administrativen Rahmenbedingungen und Einflussfaktoren beschrieben, die für die Umsetzung von Querschnittsreformen in der öffentlichen Verwaltung und für die Umsetzung von Gleichstellungspolitik von Bedeutung sind. Die Forschungsergebnisse in Teil II zeigen über die empirischen Befunde hinaus, dass Estland nicht immer eindeutig in klassische politikwissenschaftliche Kategorien einzuordnen ist. Sowohl die Transitionssituation des Landes als auch die an westlichen Demokratien ausgerichteten Untersuchungskriterien sind für diesen Befund ursächlich. Teil III der Arbeit widmet sich dem Untersuchungsgegenstand GM. Nach grundlegenden Informationen zu dieser Verwaltungsmodernisierungsstrategie folgt die Darstellung der Umsetzung in der estnischen Ministerialverwaltung. In Teil IV der Dissertation werden die in Teil II beschriebenen Variablen auf die Umsetzung von GM (Teil III) bezogen. Die Analyse erfolgt anhand von Kriterien, die sich aus der Auswertung internationaler GM-Implementierungserfahrungen ergeben. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass das post-kommunistisch geprägte, gesellschaftliche Klima besondere Legitimitätsprobleme für eine an Gleichheit orientierte staatliche Politik schafft. Dies kann die schwache zivilgesellschaftliche gleichstellungspolitische Lobby nur sehr begrenzt beeinflussen. Die strukturellen Bedingungen der estnischen Ministerialverwaltung mit ihrer geringen Koordinationsfähigkeit und politischen Steuerbarkeit machen eine effektive Umsetzung von Querschnittsreformen allgemein schwierig. Als produktiv für die Umsetzung hat sich der hohe Grad der fachlichen Professionalität und Politikversiertheit der kleinen, gleichstellungspolitischen Elite in der Ministerialverwaltung herauskristallisiert. Über Kooperationen mit internationalen Akteuren und estnischen zivilgesellschaftlichen Kräften sowie einzelnen interessierten Personen in der Verwaltung treibt sie die Umsetzung von GM voran. Sie nutzte die EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen um politischen Handlungsdruck für die Verwaltungsmodernisierung durch GM aufzubauen. Nachdem dieser seit dem Beitritt nicht aufrecht erhalten werden kann, zeichnet sich eine neue Umsetzungsstrategie ab. Es wird zukünftig nicht mehr vor allem an den normativen und kognitiven Strukturen in der Verwaltung, also den Einstellungen und Fachkompetenzen des Verwaltungspersonals zu gleichstellungsorientierter Arbeit, angesetzt. Vielmehr sollen neue, gleichstellungsrelevante Wissensbestände durch Expertinnen und Experten und exponierte Persönlichkeiten in die Gesellschaft und die Verwaltung transportiert und damit grundlegende gesellschaftlich-normative Voraussetzungen für die Rezeptivität von GM verbessert werden.
The object of research is the implementation of the European equal opportunities policy ‘gender mainstreaming’ (GM), in the ministerial administration of the new European Union member state Estonia. GM is a transversal task that employs the instruments of administration modernisation (impact assessment, knowledge management and others), its aim is equal opportunities for men and women at all levels. This paper describes and analyses how GM strategy is received, interpreted and implemented by the ministerial administration, as executive body of government, in a country that has had to rebuild its national administration following years of subjugation to the communist egality postulate. The dissertation is divided into four parts. Part I introduces the research object and methodology. Part II describes the socio-political and administrative framework of the case example Estonia. Part III is devoted to the research object ‘Implementation of GM in the Estonian ministerial administration’. Part IV concludes the paper with an analysis of the correlations between the socio-political parameters and the implementation. Part I begins with the presentation of the research concept that comprises elements from Public Administration and research on state structures for equal opportunities policy, a field of gender studies in political science. This means that for the first time the science of public administration is being systematically applied to GM research. The research employs explorative/explanative single case study methods and theory in accordance with neo-institutionalism approaches. Part II introduces the case study Estonia describing three identified interpretation models on the basis of which Estonia is (re)-constructing its past as an occupied nation and the present day as a democratic state, and which characterise Estonian national identity. Finally, an account is given of the social and administrative parameters and the influencing factors significant for the implementation of both transversal reforms in public administration and equal opportunities policies. Research results in part II go beyond the empirical findings and show that Estonia cannot always be conclusively classified within standard political science categories. This is due both to the country’s transitional situation as well as to research criteria that are tailored to Western democracies. Part III is devoted to the research object GM. Key information on this modernisation strategy is followed by a report on its implementation in the Estonian ministerial administration. In part IV of the dissertation the variables described in part II are related to the implementation of GM (part III). This analysis is carried out on the basis of criteria resultant from the evaluation of international experience of GM implementation. The research shows that the social climate of the post-communist era generates specific legitimacy problems for a national policy based on equality, upon which the powerless equal opportunities lobby in civil society has only limited influence. The structural conditions in the Estonian ministerial administration, with their limited coordinating ability and political governance, render effective implementation of transversal reforms generally quite difficult. It has emerged that the small equal opportunities 'elite' in the ministerial administration with their high degree of professionalism and political experience is /the /crucial factor for the GM implementation process. Through cooperation with international players and powers within Estonian civil society, as well as interested individuals in the public administration, they are able to keep implementation of GM going. They used EU-membership negotiations to build political pressure to modernise the public administration with GM. Following EU-membership this could not be sustained and a new implementation strategy is now beginning to emerge. In future, efforts will no longer be concentrated mainly on the normative and cognitive structures in the administration, meaning the attitudes and professional competences of the administrative staff with regard to equal opportunities. Instead, the intention is to transport new corpuses of knowledge relevant to equal opportunities into society as a whole, and public administration in particular, by experts and persons in exposed positions. In this way the elite expects fundamental socio-normative preconditions for receptivity of GM to be influenced for the better.

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Bilgi, Seniz. « A Comparative Study Of The European Union ». Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608588/index.pdf.

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This thesis mainly analyses the change in the enlargement strategy of the European Union (EU) especially in the case of Turkey. Although the Union has always sought ways to enlarge, it has been rather reluctant as far as accepting Turkey as a full member into the EU is concerned. In 2004, the EU enlarged so as to include the Central and East European countries (CEECs), but Romania and Bulgaria were left behind since they did not fulfill the membership criteria at the time. However, these two countries became members on January 1, 2007 and Turkey is still waiting in the line to become a member. Therefore, the writer has chosen Turkey and Bulgaria in order to analyze the change in the enlargement strategy of the Union. The medium to arrive at conclusions as regards the strategy is mainly the environmental aid as the two countries display noticeable differences. Furthermore, the enlargement strategy papers prepared by the European Commission have also been analyzed in order to see the changing attitude of the EU especially by re-introducing the concept of absorption capacity. Even though the Union states it keeps its open door to new members, the new enlargement strategy proves that it will be rather difficult for the candidate states and especially Turkey to enter into the EU.

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Karlsson, Saga. « Populist Voting in Europe : A Cross-National Study on Economic Factors on Populist Voting ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-411568.

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This study looks at the effects of different elements of economic well-being on populist voting in nine European countries, primarily comparing the effect of past and current economic well-being to the effect of economic well-being regarding the future. With an hypothesis that economic well-being regarding the future will have a larger effect on populist voting than past and current economic well-being, the results are inconclusive and suggest the opposite, although statistically significant effects can be found for both having an influence on populist voting; primarily regarding household income, individual economic fairness, wealth distribution fairness and actively improving knowledge/skills for work.

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Ovseiko, Pavel Victor. « The politics of health care reform in Central and Eastern Europe : the case of the Czech Republic ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d8f1c4d3-9dda-4a2b-94d1-5afcb0cf5c87.

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This thesis examines the political process of health care reform between 1989 and 1998 in the most advanced sizable political economy in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) – the Czech Republic. Its aim is to explain the political process bringing about post-Communist health policy change and stimulate new debates on welfare state transformation in CEE. The thesis challenges the conventional view that post-Communist health care reform in CEE was designed and implemented to improve the health status of the people, as desired by the people themselves. I suggest that this is a dangerous over-rationalisation, and argue that post-Communist health care reform in the Czech Republic was the by-product of haphazard democratic political struggle between emerging elites for power and economic resources. The thesis employs the analytical narrative method to describe and analyse the actors, institutions, ideas and history behind the health policy change. The analysis is informed by welfare state theory, elite theory, interest group politics theory, the assumptions of methodological individualism and rational choice theory, and Schumpeter’s doctrine of democracy. Its focus is on the interests of health policy actors and how they interacted within an unhinged, but fast-consolidating, institutional framework. The results demonstrate that, while historical legacies and liberal ideas featured prominently in the rhetoric accompanying health policy change, in Realpolitik, these were merely the disposable, instrumental devices of opportunistic, self-interested elites. The resultant explanation of health policy change stresses the primacy of agency over structure and formulates four important mechanisms of health policy change: opportunism, tinkering, enterprise, and elitism. In conclusion, the relevance of major welfare state theories to the given case is assessed and implications for welfare state research in CEE are drawn.

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Matheson, Giorgia. « The rights and experiences of LGBTI refugees in Europe : a comparative study of procedures and practices in Italy and Sweden ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-390468.

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The main problem of this thesis was the comparative analysis of the procedures in place in Sweden and Italy for the reception and support of LGBTI asylum seekers fleeing from war. The aim was to understand if the Swedish and Italian asylum and social systems are supporting and protecting the rights of LGBTI asylum seekers equally, also by uncovering how these procedures affect individuals. The method used to carry out this study was analysis of secondary documents. Queer and migration research, as well as reports, were used to provide a general framework to the issue, while country-specific data was sought in current domestic legislation and country reports carried out by local and international NGOs invested in LGBTI and migrants rights. The gathered information was examined from a descriptive, critical and constructive perspective, and placed within a prevailing comparative framework. Indeed, at the core of the study, lies a comparison between procedural differences in Sweden and Italy concerning the reception and protection of LGBTI asylum seekers who flee war. It was found that in Sweden and Italy people seeking refuge from war torn countries have much higher possibilities to be granted asylum than any other group of migrants. However, with regards to LGBTI asylum seekers from other countries, the social and asylum system of both are structurally violent in that the exclusion and discrimination against sexual minority refugees is the standard. In fact, LGBTI asylum seekers face similar challenges related to their intersectional identity in Sweden as well as Italy, although to different degrees: compared to Italy, Sweden has more standard procedures set in place that help queer asylees have a better experience. Nevertheless, neither systems hold up to the standard they should as consistent reports describe unlawful practices that violate humanitarian law and breach of Article 3 of the European Convention of Human Rights. Ultimately, LGBTI asylum seekers appear to have virtually no control over any aspect of their application or experience in the asylum and social system in Sweden as well as Italy. Therefore, rather than experiencing a newfound freedom, in entering the Italian and Swedish democratic spaces, these individuals simply experience a different kind of oppression.

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Oguzsoy, Cenk Mehmet. « The Structure Of National And Subnational Institutons In European Union Candidate Countries And Eu Implications ». Thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1260459/index.pdf.

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The European Union is now facing with the enormous enlargement processes, which comprise thirteen new countries. Different from the European Union member states, these candidate countries are suffering significant socio-economic problems and have to face with the need for adjustment of their regional policies, administrations and institutions. In this process, the EU is intervening actively into the development of the Central and Eastern European Countries&rsquo
regional policies and institutional structures. While twelve of these countries (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia) will be definitely the member states until the year of 2007, Turkey is not currently negotiating her membership and is highly backward status in comparison with the other candidate countries. In this context, the thesis study is composed of four main parts: 1. the changing system of the European Union regional policy, 2. the realized applications of the candidate countries in the field of regional policy after the year 1989, 3. the developments of the candidate countries&rsquo
institutional structures on regional policy, and 4. the position of Turkish regional policy and institutional structure. Basically, the thesis investigates how the European Union is following a similar system for the candidate countries in the field of regional policy and institutional structure and tries to provide significant outputs in Turkish case.

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Dalunde, Gustav, et Sara Carlén. « Striving for Privacy : A comparative case study on the strategic implications post public-to-private for family and non-family firms in Sweden ». Thesis, Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-39588.

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Public-to-private (PTP) refers to the strategic action of consciously leaving the stock market. The delisting decision may be made when the benefits of being listed no longer outweigh the costs. The private environment offers multiple benefits firms may be expected to seek post-PTP such as reduced regulations, less quarterly performance pressures and fewer demands on the financial reporting. Such benefits correlate with expected changes made in firms post-PTP. Due to a limited amount of research available upon the topic of PTP, a research gap upon the deliberate changes made post-PTP exists. Family firms differ from non-family firms when making strategic decisions. Therefore, it is expected that the strategic changes made in family firms differ from those in non-family firms. Furthermore, the Continental European context exhibits special characteristics such as high levels of concentrated ownership, characteristics that may be vital for the changes made post-PTP. The thesis explores deliberate changes made in firms post-PTP, and how these changes might have impacted the delisting decision. This phenomenon is explored within both family and non-family firms in a Swedish context, as a representation of the Continental European market. The research is conducted through a multiple case study. Based on a number of criteria, three case firms are selected as representations of the relevant ownership types within the study. The data collection takes place through eight in-depth interviews with key informants from the selected cases. The results of the data collection are presented through descriptive narratives, supported by secondary data. The data is analysed through within-case and cross-case analysis. The presented data is then further analysed using the literature presented in the frame of reference. Throughout the thesis, a number of changes made post-PTP are presented and discussed, finding great heterogeneity of results among the studied case firms. We find that a strategic delisting decision is mainly connected to firm ownership and financing methods for growth and development. Our findings suggest firms delisting for strategic reasons do not make in-depth changes in the firm post-PTP. Furthermore, we find that there is some connection between the perceived benefits of the private environment and the delisting decision.

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Olsson, Jonatan. « Synen på Säkerhet och Immigration : Finns det ett samband ? » Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2541.

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The aim of this study is to explore how

European changes in the view on security

relates to the view on immigration and vice

versa. The answer to that question is based

upon collected data from three separate

time periods; the 1950s, 1970s and 1990s.

These time periods are seen as important

historic decades when political changes,

assumed to have affected the views on

security and immigration, have occurred.

According to certain criteria each time

period has been labelled in terms of

narrowed/widened view on security as well

as restrictive/open view on immigration.

The hypothesis of the study is that, when

compared, a constant pattern can be seen

between the historical labels of each

phenomenon, where a narrow view on

security goes hand in hand with an open

view on immigration and similarly a wide

security view relates to a restrictive view

on immigration.

The conclusion of the study gives support

to the hypothesis. During all three periods

studied a restrictive view on immigration

relates to a wider view on security while an

open view on immigration relates to a

narrower view on security. This

relationship goes both ways.

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Perkins, Marianne. « Refugee Resettlement in Germany : An Analysis of Policy Learning and Support Networks ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2021. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/617.

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The resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany since reunification in 1990 has been challenged by two peaks in asylum seeker applications in 1992 and again in 2016. From the 1992 peak, which was fueled by asylum seekers fleeing the former Yugoslavia, extensive research has already been conducted over the past thirty years. These studies have demonstrated the actual outcomes of these primarily Yugoslavian asylum seekers and refugees with these findings indicating legal and economic uncertainty having a detrimental effect even years after resettlement. Using Germany as a case study, this analysis aims to survey the available information in the more recent example of asylum seekers arriving in Germany from 2014 onwards primarily from the Syrian Arab Republic, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Ultimately, successful resettlement equates to successful integration measures. The issues of policy legacy and learning as well as elements of the available support network for asylum seekers in housing, Integrationskurse (integration courses), and advice centers are examined to understand how each relates to successful integration and security for asylum seekers. The findings indicate that Germany has achieved successful resettlement and integration of asylum seekers through policy learning from the early 1990s onwards and a strong support network available for those seeking asylum, yet the exclusion of certain groups from integration measures unfairly leaves some behind. A continuous evaluation of these integration measures is necessary to ensure the successful resettlement of refugees and asylum seekers in Germany in anticipated future peaks in asylum seeker applications.

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Gastaldi, Lisa. « Convergent or Unresponsive ? : The effect of austerity and mainstream party positioning on the electoral success of left-wing populist parties in Western Europe ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-339592.

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While several populist parties with ties to the left side of the ideological scale have become more prominent in the electoral arenas across Western Europe, the literature on populism still has a disproportionate focus on the right. To enhance the existing research on explanatory factors to the electoral fortunes of left-wing populist parties, this study tests two competing theories using multivariate regression analysis. The first theory concerns the effect of mainstream party convergence, and the second, the increased tension between governing parties’ responsive role towards the electorate and their responsible role as national leaders, here operationalized as the implementation of fiscal consolidation. The results show that austerity is conducive to left-wing populist success, and correspondingly supports the theory of the tension between governing parties’ responsibility and responsiveness. However, the effect is weaker when controlling for economic factors, which might be an indication of a partly spurious relationship or the included variables being endogenous. Despite a flexible operationalization, the convergence theory receives marginal to no support and the direction is opposite to what is expected in two of the models, rendering the results even more ambiguous and difficult to analyze. Whereas a lack of variation in the data denotes that the findings should be interpreted with caution, there is hence an indication that existing theories concerning the success of the populist left should not be taken for granted as long as empirical research is limited.

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Dopgima, Gadinga Amstrong. « European Engagement with Africa : Problems, Potentials and the Way Forward ». Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Statsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-14157.

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This research seeks to evaluate European engagement with Africa looking at the problems, pontentials and way forward. The continent’s treasure chest of varied natural resource endowments, have made it the source of historic, economic and political competition from especially western interests, a trend that has combined dangerously with the region’s poor leadership and democratic profile in impoverishing its masses, escalating lethal conflicts, while upsetting hard earned developments gains, that have been made. About 50 years since the sun of colonial hegemonies set in Africa, the continent’s development prospects continue to stagnate. Even the World Bank moved to describing Africa’s poor as the poorest of the poor in its 2001 development report. One question that continues to beg for answers is why a region so richly endowed with natural and human resources continues to bear the brunt of misery in such dispiriting fashion? The research is built on an exploration of the backward and forward historical continuums of patronizations that have stifled the continent (backward: counting the true cost of the legacies of slavery and colonial exploitation, forward: measuring the real cost of the iniquitous integration of Africa within the global economy and the continent’s role as bread basket for the rest of the world). The research explores the economic rationale for Europe’s engagement with the continent in the political, economic and cultural spheres, casting from a plethora of academic sources drawn from both leftist and right wing publications on the question of European engagement with Africa. In the end, the research has dwelled on some possible policy recommendations which could help this relationship. These recommendations includes the African debt cancellation, using the Chinese Cushion Effectively for Africa’s development and the last but not the least, the reconstitution of African poltical and economic power which if considered, could precipitate a reversal in the trend of most African countries.

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Champlin, Daniel. « The Lisbon Treaty and Parliaments : Status, Democracy, and Opinions ». Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-41383.

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Bermejo, Vera José. « The Procurement System of Public Administrations : Object, Evolution and Prospective of the Public Contract ». Derecho & ; Sociedad, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/117419.

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This paper discusses the basics and the ways that generally develops the «Public procurement system» between the government and private sector operators. If the material activity of the Public Administrations usually develops through its own means, economic, material and personal, it is also essential collaboration of the private sector through public procurement. The positive connection to the law is unavoidable in public contracts, but it is also very relevant public expenditure savings applying procurement rules to advertising, equal competition and competitiveness. It serves as a reference the substantive core of Spanish law which, as most of the states of Europe, faithfully follows the rules to compliance with the European Union, undoubtedly one of the forms of state integration policies with greater depth and success in the world.
En este trabajo se analizan los fundamentos y las formas en que se desenvuelve generalmente el «sistema de la contratación pública», una de las instituciones jurídicas en que se manifiesta más explícitamente la actuación colaborativa entre las Administraciones Públicas y los agentes económicos del sector privado. Si la actividad material de las Administraciones Públicas se desarrolla generalmente a través de sus propios medios, económicos, materiales y personales, también es fundamental la colaboración del sector privado a través de los contratos públicos.La vinculación positiva a la ley resulta ineludible en los contratos públicos, pero es muy relevante el ahorro de gasto público aplicando normas de contratación con publicidad, igualdad de concurrencia y competitividad. Sirve como referencia el núcleo sustancial del Derecho español que, como la mayor parte de los Estados de Europa, sigue fielmente las normas de obligado acatamiento de la Unión Europea, sin duda una de las fórmulas políticas de integración estatal con mayor calado y éxito en el mundo.

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Lundin, Olle. « Multi-actor Ownership : The Case of Swedish Development Cooperation with Ukraine ». Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-160466.

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Ownership is a guiding principle in today’s development cooperation practices, aiming to foster an efficient development cooperation driven by the recipients. However, ownership is paradoxical and ambiguous. No coherent understanding of ownership exists. The multistakeholder development cooperation arena is argued to complicate the recipients’ possibilities to acquire ownership. As the literature lacks an eastern European perspective, this study addresses the above-mentioned dimensions by examining ownership in Swedish development cooperation with Ukraine. By conducting interviews, this study confirms that there is a confusion among development actors in defining what ownership is. In contrast to previous research, this study finds the multi-stakeholder approach as an advantage of ownership. Collaboration between local actors can contribute to capacity development, joint commitment and stronger responsibility, which increases the probabilities that outcomes of development projects will be governed and progressed by the local actors in the long run. Hence, this study contributes to the literature with a more clarified understanding of ownership. Ownership is perceived as a relational concept that is dynamically promoted over time. This study concludes that commitment, capacity and participation are dimensions that can promote this myriad of local actors involved in development practices to acquire a multi-actor ownership of different dimensions of the development process.

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Demmke, Christoph. « Öffentliche Meinung, Ethik und die Reform der öffentlichen Dienste in Europa ». Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2212/.

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Wixey, Sarah. « Trans-European transport networks : a catalyst for European integration ? » Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2001. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/1206/.

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The aim of this thesis is to explain recent developments in the Trans-European Transport Network (TEN-T) infrastructure policy and their implications for European integration theory. It sets out to test the view that firstly, the ad hoc nature of the TEN-T programme leads to national governments reaffirming their role as key actors within the EU policymaking process. Secondly, the aspiration of the EU's sustainable mobility strategy is not implemented in practice at the national level. The thesis combines theories of European integration with a study of the EU day-to-day transport policy making process to show how the TEN-T programme fits into wider debates on sustainability and European integration generally. To achieve this objective the thesis examines the dichotomous debate that exists between intergovernmental and supranational theorists in their attempts to conceptualise the wider process of European integration. It argues that such approaches drawn from International Relations (IR) are sufficient tools to explain the EU system of governance. In order to characterise the EU transport policy-making process more effectively this thesis highlights the need to adopt a combination of tools from both IR and Comparative Politics (CP) schools of thought. The transport sector is examined within the thesis for the reason that it remains one of the few policy areas that can better illustrate the tension between intergovernmental and supranational approaches to European integration. In addition, the transport sector is of European significance as decades of unrestrained growth have heightened concerns about its ability to achieve sustainable mobility. Indeed, the TEN-T programme is offered as part of the solution to Europe's transport problems and as a means of promoting sustainable mobility within the EU. However, analysis of the TEN-T policy development reveals a set of obstacles to the implentation of a sustainable European transport infrastructure policy. The findings resulting from this research are firstly, contrary to the assumption that European transport policy is dominated by an integrationist strategy of the political centre in Europe: it is the national government that remains the key actor in the European transport infrastructure policy process. Secondly, based on the evidence presented within this thesis, the transport sector does not signify a marked shift towards multi-level governance. Thirdly, the absence of this power sharing framework can be used to explain the unsustainable direction of the current TEN-T policy.

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Grönroos, (fd Johansson) Per. « Pension Reform in Continental Europe : A comparative study of pension reform in Germany and France during the years ofausterity 1990-2010 ». Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-159219.

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As demographic and economic contexts have shifted, the need for pension systems to reform has increased. Often, however, these systems have proved difficult to change – especially in continental Europe. Despite this, Germany, by many considered particularly reform resistant, succeeded in reforming its pension system; while France, with its strong executive power, has not. As research has yet to find a consensus on what factors makes welfare retrenchment possible, this field requires more attention. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to analyse the developments of the German and French pension systems, from 1990-2010, and to unearth what factors made successful reform possible in Germany while it failed in France. Using a comparative case study, all major pension reforms in the two countries during the time period, are analysed from four institutionalist perspectives. The results point to three main factors explaining Germany’s successful reform. Firstly, the shock brought on by the reunification of East and West Germany forced politicians to act. France on the other hand, experienced no such shock. Secondly, the subduing of the unions removed the main veto player against reform. In contrast, the French unions, whose political power lies in their ability to call for manifestations and shift public opinion, could not be outflanked. Lastly, the new liberal ideas that permeated German politics around the turn of the century provided a locus for change that was lacking in France. These results suggest the importance of external pressure, veto players and ideational factors to major welfare reform.

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Pedersen, Karin Hilmer, et Lars Johannsen. « The real challenge for change : public administration in new EU member states ». Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4671/.

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Executive responsibility for EU policies is by tradition delegated to the member states and their internal administrative bodies. It is therefore of outmost importance that the new Central and East European members have the capacity to administer the acquis communitaire once they are full members of the EU. Based on a survey among current and former top-level decision-makers (ministers), this article argues that although there are significant implementation problems, efficiency gains can be made through administrative reform and not the least education aimed at changing the worldview and knowledge of the individual civil servant. However, there seem to be significant differences in how these countries tackle implementation problems and administrative reform.

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Walther, Daniel. « Till death do us part : a comparative study of government instability in 28 European democracies ». Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-133482.

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This thesis is rooted in the research tradition known as coalition politics, where governments, political parties and political institutions are the central focus. The main emphasis here is on government instability and the question of why governments in modern parliamentary democracies often come to an end before the next regular election. In five distinct but interrelated papers, the thesis explores the issue of early government termination and how it is affected by public support, economic developments and the functioning of the state apparatus. The studies included in this thesis generally take a quantitative approach and make use of a dataset that contains 640 governments in 29 European democracies. Their joint goal is to improve our understanding of when early termination happens by introducing and testing new explanatory factors as well as by improving how previously identified factors are modelled. The first paper focuses on Central and Eastern Europe. It shows that the stability of governments in that region is affected by slightly different factors than those that impact on governments in Western Europe. In particular, ideological factors and political institutions are found to be less important in Central and Eastern Europe while the formal power basis of the government and the country’s economic performance matter more. In the second paper, co-authored with Professor Torbjörn Bergman, the state is brought into government stability research. The paper shows that countries with a lower quality of governance and a less efficient public sector have less stable governments. This is mainly because government parties struggle to achieve their policy goals when the state apparatus is inefficient and corrupt. Paper 3, co-written with Associate Professor Johan Hellström, looks at how different types of governments respond to economic challenges. In particular, this paper demonstrates that the same changes in economic circumstances (e.g. increases in unemployment or inflation) have different effects on cabinet stability depending on which type of government is in charge. Single party governments are better equipped to deal with economic changes, because they are better positioned to devise new policy responses without having to compromise with other parties. Coalition governments, in contrast, become significantly more likely to terminate early when the economy takes a turn for the worse. Finally, over the course of two papers I first explore new techniques for analysing polling data and then use them to empirically test whether governments sometimes choose termination as a way to cope with bad poll numbers. Most of the existing techniques for pooling polls and forecasting elections were explicitly designed with two party systems in mind. In Paper 4, I test some of these techniques to determine their usefulness in complex, multiparty systems, and I develop some improvements that enable us to take advantage of more of the information in the data. In the final paper, I combine the two themes of polling and government stability by looking at how changes in government popularity affect the likelihood of premature dissolution. I find that governments, particularly single party governments, do, in fact, use terminations as a strategic response to changes in their popularity among the public. When support is high, governments tend to opportunistically call an early election, whereas they tend to abandon or reshuffle the government when support is low.

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Mojsiejuk, Aleksander. « The Normative Power of the EU in the Framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy : A Case Study on Ukraine ». Thesis, Linköping University, Linköping University, Linköping University, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-19323.

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Through the use of political conditionality, the EU has exercised what many have chosen to call an international normative power. The fast democratisation process of the central European countries that joined the EU in 2004 has often been attributed to the force of EU’s normative power. Here, the core of the political conditionality was found in a promised future membership – acting as a reward in exchange for democratic reforms. The new European Neighbourhood Policy however, initiated briefly after the 2004 enlargement, gave rise to new prerequisites to the Unions new neighbours and this time enlargement fatigue prevailed in the EU policy. This case study examines and assesses the ability of the EU to exercise its normative power on Ukraine through the new conditions set up by the European Neighbourhood Policy, were a membership perspective neither is promised nor ruled out. The result show that the effective conditions for the conditionality are favourable and that a good progress on the areas of democracy, rule of law and human rights has been achieved. Although difficult to prove, I argue that this progress most probably is partly due to EU’s normative power on Ukraine.

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Källberg, Ellen. « The Legitimacy of the EU : Different approaches of how to treat legitimacy within the EU ». Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-709.

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The nation state has over time become the natural locus for democracy and consequently also legitimate governance. Both concepts have been developed within the nation state and are therefore considered closely connected to it. Nation states are, however, not the only actor on the international arena anymore. The European integration is an example of a new actor, where nation states have started collaborating.

Similar to nation states, EU has decision-making authorities and must therefore attain legitimacy. The thesis questions how legitimacy can be treated within an entity such as the EU. Three different ways of attaining legitimacy are brought up. The first perceives EU as legitimate in its current design with an intergovernmental part and a regulatory part. The intergovernmental part is claimed to be legitimised through democracy from the member states, and the regulatory part is legitimised through non-majoritarian democracy. Non-majoritarian democracy implies decision-making by independent institutions, which relies on expertise and fairness. The second part emphasises the need to enhance democracy for the EU to become legitimate. The EU is considered too similar to a nation state to make do with lesser standards of legitimacy than a liberal democratic nation state. Deliberative democracy could bring legitimacy through creating a dimension where citizens become oriented towards what can be perceived or acknowledged as the “common good” through active participation in deliberative processes. Federalism is brought up as another alternative that would possibly permit for democracy to be practiced in the EU.

Legitimacy is claimed to be achieved through sustaining values such as mutual respect, reciprocity, compromise and toleration, values that are connected to a commitment to working for the “common good”. The purpose of this essay is to describe different aspects on the concept “legitimacy” in the EU context and to show how it is achieved and/or how it can possibly be achieved in a future union of nation states. The purpose is not to arrive at a solution, or even to construe a common ground, but to construe a limited insight on how “legitimacy” in the EU can be treated according to theorists/theories.

Nationalsstaten har kommit att bli den naturliga platsen för demokrati och legitimt styre. En trolig förklaring till detta är att båda koncepten har utvecklats inom nationsstaten och anses därför vara starkt sammankopplade med den. Nationalsstater är dock inte längre den enda aktören på den internationella arenan. Den Europeiska integrationen är ett exempel på en ny företeelse, ett forum/sammanhang där nationalsstater har börjat sammarbeta. Som med nationsstater har EU beslutsfattande befogenheter och måste därför uppnå legitimitet.

Uppsatsen ifrågasätter hur legitimitet kan behandlas inom en enhet såsom EU. Tre olika sätt att uppnå legitimitet tas upp. Det första uppfattar EU som legitimt i sitt nuvarande utförande med en mellanstatlig del och en reglerande. Den mellanstatliga delen skulle kunna legitimeras genom medlemsstaternas demokrati, och den reglerande delen legitimeras genom ”icke-majoritets demokrati”. ”Icke majoritets demokrati” innebär beslutsfattande av självständiga instutitioner, som förlitar sig på experter och rättvisa som värdegrund. Den andra delen framhåller behovet av att öka demokrati för att ska bli EU legitimt. Enligt detta synsätt är EU alltför likt en nationsstat för att klara sig med en lägre standard av legitimitet än en liberaldemokratisk nationsstat. Deliberativ demokrati skulle kunna bringa legitimitet genom att tillföra en dimension där medborgare, genom aktivt deltagain i deliberativa processer, blir orienterade mot lösningar som uppfattas och erkänns som ”allmänt goda”. Federalism tas upp som ytterligare ett alternativ. Legitimitet anses kunna uppnås genom upprätthållandet av värden såsom gemensam respekt, ömsesidighet, kompromisser and tålamod. Värden som är kopplade till åtagandet att sträva mot ”det allmäna goda”.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva olika aspekter av legitimitetsbegreppet i EU och att visa på hur legitimitet uppnås eller kan uppnås i en framtida union av nationalstater. Uppsatsen gör varken anspråk på att tillhandahålla klara lösningar eller ens att föreslå en gemensam bas av möjliga sådana, men att erbjuda läsaren en begränsad insikt i hur legitimitet behandlas utifrån några teoretiska perspektiv, och av några teoretiker.

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Nimni, Ephraim Joseph. « Marxism and nationalism : the misleading European heritage ». Thesis, University of Hull, 1987. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:4477.

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The aim of the present study on the classical Marxist European Heritage on the national question is to establish the causes for the recurrent intellectual and political inability of this tradition to conceptualise and explain the nature of the national phenomenon. The main hypothesis of this thesis is that there is a recurrent thematic unity between the different European schools of Marxism, despite the considerable intellectual and political differences between the different European Marxist traditions. This thematic unity is called the Marxist parameters of analysis of the national phenomenon, and it consists of the theory of the universal evolution of the forces of production, the theory of Economic reductionism, and the Eurocentric bias in the discussion of the universal process of change. The works on the national question of Marx and Engels, Luxemburg, Kautsky, Bernstein, Lenin, Stalin, Gramsci and Bauer are evaluated in this work to show how this thematic unity operates in the various competing Marxist approaches. The theories of Antonio Gramsci and Otto Bauer were found to be more sensitive to the multifarious nature of the national phenomenon because they are less bound to the above-mentioned parameters of analysis.

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Aybak, Tunc. « An analysis of the process of association between Turkey and the European Community in the context of European integration and cooperation ». Thesis, University of Hull, 1995. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3896.

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This study is an attempt to analyze the Association process between Turkey and the European Community (the EC). In other words, it is a process of interaction between two actors within an institutionalized and formal association system. One is a state and the other is a sui generis organization with supranational characteristics.The main assumption of this thesis is that the Association link between the EC and Turkey acts as a framework of modernization for Turkey in its structural adjustment to the European integration project. In this context, it is suggested that Association patterns fulfil important roles in the transformation of Europe, provided that Associations are of a progressive character (cooperation towards integration) rather than being permanent frameworks in the relationship which institutionalize highly asymmetrical relationships between the advanced core and the periphery of Europe. In this sense Turkey's Association, as a pattern of cooperation, is relevant to European integration project. However, before we define our concepts and operationalize our theoretical models to analyze Turkey's Association process, it is necessary to review the relevant theoretical literature which will provide us with conceptual tools to put the phenomenon into its context. Our review of relevant background literature is by no means exhaustive. Later in this chapter we will introduce theoretical concepts, definitions, perspectives and methods that help us to give meaning to our findings and to shape and direct our arguments in the course of our research effort, in order to analyze Turkey's Association process within the context of European integration and cooperation.

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Sener, Hasan Engin. « Public Administration Reform In The Context Of The European Union Enlargement Process : The Hungarian And Turkish Cases ». Phd thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609836/index.pdf.

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In this study, administrative reform in the EU accession process was analysed with reference to the cases of Hungary and Turkey. The main goal of this study is to show that both objective (economy) and subjective (politics) factors are important and acceding countries to have room to manoeuvre in the context of the social-liberal framework of the EU. To this end, necessary causality between neoliberal administrative reform and EU accession, and determinism in the enlargement process, which leaves no room to manoeuvre for candidate countries, are denied. In conclusion, it is seen that since there is no public administration model, candidate countries are free to determine the content of the administrative reforms within the framework of general principles set by the EU. Moreover, it is found that the EU accession process is closely related to modernisation of the public administration system in the candidate countries and administrative reform has been overlapped and equalized to EU accession. Finally, it is understood that administrative reform with its extensive content, caused centralisation.

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Garcia, Laura Catalina Bustamante. « Plano de modernização e tecnologia “Justiça mais Próxima” em Portugal:seguimento e monitorização da implementação do programa ». Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/15218.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Administração Pública
As mudanças mundiais nos diferentes níveis durante as últimas décadas requerem de Estados que garantam respostas oportunas e adequadas às mesmas, e por tanto, a Administração pública deve ser mais eficiente e eficaz com o objetivo de adaptar às suas necessidades com a própria capacidade financeira. A doutrina da governança pública estimula e fomenta a interação dos diferentes atores do Estado, com o propósito de encontrar meios eficazes para atingir os objetivos que têm sido construídos socialmente num ambiente de inclusão, interdependência, administração responsável dos fundos públicos e eficiência. Em conformidade com informação oficial do Ministério de Justiça de Portugal, a modernização da Justiça constitui um dos desígnios do XXI Governo Constitucional, entre outras iniciativas, através do Plano de Ação “Justiça mais Próxima”. Este Plano tem por objetivo contribuir para o desenvolvimento de uma Justiça ágil, transparente, humana e mais próxima do Cidadão. O Plano refere uma estratégia potenciada pelo digital e focada nas reais necessidades dos diferentes públicos-alvo e ambiciona ser um motor de alteração do paradigma vigente no setor. Esta investigação resulta de uma descrição e análise de um processo de modernização dentro do setor de Justiça de Portugal à luz da doutrina da Governança pública, sob dois pilares: inovação e eficiência.
The global changes at different levels during the last decades require States to guarantee timely and adequate responses to this changes, and therefore, the Public Administration should be more efficient and effective aiming to adapt their needs with their own financial capacity. The doctrine of Public governance stimulates and encourages the interaction of different actors of the State, with the purpouse of finding effective means to achieve the objectives that have been socially constructed in an environment of inclusion, interdependence, accountability and efficiency. According to official information from the Ministry of Justice of Portugal, the modernization of Justice is one of the aims of the XXI Constitutional Government, among other initiatives, through the Action Plan "Justiça mais Próxima". The objective of this Plan is to contribute to the development of an agile, transparent, human and closer to the Citizen justice. The Plan refers a digital-enhanced strategy focused on the real needs of the different target audiences and aspire to be an engine for changing the current paradigm in the sector. This research stems from a description and analysis of a modernization process within the Justice sector of Portugal in the light of the doctrine of Public governance, under two bases: innovation and efficiency.
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Boltaina, Bosch Xavier. « Public and Administrative Intervention in Social and Labor Relations : The New European and Latin American Paradigm ». Derecho & ; Sociedad, 2017. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118981.

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The following article analyses the progressive process of deregulation of labour and social relations through the withdrawal of the State and public authorities, as well as public administration, control and direction of the relations of this type, both individual and collective. The comparison is made between the Spanish and Peruvian model, but especially between the regulation of the European Union and several Latin American countries. Stands in the article between “public” intervention – regulation legislative or Government– of “administrative” intervention, control by the administration of the employment relationship, especially in this case through the labour inspection bodies.
El artículo analiza el progresivo proceso de desregulación de las relaciones laborales y sociales a través de la retirada del Estado y de los poderes públicos, así como de la Administración Pública, en el control y dirección de las relaciones de este tipo, tanto individuales como colectivas. La comparativa se efectúa entre el modelo español y peruano, pero muy especialmente entre la regulación de la Unión Europea y de diversos países de América Latina. Se distingue en el artículo entre la intervención “pública” –regulación legislativa o gubernamental– de la intervención “administrativa”, control por parte de la Administración de las relaciones laborales, especialmente en este supuesto a través de los órganos de la inspección de trabajo.

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Hansen, Gustafsson Niklas. « Brittiska Labour – svikare eller frälsare ? : Om ett svikt vallöfte eller en räddning av Storbritanniens inflytande i EU. » Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-6915.

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This Bachelor thesis deals with the act of the British Labour Party when they recalled a referendum promised by former Prime Minister Tony Blair. Tony Blair promised a referendum on the Constitutional Treaty, but his successor Gordon Brown later recalled it when the Lisbon Treaty succeeded the Constitutional Treaty as the legal foundation of the European Union. The main purpose of this thesis was to with help from various theorethical frameworks explain why the Labour Party decided to do this, even if this decision gave the main opposition party, the Conservative and Unionist Party (the Tories), the chance to heavily critisize the Labour Party, and picture them as traitors. The research questions were: • What are the reasons that the Labour Party went from being a Eurosceptical party, to become more pro-European? • Why did the Labour Party cancel the promised referendum on the new treaty of the European Union? Various answers were found for the first research question. Among the most important was that it was a part of the over all transition which led to the launch of New Labour. The second research question was answered with three explanatory models based on actions of the Labour Party on three arenas; the electoral arena (based on power, this model claims that the Labour Party act as they do because the know the Tories would not act differently if they were in office), the parliamentary arena (based on ideology, this model claims that Labour want the Lisbon Treaty because it has a stronger social dimension than earlier treaties) and the internal arena (based on the problem of identification, this model claims that the Labour Party identifies itself with the British government, and not just the voters, and are afraid of damaging Britain’s influence in the EU and international politics if Britain says ‘no’ to the Lisbon Treaty).

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Warleigh, Alexander J. F. « Beyond the double dichotomy : European integration theory and the committee of the regions ». Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 1996. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/2421/.

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European integration theory is currently in a stage of evolution in which the validity of the traditional theoretical approaches, neofunctionalism and neorealism is increasingly questioned as a consequence of their inability to explain and predict EU developments successfully. The two theories, longtime rivals derived from International Relations (IR) scholarship, are now challenged by an emergent critique grounded in comparative politics theory. Within the IR camp, attempts to bolster the orthodox theories through their synthesis have been unsuccessful. The neofunctionalist-neorealist rivalry continues unproductively despite the advent of a rival paradigm. John Peterson's framework of European Union (EU) decision making, the focal theory of this thesis, seeks to provide a means of marrying IR and comparative political concepts, but requires (and fails to make) a choice between the two IR theories in order to function. The aim of this thesis therefore, is to shed new light on the neofunctionalist-neorealist debate by applying literature to an analysis of the Committee of the Regions. This new EU body affords actors from subnational government their first formal rights in EU policy making, thereby significantly altering the range of actors involved in that process. In order to meet this objective, an original investigation of the Committee was undertaken. It involved research interviews with a series of key actors as well as analysis of the available literature, and concluded that the Committee is having a limited but identifiable impact on the EU policy. The thesis argues that neither neofunctionalism nor neorealism is able to encompass this due to their respective essential premises. It therefore proceeds to propose amendments to the Peterson framework, drawing on its advocacy of a composite model of EU decision making to advance a new framework. The latter harnesses insights obtained from confederal, multi level governance, policy network and new institutionalist theories, and thereby lends support to the burgeoning paradigm shift in favour of comparative politics.

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Karlsson, Patrik. « Konsten att övertyga : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av valkampanjerna i samband med den brittiska folkomröstningen under 2016 ». Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-37925.

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Syftet med följande undersökning var att analysera korrelationerna mellan valkampanjerna Britian Stronger In Europe och Vote Leave, Take Back Control i förhållande till retorikens tre element ethos (trovärdighet), logos (förnuft) och pathos (känslor). Utifrån en kvalitativ innehållsanalys har valkampanjernas dokument, rapporter, affischer, tal och videoklipp analyserats för att presentera korrelationerna faktorerna emellan. Undersökningen kommer fram till att valkampanjen Britian Stronger In Europe och dess kampanjmaterial gick att korrelera till samtliga retoriska element, medan Vote Leave-kampanjen enbart gick att korrelera till ethos- och pathos-elementen. Anledningen till detta berodde på att Vote Leave-kampanjen inte utgick från något tillförlitligt material för att styrka sitt ställningstagande i relation till Storbritanniens medlemskap i EU, vilket var ett krav för att uppfylla logos-elementets kännetecken. Detta till trots, lyckades Vote Leave-kampanjen gå segrande ur den brittiska folkomröstningen med 52 % av rösterna gentemot Stronger In-kampanjens 48 %.

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Gimeno, Feliú José María. « Reflections and Proposals on the New Community Regulation on Public Procurement ». Derecho & ; Sociedad, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118138.

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The article provides introductory notions about the new regulatory framework of the European Union on public procurement. The author argues that this new legislation forces us to rethink how articulate it to satisfies the public interest with respect to the principles of equality, efficiency, transparency, efficiency and accountability. It also forces us to rethink the administrative organization in the light of the own principles of public law. All that with the objective to approach us to the paradigm of the right to good administration as an element of control and accountability.
El artículo brinda nociones introductorias sobre el nuevo marco regulatorio de la Unión Europea sobre contratación pública. El autor sostiene que esta nueva normativa obliga a repensar en cómo articularla a fin de que satisfaga los intereses públicos con respeto a los principios de igualdad, eficacia, transparencia, eficiencia y rendición de cuentas. Además, obliga a repensar la organización administrativa a la luz de los propios fundamentos del derecho público. Todo ello con miras a acercarse al paradigma del derecho a una buena administración como elemento del control y de rendición de cuentas.

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Varol, Osman. « Public management reform experience of Turkey : effective factors on the administrative reform process of Turkey in the period of 1980-2010 ». Thesis, University of Southampton, 2015. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/377154/.

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Ziamou, Theodora. « Public participation in administrative rulemaking : a comparative study of the American and of European (English, German, Greek) legal systems ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286644.

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Erik, Lejdemyr. « Immigrant integration politics in the East-EU : Contested national models or policy convergence ? » Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3559.

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Some researchers argue that the immigrant integration approaches in liberal (and “Western-“) states are becoming more and more alike. Some claim that the previous philosophises of integration (i.e. multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism) no longer exists in liberal states. This study assesses the robustness of this “convergence claim” within an East-EU context. The purpose of the study is to analyse the policy trends of immigrant integration in the East-EU and assess the robustness of the convergence claim. The analysis and methodological approach is based on a theoretical framework of ideal-types (multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism). The study objects are Estonia and Poland, and the analysis is primarily based on national legislation and policy documents. The study describes the immigrant integration trends in Poland and Estonia in the “post-Soviet era”, looking at the policy trends between 1991-2008. During this period both countries have shown tendencies of segregationism and cultural monism. It is clear that Estonia and Poland (i.e. parts of East-EU) have not adopted a more “Western-style” approach regarding immigrant integration, i.e. there is no evidence of such convergence. In fact, the ethnic component of their immigrant integration approaches stands in contrast to the “convergence thesis”.

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Miller, William J. « Citizens' Trust in European Union Institutions ». University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1276308801.

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Bernoussi, Achraf. « Banque chef de File, syndicat bancaire et introduction en bourse : application aux marchés boursiers européens ». Phd thesis, Université du Droit et de la Santé - Lille II, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00944172.

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L'introduction en Bourse est une opération de financement majeure dans la vie d'une entreprise. Le choix des intermédiaires-conseils revêt une importance capitale, particulièrement celui du syndicat bancaire dont les responsabilités sont importantes, à l'image de la certification du prix d'émission et la réussite du placement des titres. Les multiples asymétries d'information et les anomalies des marchés boursiers impliquent pour l'émetteur de prendre les bonnes décisions. Nous nous intéressons particulièrement à la compréhension des critères de sélection utilisés par l'entrepriseémettrice dans le choix de la banque chef de file. Parmi ceux-ci, le critère de réputation dont les travaux empiriques, majoritairement outre-Atlantique, ont mis en évidence l'impact positif dans l'atténuation des déviations observées sur le marché boursier. La démarche suivie pour argumenter cette thèse nous a conduits, dans le premier chapitre à justifier notre positionnement théorique et à développer notre cadre de recherche. Dans le deuxième chapitre, nous présentons une étude de cas de l'introduction en Bourse d'Electricité de France, opération européenne majeure réalisée durant cette dernière décennie et entreprenons une démarche qualitative dans laquelle nous prenons en compte la réalité économique et financière. Enfin, la vérification empirique de cette problématique est développée dans le troisième chapitre. Nous réalisons une étude statistique sur un échantillon d'introductions en Bourse européennes afin d'apporter des éclaircissements sur la structure de la syndication bancaire et examinons le lien de cette structure avec la réputation de la banque chef defile.

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Beddiar, Nadia. « Le mineur délinquant face au service public pénitentiaire ». Thesis, Lille 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LIL20017/document.

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L'administration pénitentiaire française connaît, depuis plusieurs années, d'importantes mutations vis-à-vis de ses missions, qui tendent vers une externalisation et de son personnel. l'amélioration de la réinsertion des détenus est devenue un impératif majeur, surtout en ce qui concerne les mineurs incarcérés, en vue de réduire les risques de récidive. il s'agit d'expliquer et de qualifier ces changements correspondants à un besoins d'adaptation de cette administration envers l'évolution de la population carcérale, tout en améliorant ses relations avec les autres organismes publics (le ministère de l'education nationale notamment) afin de confirmer la politique de décloisonnement et de partenariat, suivie par l'administration pénitentiaire. cette étude tentera également de dresser un premier bilan concernant les efforts fournis par cette administration publique dans le cadre particulier des établissements pénitentiaires pour mineurs
The correctional institution is experiencing a profound process of modernization under the influence of European and constitutional law, which tends to assign to it all the characteristics of a public service and significantly adds to the law of enforcement of sentences.This normative development, under the control of an administrative judge, has introduced the basis of a genuine legal status for minors as coerced users of this public service. Efforts carried out by the penitentiary administration in the aim of establishing detention rules that apply and are adjusted to the different categories of prison population, and particularly to minors, are changing the traditional/classic conception of the prison‟s missions.The specificity of detention rules, as confirmed by the creation of detention facilities for minors and the search for a legal status for the minor inmate, is endorsed by the opening up of the penitentiary administration and the building of partnerships with other institutional actors.The mobilization of new resources constitutes a fundamental axe in the preparation of the social rehabilitation of minors, in their own best interest and benefit. The issues around the correctional framing in the objective to define the administrative status of the minor inmate lead to double angled analysis: the fixing of the foundations of prison law applicable to minors, and the application of this law which illustrates the need for an adaptation of the penitentiary action when it comes to minors

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Lewandowski, Marcia Marie. « Britain's Labour Party and the EEC Decision ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625615.

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Sweeney, James Anthony. « Margins of appreciation, cultural relativity and the European Court of Human Rights ». Thesis, University of Hull, 2003. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3557.

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This thesis is about establishing a balance between universal human rights and particular cultures or local conditions. It examines the universality debate with reference to the "margin of appreciation" in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, in particular from the end of the Cold Wax when new Contracting Parties from central and eastern Europe came under the Court's jurisdiction.The thesis considers that analysis of these issues must not be parochial. In Part One the universality debate in international human rights law is therefore examined in detail. It is argued that universal human rights do not require absolute uniformity in their protection - even universal human rights are necessarily and defensibly qualified. In order to link the margin of appreciation to this universality debate its evolution, operation and the factors which underpin it are also clarified in Part Two. It is demonstrated that the margin of appreciation has evolved from a concession to states into a methodology for demanding ever greater justifications for their limitations upon human rights. In doing so the margin permitted accords with the defensible level of local qualification to human rights already identified.Part Three tests these conclusions against original analysis of recent case law, showing that the Court has been responsive to the differing needs of the new Contracting Parties. The Court had evolved a coherent and defensible approach to cases that have raised complex localised issues, and has maintained this even since its jurisdiction expanded. Whilst allowing modulation of European human rights protection according to local characteristics, use of the margin of appreciation does not amount to cultural relativism even in the expanded Council of Europe.

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Fazlioglu, Akin Zulal. « Cultural Policy in Turkey – European Union Relations ». The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1502860978590657.

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Thèses sur le sujet « Public administration – Europe »

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