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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Protest movements – Turkey »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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1

Doğu, Burak. "Political Use of Twitter in Post-Gezi Environmental Protests." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 12, no. 2 (2019): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01202007.

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Abstract Twitter has often been associated with recent social movements, particularly in the Middle East region. It was also used widely in Turkey during and after the nationwide Gezi protests of 2013. In this article, I study the political engagement practices on Twitter with a particular focus on the post-Gezi environmental protests, and reflect on how emergent protest ecologies are shaped through the participation of the diverse stakeholders. Based on an analysis of three environmental protests in Yirca, Iztuzu and Cerattepe, I highlight the role of Twitter as a political platform connectin
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Bal, Haluk Mert, and Lemi Baruh. "Sustainability and communication practices in grassroots movements in Turkey following Gezi Park Protests: Cases of Dogancilar Park Forum, Macka Park Forum and Validebag Volunteers." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 5, no. 1 (2020): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00074_1.

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Recent social movements, as exemplified by the informal organizations formed during and after the Occupy Movement in the United States and Gezi Park Protests in Turkey, are characterized by distrust towards institutional political bodies and hierarchical organizations (Boler et al. 2014). Also, the debate on the relationship between social movements and digital media technologies often highlights the opportunities that these technologies provide for ‘largely unfettered deliberation and coordination of action’ (Castells 2012). Scholars critical towards the concept argue that horizontal grassroo
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Alper, Emin. "Reconsidering social movements in Turkey: The case of the 1968-71 protest cycle." New Perspectives on Turkey 43 (2010): 63–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089663460000577x.

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AbstractThe years between 1968 and 1971 in Turkey were unprecedented in terms of rising social protests instigated by students, workers, peasants, teachers and white-collar workers. However, these social movements have received very limited scholarly attention, and the existing literature is marred by many flaws. The scarce literature has mainly provided an economic determinist framework for understanding the massive mobilizations of the period, by stressing the worsening economic conditions of the masses. However, these explanations cannot be verified by data. This article tries to provide an
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Kreicberga, Zane. "POLITICAL ACTIVISM AS A FORM OF THEATRE." Culture Crossroads 8 (November 13, 2022): 146–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol8.172.

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Nowadays political activism can be considered as a form of theatre: its strategies and tactics often employ the means proposed by Brecht and other thinkers of the political theatre. However, there is a paradox if artistic activism is being practised exclusively in the artistic context, it can find itself in a deadlock. The article is dedicated to the phenomenon of artistic activism, exploring such examples as protest movements born in the UK “Reclaim the Streets” and “Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army”, “Nano-rallies” in Barnaul, Russia, the act of “The Standing Man” in Turkey, and the ac
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Hasan, Ezhan. "Why Regimes Repress: The Factors that Lead to Censorship of Social Media." American Journal of Undergraduate Research 16, no. 3 (2019): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33697/ajur.2019.028.

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Social media have made it easier to create mass political action. Prominent examples include the Arab Spring movements, which took place in regions where information was previously tightly controlled by authoritarian regimes. Fearing radical change, several regimes have repressed social media use, but not all authoritarian regimes have taken the same measures. Previous research suggests that regime leadership is motivated to ensure its own survival but also influenced by a strong independent media and the need for citizens to vent grievances. To understand the relationship of these factors to
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Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.

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Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing p
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Aytaç, S. Erdem, Luis Schiumerini, and Susan Stokes. "Protests and Repression in New Democracies." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 1 (2017): 62–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716004138.

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Elected governments sometimes deal with protests by authorizing the police to use less-lethal tools of repression: water cannons, tear gas, rubber bullets, and the like. When these tactics fail to end protests and instead spark larger, backlash movements, some governments reduce the level of violence but others increase it, causing widespread injuries and loss of life. We study three recent cases of governments in new democracies facing backlash movements. Their decision to scale up or scale back police repression reflected the governments’ levels of electoral security. Secure governments with
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Holston, James. "Metropolitan rebellions and the politics of commoning the city." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (2019): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618812324.

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This article analyzes the remarkable wave of metropolitan rebellions that inaugurated the 21st century around the world (2000–2016). It argues that they fuel an emergent politics of city-making in which residents consider the city as a collective social and material product that they produce; in effect, a commons. It investigates this politics at the intersection of processes of city-making, city-occupying, and rights-claiming that generate movements for insurgent urban citizenships. It develops a critique of the so-called post-political in anthropological theory, analyzes recent urban uprisin
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TUNÇ, Ferit. "ANALYSIS OF DISCOURSES OF POLITICAL ACTORS IN TURKEY REGARDING SYRIAN REFUGEES IN THE NATIONAL PRESS." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 29 (2022): 184–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.538.

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After the protest movements, which are described as the "Arab Spring", spread to Syria since the beginning of 2011, an important part of the Syrians, who had to leave their country with the civil war, took shelter in Turkey. Turkey has implemented an open door policy within the framework of humanitarian sensitivities in the face of this crisis. However, it did not remain indifferent to this influx for historical, religious and cultural reasons and tried to provide all necessary assistance from the very first moment.In the last ten years, the number of people who took refuge in Turkey has reach
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Uysal, Mete Sefa, Yasemin Gülsüm Acar, Jose-Manuel Sabucedo, and Huseyin Cakal. "‘To participate or not participate, that’s the question’: The role of moral obligation and different risk perceptions on collective action." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 10, no. 2 (2022): 445–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.7207.

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The current research investigates whether moral obligation and perceived close vs. distant risks of high vs. moderate risk collective actions are associated with willingness to participate in collective action in the case of Turkey. Two studies were conducted: one with re-placed university students after the July 15, 2016 coup d'état attempt (high-risk context; N₁ = 258) and one with climate strikes (moderate risk context; N₂ = 162). The findings showed that moral obligation predicts collective action in both studies, however, the strength of this relationship is contingent on the level of sub
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Çıdam, Çiğdem. "From Aesthetics of Resistance to Aestheticization of Politics." Critical Times 5, no. 2 (2022): 310–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9799702.

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Abstract In 2016, as the Turkish military's “security operations” targeting Kurdish towns in southeastern Turkey were in full swing, a series of disturbing photographs began to appear on social media. The photographs, which showed soldiers posing in front of derelict houses covered with graffiti written only a few moments before, had an almost “playful” quality to them whereby the act of killing was presented as an object of amusement. To achieve this effect, those who shot the photographs appropriated certain aesthetic practices of resistance, specifically the use of street art by protest mov
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Mehdiyev, E. T. ""NEO-OTTOMANISM" IN THE REGIONAL POLICY OF TURKEY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-32-39.

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The article is devoted to the ideology of Turkey's foreign policy. The term "neo-Ottomanism" is increasingly used in recent years in relation to the Turkish foreign policy. The concept of neo-Ottomanism, which ideology is the Prime Minister Davutoglu, implies a relationship of foreign policy of modern Turkey with the historical heritage of the Ottomans and its focus on return "last Ottoman", taking into account today's realities. The author examines this phenomenon in the context of the regional policy of Turkey in this period. The main directions of the strategy of neo are the Middle East, No
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Ozturkcan, Selcen, Nihat Kasap, Muge Cevik, and Tauhid Zaman. "An analysis of the Gezi Park social movement tweets." Aslib Journal of Information Management 69, no. 4 (2017): 426–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ajim-03-2017-0064.

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Purpose Twitter usage during Gezi Park Protests, a significant large-scale connective action, is analyzed to reveal meaningful findings on individual and group tweeting characteristics. Subsequent to the Arab Spring in terms of its timing, the Gezi Park Protests began by the spread of news on construction plans to build a shopping mall at a public park in Taksim Square in Istanbul on May 26, 2013. Though started as a small-scale local protest, it emerged into a series of multi-regional social protests, also known as the Gezi Park demonstrations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/m
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Aytekin, E. Attila. "A “Magic and Poetic” Moment of Dissensus: Aesthetics and Politics in the June 2013 (Gezi Park) Protests in Turkey." Space and Culture 20, no. 2 (2017): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217697138.

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This article departs from analyses that underline the middle-class character of June 2013 (Gezi Park) protests in Turkey by focusing on the relationship between politics and aesthetics in the protest movement. The predominant form of protest in the movement was aesthetic political acts, which did not bring about any distinction based on class or cultural capital. Rather, the artistic practices and cultural symbols employed by protesters bridged gaps by bringing a large and diverse body of people around a common political position. The June protests constituted a moment of “dissensus” in the Ra
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Odağ, Özen, Özden Melis Uluğ, and Nevin Solak. "“Everyday I’m Çapuling”." Journal of Media Psychology 28, no. 3 (2016): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105/a000202.

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Abstract. This contribution examines the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey by drawing on the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the slacktivism versus facilitation debate in the literature on digitally enabled collective action. Contrary to the slacktivism hypothesis that claims online collective action to lack an apparent impact on the real world, the current study indicates a facilitating role of online collective action in the Gezi Park protests. By means of a large-scale online survey (N = 1,127) and a subsequent latent path analysis, the study demonstrates that the end
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Erol, Ali E. "Queer contestation of neoliberal and heteronormative moral geographies during #occupygezi." Sexualities 21, no. 3 (2017): 428–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460717699768.

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During the summer of 2013, Turkey witnessed the largest protest movement in the history of the republic. The protests began with environmentalist concerns to save a public park in central Istanbul, Gezi Park, from becoming a shopping mall. However, in a matter of days, the protests turned into a reaction against what many protestors perceived to be the authoritarian rule of the prime minister at the time. While the mainstream protest discourses focused on reacting against such perceptions, which produced sexist and heterosexist discourses, queer discourses were centered on celebrating coexiste
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Tunali, Tijen. "Humour as political aesthetics in street protests during the political Ice Age." European Journal of Humour Research 8, no. 2 (2020): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2020.8.2.tunali.

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This article analyses humour as a part of carnival aesthetics in urban social movements. It regards humour’s place in street protests as an aesthetic experience that brings forth an interplay of joy, imagination and freedom. Drawing from social movement theory regarding collective identity and collectivism, aesthetic theory and Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of carnivalesque, this paper examines the link between humour and carnival aesthetics in recent social movements. It argues that carnival laughter initiates a process of symbiosis that opens relationships with others and allows recognition of de
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Snyder, Stephen. "Transvaluation and Aesthetic Displacement: Gezi Park and the Power of Art." Protest, Vol. 4, no. 2 (2019): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m7.026.art.

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The wave of demonstrations that developed out of the Gezi Park sit-ins manifested a form of aesthetic creativity that employed transvaluation and displacement in a way that set them apart from other protests in Turkey and the Arab world. Transvaluation and displacement were arguably among the primary forces that drove the protests following the forceful breakup of the Gezi Park sit-ins. The protests began when police forcefully removed sleeping demonstrators from Gezi Park. To most observers, the police use of violence to clear the park was deemed disproportionate, and the resistance countered
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Türkoğlu, Didem. "Student protests and organised labour: Developing a research agenda for mobilisation in late neoliberalism." Current Sociology 67, no. 7 (2019): 997–1017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119865768.

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Students have a long history of protesting the introduction or rise of tuition fees. However, political parties do not often endorse their demands. Even the centre-left, which is known for its redistributive policies, does not necessarily ally itself with the student opposition to fees. In this article, the author focuses on the impact of social movement–organised labour alliances on the opposition of political parties to government policy. The author argues that such alliances have a unique impact on centre-left parties, especially in relation to non-labour issues. Two examples of this allian
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Acik-Toprak, Necla. "The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey: From Protest to Resistance." Ethnopolitics 12, no. 1 (2013): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2013.764607.

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Kaptan, Yeşim. "Laugh and Resist! Humor and Satire Use in the Gezi Resistance Movement." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 5 (2016): 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341407.

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This article focuses on the local humor employed in the Gezi Park Protests, one of the most widespread protests in the history of modern Turkey. By analyzing examples of widely circulated graffiti in the social media during and after the Gezi Park protests, I explore the role of socio-cultural and political humor in the protests as a form of resistance, which is intertwined in many ways with local popular culture, as well as global cultural forms of resistance used in anti-capitalist movements such as the Occupy Wall Street movement and public protests in Greece, Egypt, Algeria, and Spain. The
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Baki, Betül. "The Making of a Protest Movement in Turkey, edited by Umut Özkırımlı." Southeastern Europe 40, no. 2 (2016): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04002009.

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KARAÇELİK, Ali Rıza. "THE YOUTH PROTESTS OF 68 GENERATION IN TURKEY." NEW ERA JOURNAL OF INTERDISCIPLINARY SOCIAL STUDIES 7, no. 14 (2022): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/newera.187.

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The pro imperialist atmospher which became widespread after the 2. World War, found hars responses in many states. Especially since the beginning of the 1960s, it gave birth tothe ’68 generation’, whose name will be referred to as the events of 1968 in history and will guide the next period. This movement, wich contains discourses such as freedom equality and dependence and was accepted espsciallyamong the universty youth of the period, tried to change and transform everything that was contrary to its discourses. In this study, the structure of the period in which the 1968 events, know as the
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Giglou, Roya Imani, Christine Ogan, and Leen d’Haenens. "The ties that bind the diaspora to Turkey and Europe during the Gezi protests." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (2016): 937–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675441.

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The Gezi Park demonstrations across Turkey in the early summer of 2013 offered another opportunity to examine the role played by social media in a social movement. This survey of 967 ethnic (Turkish or Kurdish) minorities living in Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany focuses on attitudes and behaviors alongside uses of offline and online networks to make connections with others during and after Gezi. We investigate whether the respondents living in the diaspora experienced communication-generated social capital. We also examine whether the social capital already built through lives spent in
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Polat, Ferihan, and Ozlem Ozdesim Subay. "Political Movement By Apolitical Activist: Gezi Park Protests." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 8 (2016): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n8p106.

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Gezi Park Protests leaving its mark in the June of 2015, is understood from so many perspectives by national and international academicians. On the one hand, some social scientists recognize this movement as apolitical action by analyzing the identity of activist, on the other hand, some of them claims that this movement is a political one by pointing out that the aim of the movement is against the Ak Party Government especially Erdoğan himself. This study aiming to understand Gezi Park Protests puts forward that having apolitical identity of activists is not enough to recognize the movement a
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Ölçek, Abdulsamet. "Anti-HEPP initiatives in Turkey as an example of environmental movement." Review of Nationalities 12, no. 1 (2022): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2022-0010.

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Abstract As one of the developing countries, Turkey’s demand for energy is increasing. This demand has led Turkey to the use of renewable energy sources after the 2000s. In this context, HEPPs (Hydro-electric Power Plants) have come to the fore in energy production. However, the widespread use of HEPPs has led to an increase in environmental problems. The problems experienced were protested by various social segments and created social opposition in the process. As a result of these protests and social opposition, an anti-HEPP social movement emerged in the context of environmentalism, which i
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Malysheva, D. "Political Development in Modern Turkey." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-84-91.

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The transformation of political system in Turkey resulted in creation of a pluralistic society, while the Justice and Development Party (AKP) – the winner of the country’s last five national elections – provides with the most relevant political model which is unique for the country with a predominant Muslim population. Turkey has made an impressive progress since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his populist AKP came to power in 2002. The country entered the G20, its GDP tripled, while exports increased fivefold. Turkey's role in international affairs has grown significantly. For more than a
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Andaç-Jones, Elif. "The Gezi Protests in Turkey: On Movement Spirit, Coalition Building, and Responding to Authoritarianism." SAIS Review of International Affairs 40, no. 2 (2020): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.2020.0026.

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Ozduzen, Ozge. "‘Cinema as a common activity’." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 3 (2020): 436–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18071.ozd.

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Abstract This paper is concerned with the ways in which mediating spaces like film festivals function as alternative public spheres when social movements escalate, arguing that the Istanbul International Film Festival and Documentarist right before, during and following the Gezi protests turned into politically and socially inclusive spaces for marginalised groups in Turkey. To account for how audiences and organisers aimed to transform these mediating spaces into socially inclusive and heterogeneous outlets during the Gezi protests, the paper relies on an audience ethnography in the sites of
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Nadein-Raevskiy, V. A. "THE STRUGGLE OF IDEAS AND «THE NEW TURKEY»." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-22-31.

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A famous Islamic philosopher Fethullah Gulen backed up the nowadays president Erdogan in the beginning of creation of his Justice & Development Party (AKP). Gulen though backed up Erdogan criticized some of his actions. He was against the "Freedom Flotilla" that was sent be Erdogan to raise the blockade of Gaza sector. He visited the Roma Pope while defending the idea of the "Dialog of civilizations" and was sharply criticized for this visit by the Islamists. In 2013 he criticized Erdogan for the police attacks against mass demonstrations of protest in Istanbul. Besides he sharply criticiz
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Aydin, Ulviyye. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis: New Negotiation Chapter In European Union-Turkey Relations." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (2016): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.2.102.

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Syria is one of the countries where a revolution wave named Arab Spring uprose in early 2011. The most radical discourse from Arab Spring into the still ongoing civil wars took place in Syria as early as the second half of 2011. At the beginning it was a civil protest against Assad’s government. Nobody could not estimate the future developments in Syria. The cost of the war in Syria increases every day. More than 250,000 Syrians have lost their lives in four-and-a-half years of armed conflict, which began with anti-government protests before escalating into a full-scale civil war. More than 11
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Dorroll, Philip. "“Post-Gezi Islamic Theology: Intersectional Islamic Feminism in Turkey”." Review of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (2016): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2016.138.

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AbstractThe legacy of the 2013 Gezi Park protests has been controversial and its impact on Turkish politics difficult to assess. At the same time, there has been little reflection on contemporary Islamic feminist thinking in English sources. This essay argues that one important political and intellectual legacy of the Gezi movement has been the development of certain intersectional discourses in Islamic feminism in Turkey, whereby the shared experience of marginalization felt by pious Muslims, women, ethnic and religious minorities, and the LGBTIQ community has begun to broaden and complicate
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Klein, Janet, David Romano, Michael M. Gunter, Joost Jongerden, Atakan İnce, and Marlies Casier. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 1, no. 1 (2013): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v1i1.387.

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Uğur Ümit Üngör, The Making of Modern Turkey: Nation and State in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1950, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, 352 pp. (ISBN: 9780199603602).Mohammed M. A. Ahmed, Iraqi Kurds and Nation-Building. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, 294 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-137-03407-6), (paper). Ofra Bengio, The Kurds of Iraq: Building a State within a State. Boulder, CO and London, UK: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2012, xiv + 346 pp., (ISBN 978-1-58826-836-5), (hardcover). Cengiz Gunes, The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey, from Protest to Resistance, London: Routledge, 2012, 256 pp., (ISB
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Pursley, Sara, and Beth Baron. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813001256.

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Interest in the study of space was already increasing in Middle East studies, as in other areas of scholarship, before the 2011 Arab uprisings and the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey—combined with the Occupy movement in the United States and similar phenomena elsewhere—turned worldwide attention to the politics of public spaces in the era of globalization and neoliberalism. This issue of IJMES reflects both the ongoing “spatial turn” in the scholarship and the more immediate and contingent attempts, sparked by recent events, to (re-)theorize public space in particular.
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Dolgov, Boris V. "The Islamist Challenge in the Greater Mediterranean." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (2021): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-655-670.

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The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more
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Turer, Ahmet. "Conservation of Heritage Structures in Turkey: Practice and Difficulties." Advanced Materials Research 133-134 (October 2010): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.133-134.31.

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Conservation studies in developing countries might have additional problems to those that are being experienced by leading developed countries. The problems and difficulties mentioned here do not reflect the common practice in Turkey and mostly list rare cases for information purposes. Countries located in Asia and Middle East have rich structural heritage, in number and significance, which are sometimes even a few millenniums old. On the other hand, often times financial or bureaucratic constraints make the conservation studies more difficult, while technical problems remain to be an issue. I
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Resdifianti, Femri, Dini Septianti Nurkhasanah, and Ratih Kusuma Dewi. "TUNTUTAN MASYARAKAT TERHADAP KELUARNYA TURKI DARI KONVENSI ISTANBUL." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (2022): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v6i1.302.

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On March 20, 2021, Turkey withdrew from the Istanbul Convention, a human rights treaty against violence against women and domestic violence. The decision was inseparable from the demands of the Turkish people in the public sphere, who intensively lobbied the Turkish government to reject and withdraw from the Istanbul Convention. This article aims to analyze the influence of Turkish public demands on Turkey's decision to leave the Istanbul Convention using Habermas' public sphere theory. The author first describes Turkey's anti-gender discourse and movement. This anti-gender movement is backed
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Bilgin, Recep, Seydali Ekici, and Fatih Sezgin. "Turkey’s syrian policy under justice and development party rule after 2009." Revista Amazonia Investiga 11, no. 56 (2022): 264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2022.56.08.26.

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The Justice and Development Party's Syria policy has followed a volatile and pragmatic line. Prior to 2011, when the Arab Spring began in Syria, strategic cooperation was established within the framework of liberal and zero-problem policies with neighbors. When Turkey's democratic reform proposals against the opposition movements that emerged in 2011 did not realize, Turkey changed its position against the Assad regime and started to support the opposition. During this period, weapons aid was also given to the dissidents. Later, with the involvement of Russia and the USA, the balances in Syria
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Kolluoğlu, Poyraz. "Umut Özkırımlı, ed., The Making of a Protest Movement in Turkey: #occupygezi. New York: Palgrave Pivot, 2014, xx+154 pages." New Perspectives on Turkey 52 (May 2015): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2015.10.

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Gundlach, Erich R., Murat Cekirge, Robert Castle, Hamish Reid, and Paul Sutherland. "OIL SPILL RESPONSE AND EQUIPMENT FOR THE BTC PIPELINE SYSTEM IN TURKEY." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2005, no. 1 (2005): 1099–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2005-1-1099.

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ABSTRACT The BTC (Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan) Project includes a 42 in (107 cm) crude oil pipeline extending west from the Caspian Sea across Azerbaijan (433 km, 260 mi), through Georgia (250 km, 150 mi), and then southward through eastern Turkey (1076 km, 645 mi) to a new marine terminal at Ceyhan on the Mediterranean Sea. In Turkey, the pipeline crosses significant mountainous terrain (>2800 m, 8,500 ft), several major rivers as well as five fault zones. The marine terminal includes 7 storage tanks and a 2.7 km (1.6 mi) jetty able to handle two 300,000-dwt tankers simultaneously. The system
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Unal, Didem. "“Are You God? Damn Your Family!”: The Islam–Gender Nexus in Right-Wing Populism and the New Generation of Muslim Feminist Activism in Turkey." Religions 13, no. 4 (2022): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040372.

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This article examines young Muslim women’s dissident mentalities, practices, and subjectivities that confront the epistemological conditions whereby right-wing populist (RWP) gender politics operates in Turkey. Relying on frame theory in social movement research and the Foucauldian approach to resistance, dissent, and protest, it explores Muslim feminist critique of RWP gender discourse mainly with a focus on the following issues: (i.) Instrumentalization of the headscarf, (ii.) familialist policies, and (iii.) violence against women and the Istanbul Convention (the Convention on Preventing an
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Collinsworth, Didem Akyel. "Cengiz Güneş, The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey: From Protest to Resistance, (London, UK: Routledge, 2012), 185 pp. ISBN: 978-0-415-68047-9." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 5, no. 1 (2014): 68–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785328-00501008.

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Abgaryan, Jetta, George Chakhvadze, Levan Jakeli, and Jānis Grasis. "Reconciling Conflicting Interests of Coastal and Riparian States: The Hard Case of Black Sea Straits." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 1, no. 19 (2021): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.19.2020.1.195-200.

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There are two basic understandings of the regime of the Black Sea straits: the Black Sea straits as a legal regime and the Black Sea straits as a political regime [1]. The legal assessment of the Black Sea Straits regime requires determining what the existing regulation of the Straits is, how open the Straits are to international navigation, and if closed, whether there are real legal grounds for closing straits while the reference to the Black Sea Straits as a political regime allows for the possibility that straits may be closed for ensuring the security of Turkey and the Black Sea riparian
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Gunes, Cengiz. "A COMMENT ON MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN'S REVIEW OF CENGIZ GUNES, THE KURDISH NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN TURKEY: FROM PROTEST TO RESISTANCE (IJMES 45 [2013]: 643–45)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 4 (2014): 843–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001329.

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I am humbled that Martin van Bruinessen, a leading figure in the field of Kurdish Studies, has reviewed my book in IJMES. However, the review contains a number of inaccuracies and misrepresentations with which I take issue in this response.
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Harrington, Heather. "«Get in Your Theatres; the Street is Not Yours»: The Struggle for the Character of Public Space in Tunisia." Nordic Journal of Dance 8, no. 2 (2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njd-2017-0012.

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Abstract How people move and appear in public spaces is a reflection of the cultural, religious and socio-political forces in a society. This article, built on an earlier work titled ’Site-Specific Dance: Women in the Middle East’ (2016), addresses the ways in which dance in a public space can support the principles of freedom of expression and gender equality in Tunisia. I explore the character of public space before, during, and after the Arab Spring uprisings. Adopting an ethnographic and phenomenological approach, I focus on the efforts of two Tunisian dancers – Bahri Ben Yahmed (a dancer,
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Arda, Balca. "The Construction of a New Sociality through Social Media: The Case of the Gezi Uprising in Turkey." Conjunctions. Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation 2, no. 1 (2015): 72–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tjcp.v2i1.22271.

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During Turkey’s Gezi Park Protests in the summer of 2013, millions of people became connected as fellow pro- testers. In the early days of the Gezi movement, the increase in participatory activism through social media made visible the police brutality exercised in the last days of May 2013 against a small group of environmentalists who were protecting Gezi Park from being demolished in order to build a shopping mall. Throughout Turkey’s political history, there has been no other example of this kind of spontaneous mass movement resisting the state apparatus with the large participation of dive
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van Bruinessen, Martin. "Cengiz Gunes, The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey: From Protest to Resistance, Exeter Studies in Ethno Politics (London and New York: Routledge, 2012). Pp. 244. $136.00 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (2013): 643–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000779.

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Kornetis, Kostis. "Cultural Resistances in Post-Authoritarian Greece: Protesting the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus in 1974." Journal of Contemporary History 56, no. 3 (2021): 639–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420961455.

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The July 1974 invasion of Cyprus by Turkey caught the Greek Colonels (1967–74) off guard, as they proved entirely incapable of responding to the casus belli, partly provoked by their own actions. Greece remained technically in the state of military mobilisation for about four months and with the democratic transition well underway. This article catalogues the ways in which this conflict mobilised Greek civil society in unprecedented ways. Using oral testimonies, press clippings and three major documentaries of the time (Nikos Koundouros’ The Songs of Fire, Michael Cacoyannis’ Attila 74, and Ni
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Malashenko, A. "Conflicts in the Middle East: prospects for escalation in the context of general regional instability in the 2020s." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2021): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-120-132.

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The article analyses Middle Eastern conflicts in the early 2020s. The main focus is on the situation in Syria, Libya, and Yemen, three Middle Eastern conflicts that are progressing, with no solution in sight. These conflicts motivated by social, economic and political reasons became a progression of those protests that have started in 2011 and have been called “The Arab Spring”. These “revolutions” have been promoted by Islamist movements and groups whose activity became one of key factors of perpetual tensions in the region. So far, attempts by conflict parties to find consensual solutions ha
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Bayraktar, Sevi. "Choreographies of Dissent and the Politics of Public Space in State-of-Emergency Turkey." Performance Philosophy 5, no. 1 (2019): 90–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.21476/pp.2019.51269.

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This article investigates a recent period in which dissenting activism has been shifted in Istanbul under the state of emergency (2016-2018). Based on an ethnography conducted with activists in feminist and LGBTQI+ demonstrations, anti-emergency decree vigils, and the Presidential Referendum protests, the study discusses how activists resist and undermine mobilization of violence through using the hegemonic tools of repression tactically, and choreographically. By employing Hannah Arendt’s concepts of “politics” and “isolation,” I examine that state agencies like the police forcefully disperse
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