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1
Patton, David F. « Protest Voting in Eastern Germany ». German Politics and Society 37, no 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.
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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.
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HINZ, UTA. « ‘1968’ in Context : Protest Movements in the 1960s ». Contemporary European History 20, no 2 (8 avril 2011) : 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.
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The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.
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Karcher, Katharina. « Violence for a Good Cause ? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s ». Contemporary European History 28, no 4 (31 octobre 2019) : 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.
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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.
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Hanshew, Karrin. « Daring More Democracy ? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism ». Central European History 43, no 1 (mars 2010) : 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999135x.
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Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional “habit of obedience” and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.
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Baryshnikov, Vladimir N., Victor N. Borisenko et Oleg Yu Plenkov. « The Student Riots in Germany and their Aftermath ». Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no 4 (2022) : 1212–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.411.
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This article deals with the peculiarities of the student protests of 1968 in Germany and their political and social consequences. Among the many protests in the West that year, they had particularly far-reaching consequences for German society. These consequences were related to the heavy legacy of the Nazis, who committed grave crimes against humanity during World War II. It is for this reason that the article places a special emphasis on overcoming the Nazi past, which played an extremely important role in the emergence and spread of youth protests in the FRG. Placing the German protests in the context of a generally rather homogeneous and synchronous protest movement in all Western countries against the old values of bourgeois society and its morals poses difficulty – it is no accident that one of the symbols of youth protest was John Lennon's single “Yesterday”. The past (“yesterday”) indeed came suddenly into the spotlight and was subjected to unrelenting criticism. But the changes in the political culture of society and its mentality were very significant. The mutation toward the triumph of leftist-liberal discourse in the West German public consciousness was so complete and total that it is possible to state, as German satirists joke, that the situation was similar to the way public opinion was controlled in the GDR. As a result, it can be rightly asserted that 1968 in the FRG was perhaps the most important reason for the triumph of left-liberal political discourse in Germany.
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ZIEMANN, BENJAMIN. « The Code of Protest : Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990 ». Contemporary European History 17, no 2 (mai 2008) : 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004396.
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The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contrasted female peacefulness with masculine aggression in an emotionally charged pictorial symbolism. At the same time this symbolism marked a break with the pacifist iconographic tradition that had focused on the victims of war. Instead, the movement presented itself with images of demonstrating crowds, as an anticipation of its peaceful ends. Drawing on the concept of asymmetrical communicative ‘codes’ that has been developed in sociological systems theory, the article argues that the iconography of peace in peace movement posters could not develop a genuinely positive vision of peace, since the code of protest can articulate the designation value ‘peace’ only in conjunction with the rejection value ‘war’.
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Roth, Gary, et Nick Thomas. « Protest Movements in 1960s West Germany : A Social History of Dissent and Democracy ». German Studies Review 27, no 3 (octobre 2004) : 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141031.
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Macartney, Alex F. « Hirohitler on the Rhine : Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit ». Journal of Contemporary History 55, no 3 (27 avril 2020) : 622–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420907666.
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This article explores transnational connections between anti-imperialist groups in West Germany and Japan through an examination of the protest around the Japanese Emperor’s state visit to Bonn in 1971. Although anti-imperialist movements in Japan and West Germany had many similarities and moments of contact, there are few treatments of these groups in transnational perspective. The event offers a unique moment of entanglement between New Left groups in the global 1960s and a rare moment of mutual discussion of the Japanese and German wartime past. The Showa Emperor (better known as Hirohito) traveled to Europe as a way to promote a new, peaceful, Japan; however, his role as a wartime leader complicated this image. Hirohito’s presence in West Germany presented major issues of wartime crimes that were filtered through German’s own memory of perpetration and victimhood. Radical students in and West Germany responded to the Emperor’s visit by cooperating with Japanese exchange students to analyze and protest the history of Japanese militarism and fascism – and also its postwar attempts to regain an empire, especially in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. These concepts were seen, therefore, on another level: the US war in Vietnam, and Japanese and West German complicity in this conflict.
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Thomas, Nick. « :Protest Politics in Germany : Movements on the Left and Right since the 1960s ». American Historical Review 113, no 5 (décembre 2008) : 1614–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1614a.
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Peal, David. « The Politics of Populism : Germany and the American South in the 1890s ». Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no 2 (avril 1989) : 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015851.
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A Populist newspaper in North Carolina commented in 1890 that agrarian unrest was common just about everywhere, in “high tariff and low tariff” countries as well as in “monarchies, empires, and republics.” Historians of this discontent have neglected the international dimension of protest that was so striking at the time. The countries that produced the most vigorous agrarian movements, Germany and the United States, have been especially well protected from the scrutiny of comparison. One reason for this neglect is that scholars in both countries emphasize their nations' peculiarities and capacity to make their own histories. The most influential study of American Populism, for instance, is still John D. Hicks' The Populist Revolt (1931). Hicks ascribed the movement to the closure of the frontier, the “safety valve” once thought to be the special feature of American history. Most scholars today reject the “Turner thesis,” but continue to see populism as uniquely democratic. Just as American Populists have been celebrated as “good guys,” German agrarian leaders have been demonized. The marked anti-Semitic aspect of agrarian movements in the 1890s has led historians to link them more or less directly to national socialism, the arguably unique “outcome” of German history. Whatever the sources of this exceptionalism, the constrained view has distorted the understanding of a crucial historical conjuncture.
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Nehring, H. « Book Review : Protest movements in 1960s West Germany. A Social History of Dissent and Democracy ». German History 23, no 1 (1 janvier 2005) : 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540502300122.
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Jantzen, Kyle. « Totalitarianism : Propaganda, Perseverance, and Protest : Strategies for Clerical Survival Amid the German Church Struggle ». Church History 70, no 2 (juin 2001) : 295–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654455.
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The Protestant historiography of the German Church Struggle has been shaped largely by its attention to two fundamental issues. The first has been the intrachurch struggle dominated by two churchpolitical factions: the Faith Movement of the German Christians and the Confessing Church. German Christians whole-heartedly endorsed the government of Adolf Hitler, campaigned to align the organization, theology, and practice of the twenty-eight German Protestant Land Churches with the racial and authoritarian values of the National Socialist regime and worked to create a centralized Reich church under a powerful Reich bishop. The Confessing Church stood for theological orthodoxy and ecclesiastical independence, rejected the authority of the Land Church governments that had fallen under the control of German Christians, and asserted itself as the uniquely legitimate church government in Germany.
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Levsen, Sonja. « Sexualität und Politik um 1968 : Eine transnationale Geschichte ? » Journal of Modern European History 17, no 1 (février 2019) : 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894418820269.
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Zusammenfassung Recent historiography stresses the ‘fundamentally transnational’ character of ‘1968’. The revolt against traditional sexual mores in this vein appears to be one aspect of a transnational or even global ‘youth revolt’. However, when looking beyond slogans such as ‘Make love, not war’ and the iconic images of Berlin’s ‘Kommune 1’, we discover fundamental differences in the ways in which protest movements dealt with sexuality. While ‘liberating’ sexuality in the early 1960s became a core concern of the German New Left, the respective French and British movements paid the topic only scant attention. The article discusses causes and consequences of these divergent paths. It shows that in 1968, the prominence, strategic use and political concept of sexuality in the protests differed widely – a fact that should prompt us to reconsider accepted assumptions about the ‘transnational’ 1960s.
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NEHRING, HOLGER. « National Internationalists : British and West German Protests against Nuclear Weapons, the Politics of Transnational Communications and the Social History of the Cold War, 1957–1964 ». Contemporary European History 14, no 4 (novembre 2005) : 559–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002766.
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This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of ‘transnational history’ and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.
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Chan, Alexsia T., et Beverly K. Crawford. « The puzzle of public opposition to TTIP in Germany ». Business and Politics 19, no 4 (23 novembre 2017) : 683–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2017.32.
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AbstractGermany is pivotal to the success of any trade agreement between the European Union and the United States. As the third largest exporter in the world, Germany is dependent on open markets; throughout the post-war period, government support for free trade has been unequivocal. Despite these positive incentives for expanding free trade, both German business and the wider public voiced fierce opposition to the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). TTIP became a flash point for the German public to overcome collective action problems and create a broad protest movement against a free trade agreement for the first time in German history. This movement enabled the public to successfully exercise influence on German foreign economic policy-making, which had long been protected from public pressure. By 2015, the success of that pressure in penetrating the policy-making apparatus combined with growing government concern about the potential of international firms to undermine national policy. As a result of the confluence of these two forces, German leaders changed their position in TTIP negotiations.
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Kuhn, Christian. « Urban Laughter as a “Counter-Public” Sphere in Augsburg : The Case of the City Mayor, Jakob Herbrot (1490/95–1564) ». International Review of Social History 52, S15 (21 novembre 2007) : 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003136.
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Social movement scholarship has recently focused on “popular” media of protest; reading and singing provided a forceful communicative structure in semi-literate urban society, especially in Augsburg, the largest city of Reformation Germany. The case of Jakob Herbrot (1490/95–1564) combines the antagonisms of political, social, and religious movements; a rich Calvinist, he climbed the social ladder from a lowly regarded profession to the highest office of the imperial city in a precarious time of confessional armed conflict. Herbrot's conduct triggered a life-long series of accusations, polemics, satires, humorous ballads, and songs, material that allows a reassessment of the early modern discourse of Öffentlichkeit, as well as of urban laughter in the “public sphere” before its modern elevation to the central doctrine of bourgeois society. The sources suggest that humour was of essential importance to the public in the early modern city, a counter-public in the sense of an independent political arbiter.
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Bach, Jonathan, Heather L. Dichter, Kirkland Alexander Fulk, Alexander Wochnik, Wilko Graf von Hardenberg et Carol Hager. « Book Reviews ». German Politics and Society 34, no 3 (1 septembre 2016) : 100–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340305.
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Jon Berndt Olsen, Tailoring Truth: Politicizing the Past and Negotiating Memory in East Germany, 1945-1990 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2015) Reviewed by Jonathan BachMicahel Krüger, Christian Becker, and Stefan Nielsen, German Sports, Doping, and Politics: A History of Performance Enhancement (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015) Reviewed by Heather L. DichterSusanne Rinner. The German Student Movement and the Literary Imagination: Transnational Memories of Protest and Dissent (New York: Berghahn Books, 2013) Reviewed by Kirkland Alexander FulkKristen Kopp, Germany’s Wild East: Constructing Poland as Colonial Space (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2012) Reviewed by Alexander WochnikSean Ireton and Caroline Schaumann, eds., Heights of Reflection: Mountains in the German Imagination from the Middle Ages to the Twenty-First Century, Studies in German Literature, Linguistics, and Culture (Rochester: Camden House, 2012). Reviewed by Wilko Graf von HardenbergFrank Uekötter, The Greenest Nation? A New History of German Environmentalism (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2014). Reviewed by Carol Hager
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Malikov, Yuriy. « The Kenesary Kasymov Rebellion (1837–1847) : A National-Liberation Movement or “a Protest of Restoration” ? » Nationalities Papers 33, no 4 (décembre 2005) : 569–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500354137.
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The history of each nation has some key periods that have drawn the attention of generations of researchers. Historians consider the Great Revolution of France, the rise of Hitler in Germany, and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia to be among the most important events, hence the events most worth studying, of these countries. Different interpretations of these events, which determined the fates of people for decades and even for centuries, cause heated debates among scholars.
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Bossong, H. V., Z. H. M. Saralieva et S. A. Sudjin. « Professionalization of social work in Germany : a reflection on the history of professional space development ». Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 7, no 4 (20 décembre 2021) : 430–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2021-4-430-439.
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The professionalisation of social work is examined using Germany as an example. The main aspects of the process are explored: professional qualifications, content aspects of professional work, resources allocated and their control, as well as empirical and theoretical research in social work. The evolution of approaches to aid motivation from ecclesiastical and Christian traditions of love for one's neighbour to institutionalised aid within the functioning of welfare states is analysed. The dynamics of approaches to the definition of neediness in order to prevent the development of social parasitism is studied, the historical continuity of forms of work with socially deprived groups is shown. The professionalization of social work is considered in socio-historical context: its connection with protest movements of neo-Marxist persuasion in 1960s and changes in the system of academic training of social work professionals with the introduction of Bologna system is analyzed. The material in this article is the result of many years of research, including participant observation by the authors. This text is the latest and the last article by Professor Horst Bossong, one of Germany's leading specialists in social work, social policy and administration. The article summarizes the author's long-standing interest in the history and philosophy of social work, which reflects major milestones in the spiritual evolution and economic development of contemporary European societies.
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JANSEN, PETER-ERWIN. « The Frankfurt School’s Interest in Freud and the Impact of Eros and Civilization on the Student Protest Movement in Germany : A Brief History ». PhaenEx 4, no 2 (3 janvier 2010) : 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/p.v4i2.2915.
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The essay focuses on the impact of Marcuse’s Eros and Civilization in Germany in 1968. First, the essay discusses how Freud’s theory was used in the late twenties at the Institute for Social Research in Frankfurt. Then, it focuses on how certain of Adorno and Horkheimer’s ideas were developed in Eros and Civilization. Finally, it shows how Marcuse’s work became relevant for the intellectual development of the student movement in Germany.
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Türkoğlu, Didem. « Student protests and organised labour : Developing a research agenda for mobilisation in late neoliberalism ». Current Sociology 67, no 7 (12 septembre 2019) : 997–1017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119865768.
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Students have a long history of protesting the introduction or rise of tuition fees. However, political parties do not often endorse their demands. Even the centre-left, which is known for its redistributive policies, does not necessarily ally itself with the student opposition to fees. In this article, the author focuses on the impact of social movement–organised labour alliances on the opposition of political parties to government policy. The author argues that such alliances have a unique impact on centre-left parties, especially in relation to non-labour issues. Two examples of this alliance are presented, emerging from the quite different political contexts of Germany and Turkey. In Germany, student movements failed to block the introduction of tuition fees in 2006. However, in 2008–2011, after students established a deeper alliance with organised labour, tuition fees were scrapped. In Turkey, student movements had been protesting tuition fees for a quarter of a century before an alliance with labour gained the support of social democrats in 2011. These case studies suggest that labour–movement alliances are effective in shifting social democratic politics in higher education policy because of labour’s experience and know-how in alliance building with centre-left parties and the student mobilisation’s potential to make tuition fees an electoral issue cross-cutting party allegiances. This finding suggests that scholars need to take the degree of engagement in opposition alliances into account, in addition to union density, in order to more accurately measure the political power of organised labour. This point has implications for analysing a variety of policy outcomes in policy areas exposed to permanent austerity measures.
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Johansson, Perry. « Resistance and Repetition : The Holocaust in the Art, Propaganda, and Political Discourse of Vietnam War Protests ». Cultural History 10, no 1 (avril 2021) : 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0233.
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The Western European protest movement against the American War in Vietnam stands out as something unique in contemporary history. Here finally, after all the senseless horrors of the twentieth century, reason speaks, demanding an end to Western atrocities against the poor South. But in the rosy fog of humanistic idealism and youthful revolution lies the unanswered question, why did this and not any other conflicts, before or after, render such an intense, widespread reaction? Taking Sweden as a case in point, this article employs the concepts of resistance, trauma, memory, and repetition to explore why the Vietnam movement came into being just as the buried history of the Holocaust resurfaced in a series of well-publicized trials of Nazi war criminals. It suggests that the protests of the radical young Leftists against American “imperialism” and “genocide” were informed by repressed memories of the Holocaust. The Swedish anti-war protests had unique and far-reaching consequences. The ruling Social Democratic Party, in order not to lose these younger Left wing voters to Communism, also engaged actively against the Vietnam War. And, somewhat baffling for a political party often criticized for close ties to Nazi Germany during WWII, its messaging used the same rhetoric as the Far Left, echoing Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda.
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Milder, Stephen. « Thinking Globally, Acting (Trans-)Locally : Petra Kelly and the Transnational Roots of West German Green Politics ». Central European History 43, no 2 (13 mai 2010) : 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891000004x.
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Thousands of demonstrators crowded Trafalgar Square on a chilly April afternoon in 1978 to protest the planned expansion of nuclear fuel reprocessing operations at the Windscale Reactor in rural Cumbria. Toward the end of the rally, a young woman faced the mass of protestors from behind the podium. “I am here to bring you greetings of solidarity from the various European, Australian, and Japanese anti-nuclear movements,” she announced. She explained that the movements whose greetings she brought to London represented “a great wave of transnational determination to put a stop to Windscale, to put a stop to a nuclearized, militarized Europe.” Within the next few moments, she described the contours of this “transnational wave.” She took her audience from Aboriginal territory in Australia, where Green Ban strikes interfered with uranium mining, to the nonviolent demonstrations against reactor construction in German villages, and back to Windscale, where protesters demanded a stop to nuclear fuel reprocessing. In the few minutes she stood at the podium, Petra Kelly narrated an around-the-world journey that had taken her most of the previous two decades to complete.
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Peck, Jeffrey M. « Dedication to an Influential Generation of Germanists : The Transfer of Knowledge from Germans to Jews in American German Studies ». German Politics and Society 23, no 1 (1 mars 2005) : 189–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889129.
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In the 1960s and 1970s on both sides of the Atlantic, the American involvement in Vietnam and the demand for political and social change in response to these policies translated into activism on university campuses. Berkeley and Berlin became synonymous with protest; Mario Savio and Rudi Dutschke became the heroes of these student movements. However, this first postwar generation of German students at this time also was entangled in an additional personal and political crisis prompted by the war, namely their parents' and grandparents' past, the infamous Vergangenheitsbewältigung of the Third Reich. These children—born in the thirties and early forties (most in the war years themselves)—faced an older generation who not only instigated a world war but also participated, either implicitly or explicitly, in the persecution and extermination of six million Jews and other so-called undesirables. It was a harsh and painful time for these young people and their elders, the latter who were attacked for their complicity and the former who were accused of hubris.
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Karapin, Roger. « Protest and Reform in Asylum Policy : Citizen Initiatives versus Asylum Seekers in German Municipalities, 1989-1994 ». German Politics and Society 21, no 2 (1 juin 2003) : 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353493.
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Many writers have argued that anti-immigration politics in Germanyand other West European countries have been driven by radical-rightparties or the electoral maneuvering of national politiciansfrom established parties. Others have argued that waves of violenceagainst immigrants and ethnic minorities have spurred anti-immigrationpolitics, or that racist ideologies and socioeconomic inequalityare the root causes. By comparison, authors have paid relatively littleattention to anti-immigration mobilization at subnational levels,including the public positions taken by subnational politicians andthe activities of movement groups, or “challengers.” Nonetheless,research has shown that subnational politicians are often importantin pressing national campaigns for immigration controls. Moreover,as I have argued elsewhere, anti-immigration politicians in Britainand Germany have responded in large part to local challengers, whowere aided by political elites at local and regional levels.
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Lipold, Patrycja. « Antropologia rewolucji w RFN i Polsce w latach 1970–1979 w perspektywie porównawczej i historycznej ». Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no 22 (30 avril 2014) : 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2014.22.05.
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The nineteen seventies number among the most interesting periods of post-war times. They included the Vietnam war, the Hippie movement in the United States, the Socialist movement in Western Europe and the policy of ‘Détente’ in the East-West relationships. It was the extra-parliamentary opposition that gave birth to the extreme-left (terrorist) movements in Germany and worker protests in Poland, which, in turn, set about fighting the authorities and changing the relationships in their country. It was a time of rapid, dynamic changes and involvement. In the opinion of the participants in those processes themselves, they brought about a release, they constituted an apotheosis of a freedom such as they would probably never again experience in their lifetimes. These were the years of anti-authoritarian rebellion, of risking one’s own life and of international contacts of various kinds; they were the years which were to change the two countries and their history forever. The Rote Armee Fraktion (Red Army Faction) in Germany and the Workers’ Defence Committee in Poland were the two groups which spurred the great mobilisation of the societies in both countries. They provoked the events which were talked about, which were lived, the events which, transforming themselves into a great cause-and-effect machine, introduced changes that gave rise to effects, we have continued to experience to this day. Both groups had a similar genesis; they were rooted in political opposition and revolutionary purpose and they brought about immense consequences for the two societies, for politicians and for history.
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Eley, G. « Protest Movements in 1960s West Germany : A Social History of Dissent and Democracy. By Nick Thomas (Oxford and New York : Berg, 2003. xvi plus 277 pp. $79.95 [cloth], $26.95 [paper]) ». Journal of Social History 38, no 3 (1 mars 2005) : 776–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2005.0029.
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Mathews, William Carl. « The Economic Origins of the Noskepolitik ». Central European History 27, no 1 (mars 1994) : 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900009687.
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On 29 December 1918 Gustav Noske was appointed as a People's Commissar and charged with command of the armed forces in Germany. Within days Noske was confronted with an armed in surrection in Berlin, the so-called Spartacist Uprising, and subsequent revolutionary outbreaks in Bremen, Braunschweig, and the Ruhr, where sympathy for the events in Berlin existed. Relying on volunteer units, the Free Corps (drawn from war veterans, students, and the middle classes), Noske developed a powerful army on which he could rely to suppress the revolutionary violence from the Left. Using military force and martial law, he reestablished order throughout Germany in 1919 and 1920. The results of the so-called Noskepolitik were at best mixed. Mass movements based on the councils (Räte), often identified as “bolshevism’ by Noske and his contemporaries, were indeed suppressed, but the price was very high: counterrevolution and right-wing terror developed to the point that massive protests were provoked among wide segments of the working class. Bloodshed ensued, including the political murders of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht by members of the Free Corps. Many workers became alienated from the newly formed Weimar Republic, while the Reichswehr drifted into hostility toward the young democracy, and some units joined in the Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch in March 1920. Noske, already under serious criticism from his own party, the Social Democrats, was forced to resign because of his inability to control the army and guarantee its loyalty to the Republic.
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IDDON, MARTIN. « Trying To Speak : Between Politics and Aesthetics, Darmstadt 1970–1972 ». Twentieth-Century Music 3, no 2 (septembre 2006) : 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572207000485.
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AbstractIn the historiography of the Darmstadt Ferienkurse, the 1970s, when they are examined at all, are generally regarded as a period of stagnation, between the fervour of serial activity in the 1950s and the resurgence of the courses in the 1980s under the banner of various inflections of New Complexity. Yet, in a period of political upheaval after 1968, dissent was felt at Darmstadt too, and protests in 1970 and 1972 saw the institution at its most politically volatile. These protest movements caused the courses’ director, Ernst Thomas, to institute wide-scale changes in their structure and content. Key roles in these protests were taken by journalists: indeed, clear parallels can be drawn between the seemingly egalitarian calls from journalists for Mitbestimmung (co-determination) at Darmstadt and the similar demands being made by their trade unions in the West German federation. Thomas’s failure to deal with journalistic pressure and his heavy-handed treatment of individual protesters (notably Reinhard Oehlschlägel) meant that, shrewd and durable though his reinvention of the courses was, it would be only in 1982, with the accession of a new director, that the press would begin to speak positively about the Darmstadt courses once more. A close reading of these two protests shows the sometime ‘citadel of the avant-garde’ at a distinctly precarious moment in its history. At the time, some felt that such protests could lead to the demise of the courses, and it was far from clear whether Thomas’s reforms would be successful. But, even within this period of uncertainty, the Darmstadt Ferienkurse were anything but stagnant.
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Wåhlin, Vagn. « Folkelige og sociale bevægelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forståelser ». Grundtvig-Studier 54, no 1 (1 janvier 2003) : 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v54i1.16435.
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Folkelige og sociale bevagelser. Nyere forskningsretninger og kvalitative forstaelser[Popular and Social Movements. Recent Research Approaches and Qualitative Interpretations]By Vagn WahlinHowever fascinating Grundtvig himself is as a central figure in 19th century Denmark, we, the citizens of the Third Millennium, have to ask why and how he is also interesting today and how his word, work and influence spread. Part of the answer to that fundamental question lies in the fact that he was the right man at the right place at the right time, with the right tidings to tell some clergymen and many peasant farmers on their dominant, middle size, family farms that they were the core of the nation. But part of the answer is to be found in the fact that his followers managed to elevate him to the influencing position as an inspirer and prophet of a broad popular movement that lasted for generations after his death. This popular, national and Christian movement of the Grundtvigians interacted in the social and political development of more than a hundred years with the other broad popular and ideological movements of Denmark such as the Labour Movement, the more Evangelical movement of the Home Mission, the Temperance movements, the Suffragists and women’s organizations, the associations of the world of sport, the political and youth organizations, etc. They were all active on the local level and soon also on the national level and, from the 1880s and onwards, established more firm organizations and institutions to deal with practical matters such as schools, boy scouts, community houses, soccer stadiums, magazines, newspapers, political associations, trade unions, as well as organized economic and anticapitalistic activities by co-operative dairies, breweries, slaughterhouses, export companies etc. As long as the agrarian sector of society (until around 1960-1970) dominated the national export to pay for the large import of society, that pattern of popular movements, also in the urban industry, influenced most of Danish history and life - and is still most influential in today’s post-modern society.During absolutism (1660-1848), organized social activities and associations were forbidden or strictly controlled. Yet a growing and organized public debate appeared in Copenhagen in late 18th century, followed by literary and semi-political associations amongst the enlightened, urban bourgeoisie. Around 1840 the liberals had organized themselves into urban associations and through newspapers. They were ready to take over the power of the society and the state, but could only do so through an alliance with the peasant farmers in 1846 followed by the German uprising in 1848 by the liberals in Schleswig-Holstein.In Denmark there existed a rather distinct dividing line - economic, cultural, social and in terms of political power - between two dominant sectors of society: Copenhagen, totally dominant in the urban sector, in contrast to the agrarian world, where 80% of the population lived.In the urban as well as in the agrarian sectors of society, the movements mostly appeared to be a local protest against some modernization or innovative introductions felt as a threat to religious or material interests - except for a few cases, where the state wanted an enlightened debate as in the Royal Agrarian Society of 1769. Whether the said local protesters won or lost, their self organization in the matter could lead to a higher degree of civil activity, which again could lead to the spread of their viewpoints and models of early organization. The introduction of civil liberties by the Constitution of 1849 made it more easy and acceptable for the broad masses of society to organize. However, with the spread of organizations and their institutions in the latter part of the 19th century, an ethical and social understanding arose that the power of the organized citizens should be extended from the special or vested interests of the founding group to the benefit of the whole of society and of all classes.So everybody who contributes positively, little or much, to the upholding and development of Danish society should be benefited and embraced by the popular movements. Around 1925 the Labour Movement as the last and largest in number and very influential had finally accepted that ethical point of view and left the older understanding of the suppressed army of toiling and hungry workers. The people, the ‘folk’, and the country of all classes had then been united into ‘Danmark for folket’ (a Denmark o f by and fo r the people).So while a social movement may be an organization of mere protest or vested interests or a short-lived phenomena, a ‘folkelig bevagelse’ (popular movement) became what it was at first - in the understanding of the majority of the Danes, but not in the eyes of the 19th century bourgeois and landowner elite - a positive label. It is still so today, though it is now questioned by many of the more internationally-minded members of the new elite. The word ‘folk’ in the term ‘folkelig bevagelse’ is so highly valued that nearly all political parties of today have included it in their names. For the majority of people, Danish and popular and movements stand for the organized societal activity of those who accept the language, history, culture including religion, landscapes, national symbols, etc. of Denmark and who incorporate all this as a valid part of their self-understanding just as they actively take part in the mutual responsibility for their fellow countrymen. This general attitude is most clearly demonstrated when it is severely breached by some individual or group.With the addition of the Church and the Christian dimension, we have what is the essence of Grundtvig’s heritage. Without this source of inspiration, the popular movements up to a generation ago would have been different and perhaps of less importance, and without the popular movements, Grundtvig’s influence would have been less important in Denmark of the last hundred years. We may best understand this as a process of mutual dependency and of a mutual societal interaction.
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Aydin, Ulviyye. « The Syrian Refugee Crisis : New Negotiation Chapter In European Union-Turkey Relations ». Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no 2 (juillet 2016) : 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.2.102.
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Syria is one of the countries where a revolution wave named Arab Spring uprose in early 2011. The most radical discourse from Arab Spring into the still ongoing civil wars took place in Syria as early as the second half of 2011. At the beginning it was a civil protest against Assad’s government. Nobody could not estimate the future developments in Syria. The cost of the war in Syria increases every day. More than 250,000 Syrians have lost their lives in four-and-a-half years of armed conflict, which began with anti-government protests before escalating into a full-scale civil war. More than 11 million others have been forced from their homes as forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those opposed to his rule battle each other - as well as jihadist militants from Islamic State. Mixed featured developments and longer resistance of Assad’s regime than estimated escalated tension in Syria in last four and half years. As a result, many countries in the Middle East, such as Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, also Turkey, Serbia, Germany, Sweden, Hungary, Austria, Netherlands, Bulgaria are the sides that should pay a cost of the Syrian war. These states spend a remarkable budget for the Syrian refugees. Economic expenditure is just one dimension of Syrian refugee crisis. Movement of Syrian refugees to the European countries passing Turkish borders is one of the biggest migration crisis of the modern world history. Considering multifaced impacts of the migration, the aim of this paper is to analyze the Syrian refugee crisis as a new negotiation headline between the Europan Union and Turkey.
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Alexopoulou, Maria. « Non-Citizens Protests in Germany since the 1980s ». Moving the Social 66 (31 octobre 2021) : 53–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.53-87.
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This article focuses on three specific episodes of non-citizen protests in the Federal Republic of Germany. The common characteristic of these protests, fought out by different groups in different contexts and at different times, was a “claim to the political,” which were made visible through a demonstration of a precarious civil rights status. Embedded in a long history of racial knowledge about the German and its Other, these migrant protests indicate how essential “performative forms of power” are for individuals and groups without the specific political rights that remain the prerogative of nation-bound citizens. Special attention is paid to transgressions that delegitimized these non-citizen protests even in the eyes of some of their supporters and to actions that are considered illegal by established law, and are thus classified as unwelcome. Instead of providing a closed narrative or recounting the history of migrant protests, the goal here is to add more pieces to the unwritten history of the (ongoing) migrant civil rights movement in Germany.
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Ольга Матвіївна Білобровець. « THE POSITION OF THE POLISH POLITICAL FORCES IN UKRAINE ON COOPERATION WITH THE UKRAINIAN AUTHORITIES (THE END OF 1917 - 1918) ». Intermarum history policy culture, no 5 (1 janvier 2018) : 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11185.
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At the end of 1917, the main directions of the Polish social movement - conservative, nationalist, liberal-democratic and socialist - were presented in Ukraine. The ideological delineation of Polish political forces in Ukraine took place in the summer of 1917. The representatives of the liberal-democratic camp, the left-wing Socialists and the PPP-faction supported the policy of the Ukrainian Central Rada and became part of the Ukrainian government structures. The opposites in the basic ideological principles led to the exclusion from the participation of nationalist and conservative forces in the authorities. The Liberal Democrats campaigned for cooperation with the Ukrainian authorities and were represented in legislative and executive bodies of power. The leftist socialists, refusing to cooperate with the Ukrainian authorities after the Bolshevik coup, solidarized with the Bolsheviks on the basis of common class interests.The signing of the Brest peace led to the negative attitude of Polish political forces to it, through the condition of the accession of the Kholmshchyna and western Volhynia to Ukraine. The Conservatives and the nationalists protested, the Democrats and the PPP faction left the UCR, but continued to work in government structures to protect the interests of the Polish population. The coming to power of the conservative forces headed by Hetman P. Skoropadsky was supported by the Polish conservatives and the departure from the cooperation of the liberals. Provision of order in Ukraine with the help of German troops was positively perceived by the conservative circles - Polish landowners and bourgeoisie. The withdrawal of German troops from the Ukrainian lands after the defeat of Germany in the war, the armed struggle of the Russian Bolsheviks, the forces of the UNR and the army of Denikin ended with the establishment of the Bolshevik authorities in Ukraine, which resulted in the departure of most of the political and public figures.
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Charmley, John. « Duff Cooper and Western European union, 1944–47. » Review of International Studies 11, no 1 (1 janvier 1985) : 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114366.
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Duff Cooper fell in love with France during his first visit to Paris in 1900 and he remained faithful to her for the rest of his life. The fact that Paris in 1900 was deeply Anglophobic, because of the Boer war, had no effect upon Cooper's feelings for the city. His affection for France was no fair-weather plant. It was deepened by the experience of nine months in the trenches in the Great War and was, thereafter, proof against all discouragements. As a young Foreign Office clerk in 1923 he did not join in the fashionable disparagement of France inspired by the French occupation of the Ruhr. As Minister of War from 1935 to 1937 he fought for the creation of a British army which would be large enough to play a continental role and later, as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was a leading advocate of Anglo-French co-operation. After his resignation in protest against the Munich agreement, Cooper spent his time fostering the idea of an Anglo-French alliance as the corner-stone of a European combination against Hitler's Germany. His love for France even survived the fall of France in June 1940 and, at a time when many francophiles were repenting of their former faith. Cooper renewed his pledges of devotion. Speaking on the wireless as Minister of Information on the eve of the Franco-German armistice, he declared his faith that France would rise again: ‘This is not the first time that a great nation has been defeated and has recovered from defeat. They have fought with heroism against superior numbers and superior weapons; their losses have been terrible.’ At the Ministry of Information Cooper was one of the earliest patrons of General de Gaulle and his Free French Movement. Given such a long history of Francophilia what could have been more natural than that he should have been appointed as Britain's first post-war ambassador to France. It was not, however, quite so simple as that.
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Douglas, Christina. « Te-aftnar i nationens tjänst ». Tidskrift för genusvetenskap 37, no 3 (10 juin 2022) : 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v37i3.3064.
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The Baltic German women’s movement was deeply involved in the Baltic German national project between 1905 and 1919. By that time the traditional elite position of the Baltic Germans in the Baltic provinces of Imperial Russia was increasingly challenged and questioned, also with violent means. Therefore the Baltic Germans felt threatened, and the women’s organisations saw as their special mission to protect and advocate their own national character. Using Nira Yuval-Davis’s theoretical framework regarding a gendered understanding of national projects, as well as a hermeneutical approach, this article examines the relationship between the Baltic German women’s movement and the Baltic German national project between 1905 and 1919. Three examples are analysed: the establishment of the Frauenbunde in 1905, especially the Deutsche Frauenbund zu Riga; the tea evenings arranged by the Frauenbund; and finally their petition for a German annexation of the Baltic Provinces in 1917. In the endeavour to advocate their own group, the Baltic Germans drew heavily on their 700-year history and their self-image as a civilizing force. The Frauenbund worked hard to stabilise the group, for instance by actively trying to prevent that the poorer segment of the group lost their German-ness and disappeared into the Latvian nation.
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Franck, D. « Youth Protest in Nazi Germany ». Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 47, no 1 (1 janvier 2002) : 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/47.1.247.
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Chernyshev, M. V. « TRADITIONAL ECONOMIES AND SOCIAL PROTEST IN WEST GERMANY AND ITALY IN 1966-1974 ». Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no 4 (25 décembre 2019) : 475–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-4-475-482.
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Every crisis of the world capitalist economy prompts a new wave of interest in long economic cycles. In the second half of the 20 century, the emergence of new social movements and activity of «traditional» working class can be analyzed as important barometers of socio-economic development in transitional economies of European countries towards postindustrial society. In this article the author employs a theory of the dynamics of protest waves developed by Ruud Koopmans to analyse social processes in West Germany and Italy between 1966 and 1974. Special attention is given to study of different types of social protest movements: spontaneous, semi-military groups and those affiliated with political parties. A special emphasis is put on showing how the protest wave started with confrontational actions, subsequently entered a phase of moderate mass mobilization, and ended up with a twin process of institutionalization and radicalization.
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Schmaltz, Eric J. « Reform, “Rebirth” and Regret : The Rise and Decline of the Ethnic-German Nationalist Wiedergeburt Movement in the USSR and CIS, 1987–1993 ». Nationalities Papers 26, no 2 (juin 1998) : 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408561.
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In early 1989, the Soviet Germans established the Wiedergeburt (“Rebirth”) All-Union Society. An umbrella-organization originally designed to protect and advance ethnic-German interests in the USSR, the “Rebirth” Society adopted the most effective legal means by which it could confront the regime—namely, political dissent based on Lenin's notion of national self-determination. The “Rebirth” movement evolved in this context and represented the fifteenth-largest Soviet nationality numbering more than two million in the 1989 Soviet census. By 1993, official membership in the “Rebirth” Society included nearly 200,000 men and women. Ironically, at the very moment the Soviet Germans became more politically conscious, the Soviet Union and the ethnic-German community were disintegrating.
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Botsch, Gideon. « Taking Nativism to the Streets ». Moving the Social 66 (31 octobre 2021) : 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.43-62.
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In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary remark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigration in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.
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Milder, Stephen. « Between Grassroots Protest and Green Politics : The Democratic Potential of the 1970s Antinuclear Activisim ». German Politics and Society 33, no 4 (1 décembre 2015) : 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330403.
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This article narrates the development of the antinuclear movement from the bottom up, showing how local protests initiated changes in Germans' ideas about democracy and public participation, precipitating the Green Party's emergence. The narrative begins with the pre-history of the 1975 occupation of the Wyhl reactor site in Southern Baden. It shows that vintners' concerns about the future of their livelihoods underpinned protests at Wyhl, but argues that the anti-reactor coalition grew in breadth after government officials' perceived misconduct caused local people to connect their agricultural concerns with democracy matters. It then explains how local protests like the Wyhl occupation influenced the formation of the German Green Party in the late 1970s, showing how the sorts of convergences that occurred amidst “single issue” protests like the anti-Wyhl struggle enabled a wide variety of activists to come together in the new party. Thus, the article argues that particular, local concerns initiated a rethinking of participation in electoral politics. Far from fracturing society, these local concerns promoted diverse new coalitions and shaped an inclusive approach to electoral politics.
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Benford, Robert D., et T. K. Oommen. « Protest and Change : Studies in Social Movements. » Social Forces 70, no 3 (mars 1992) : 835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579762.
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Dalton, Russell. « Protest Politics in Germany : Movements on the Left and Right Since the 1960s ». Contemporary Sociology : A Journal of Reviews 37, no 5 (septembre 2008) : 470–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610803700544.
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Jobs, Richard Ivan. « Youth Movements : Travel, Protest, and Europe in 1968 ». American Historical Review 114, no 2 (avril 2009) : 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.376.
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Zwerman, Gilda, Patricia Steinhoff et Donatella Porta. « Disappearing Social Movements : Clandestinity in The Cycle of new Left Protest in The U.S., Japan, Germany, and Italy ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 5, no 1 (1 mars 2000) : 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.1.0w068105721660n0.
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Research on social movements has paid little attention to the dynamics of clandestine mobilization as an integral element ofprotest cycles. Studies ofsixteen New Left clandestine groups in Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United States demonstrate strong commonalities in the processes ofgoing underground and staying underground. Activists move from the public to the clandestine realm as a result of increased repression at the protest cycle's peak, commitment to specific ideological frames, and personal ties. Identity conflicts specific to underground roles and other aspects ofunderground life influence the nature ofclandestine violence, further affecting the protest cycle's course.
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Lai, Daniela. « Practicing Solidarity : ‘Reconciliation’ and Bosnian Protest Movements ». Ethnopolitics 19, no 2 (23 août 2019) : 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1653016.
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Jung, Jai. « Disentangling Protest Cycles : An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 15, no 1 (1 février 2010) : 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.
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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initial phase of social movement mobilization, rather than throughout the movement's lifespan. What explains declining frequencies of protest occurrence during the demobilization phase is the joint effect of two internal factors: the institutionalization of social movements and the growing violence during protests.
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Brock, Peter, et April Carter. « Peace Movements : International Protest and World Politics since 1945. » American Historical Review 98, no 2 (avril 1993) : 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166860.
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Hall, Simon. « Protest Movements in the 1970s : The Long 1960s ». Journal of Contemporary History 43, no 4 (octobre 2008) : 655–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009408095421.
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Danbom, David B., Patrick H. Mooney et Theo J. Majka. « Farmers' and Farm Workers' Movements : Social Protest in American Agriculture. » Journal of American History 82, no 4 (mars 1996) : 1546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945323.
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Gahr, Joshua, et Michael Young. « Evangelicals and Emergent Moral Protest ». Mobilization : An International Quarterly 19, no 2 (1 juin 2014) : 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.19.2.r51v21rj4527m450.
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This article provides a comparative analysis of two religiously inspired protests that fed broader social movements: the "rebellion" of immediate abolitionists at Lane Seminary in Cincinnati in 1834 and the new-left "breakthrough" at the Christian Faith-and-Life Community in Austin in 1960. The two cases are examples of moral protests breaking out of Protestant institutions and shaping social movements. From the comparison, we draw general lessons about the meso- and micro-level processes of activist conversions. We show how processes of "rationalization" and "subjectivation" combined in the emergence of new contentious moral orders. We apply these lessons to help explain the creative interactions of evangelical Protestants in the history of American moral protest. Our approach accords with pragmatist and new social movement theories of emergent moral orders.