Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Protracted People's War (PPW) »

AbstractThis article explores how local civil servants produce the conditions of possibility for bureaucratic authority in Nepal's contested political environment of war and post-war ‘transition’. Specifically, it examines the everyday practices of local civil servants as they attempt to influence the distribution of such public resources as agricultural inputs and local government budgets. The article asks: how do local civil servants produce the authority necessary to get things done in the face of changing local government structuresandrival authority claims frombothwartime Maoist People's Governments and resurgent patronage politics in the post-war period? In a context characterized as ‘ordinary extraordinary’, the article suggests that local civil servants employ a form of practice that has been termed ‘tactical government’ and proposes three distinct forms of this practice. However, the article also argues that tactical practice tells only part of the story and that it can be insightful to enrich our understanding of tactical government with an analysis of more general life projects. Bureaucratic practices are also motivated by factors such as the significance of the contested resource and paternal ideas of ‘the common good’. Such a suggestion is in line with recent work on everyday lives in situations of protracted violent conflict and insecurity, and on the role of culture in producing civil servants/services. Looking at these two forms of practice together, in particular their interconnections, gives us a fuller account of how authority is produced. Furthermore, it allows more nuanced and detailed perspectives into the complex process of state-making.

The main goal of this study was to evaluate how conflicts are resolved and how they affect people's ability to access health care in Bawku, Ghana. Specific objectives were to assess factors that affect the management of the Bawku conflict and to evaluate the consequences of the conflict on health services in the Bawku region. The residents living in different locations of Bawku in the Upper East Region of Ghana comprised the target population, which was 144,189 persons. Forty-five (45) respondents were selected using an expert purposive sample methodology with an explanatory sequential design in a mixed method approach. The study was guided by the Protracted Social Conflict Theory. Basic statistical techniques were used in data analysis. The study used questionnaires and interview guides as its main methods for gathering data during the month of July 2023 in the Bawku region. The findings are presented through tables and charts. According to the findings, the Bawku War made it very difficult for residents to get access to medical facilities and services. The worst effects were seen in terms of casualties, wounds, and disruptions to regular life. In addition, the research identifies the best and most frequently used mechanisms for conflict resolution, which include the employment of the military and law enforcement, traditional councils, and houses of chiefs. Furthermore, the study concluded that the ethnic ties of the Mamprusis and Kusasis to other ethnic groups in these nations could potentially lead to the spread of the Bawku conflict to neighboring countries, particularly Togo and Burkina Faso. The study recommends a decrease in hostilities and, potentially, advocates for the complete cessation of political interference in the conflict resolution process in Bawku, located in the Upper East Region of Ghana.

In this article I examine the problematic of revolutionary strategy and how it is under-theorized at the centres of global capitalism, often confused with the theory of organization. Arguing that the theory of insurrection is often and uncritically accepted as normative, I discuss the necessity of returning to a critical engagement with the theory of strategy in the context of a modern capitalist military. By examining Karl Liebknecht's examination of militarism, the a priori acceptance of the theory of insurrection by contemporary theorists in both the communist and anarchist traditions (i.e. Jodi Dean and the Invisible Committee), and the counter-tradition of protracted people's war, I demonstrate that the theory of insurrection is philosophically deficient, unable to account for the problems produced by capitalist militarism and pacification.

After the end of the Second World War, Mao Zedong managed to drive Chiang Kai-Shek to Taiwan in October 1949. Mao decided to annex Tibet, a soft under-belly of China, by exercising the Chinese suzerain rights. On 17 March 1959, after the 14th Dalai Lama fled to India, Tibet was incorporated into the People's Republic of China (PRC). The erstwhile Nepal-Tibet border remained open and abandoned from the Nepali security perspective as thousands of Tibetans sought refuge in Nepal during the annexation of Tibet. Ultimately, the Tibetan refugees (Khampas) were militarily trained and financially assisted by the foreign powers to establish operational bases in the remote stretches of Northern Nepal and wage the protracted war against the PLA to regain their lost motherland. Nepal still maintains a non-aligned foreign policy and is staunchly against harboring elements that engage against the security interests of its two neighbors. Hence, the Government of Nepal had to stop such detrimental activities resolutely thereby as it is inferred to eliminate the entire Khampa guerrilla movement and their hideouts. Therefore, the main objective of this study is to explore contributions of Nepali government and its politico-historical perspectives, leading to disarming of the Khampa guerrillas. To address this objective, this study has conducted an elaborate reconnaissance of various forward operational and logistics bases up to Kora-La pass as part of the field work.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Michael Malley. "March 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-80). Also available in print.

This chapter focuses on the early Cold War years from August 1949 to 1956. The Communist Party of Greece's (KKE) defeat in the civil war transformed the party yet again. Some eighty thousand people left Greece and settled behind the newly emergent Iron Curtain, while the KKE's leaders moved again, this time to Bucharest, Romania. Unlike Spanish Republicans, who found refuge mainly in the West, in the Greek case, it was the Eastern European people's democracies that became a refuge for the defeated, profoundly shaping their political culture and their political and social trajectory and exposing them to different currents occupying the international Communist world. When Joseph Stalin died in March of 1953, the KKE, already dependent on its international comrades, had to adapt to the changes taking place in the Soviet Bloc. The new leadership in Moscow had little sympathy for the old Stalinist Greeks. Hence, the haphazard process of de-Stalinization in the international Communist world yet again pushed the KKE into a protracted crisis. Greek Communists, scattered over the entire continent, had to find a way to reconcile their different visions of what Communism meant.