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1
Tompkins, Andrew S. « 'Better active today than radioactive tomorrow!' : transnational opposition to nuclear energy in France and West Germany, 1968-1981 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4af6ec03-08ba-4c3f-a8c9-fffc4f26aa34.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the opposition to civil nuclear energy in France and West Germany during the 1970s, arguing that small-scale interactions among its diverse participants led to broad changes in their personal lives and political environments. Drawing extensively on oral history interviews with former activists as well as police reports, media coverage and protest ephemera, this thesis shows how individuals at the grassroots built up a movement that transcended national (and social) borders. They were able to do so in part because nuclear power was such a multivalent symbol at the time. Residents of towns near planned power stations felt that nuclear technology represented an intervention in their community by state and industry, a potential threat to their health, wealth and way of life. In the decade after 1968, concerns like these coalesced with criticisms of capitalism, the state, militarism and consumer society that were being made by a more politicised constituency. This made the anti-nuclear movement both broad-based and highly fragmented. Activist networks linked people across existing national, political and social boundaries, but the social world of activism was subject to its own divisions (such as between locals and outsiders or between militant and non-violent activists). By analysing both the transnational dimensions and internal divisions of the anti-nuclear movement, this thesis revises the homogenising concepts of social movements that are prevalent in much of the existing sociological and political science literature. At the same time, it situates the anti-nuclear movement historically within the decade of upheaval that was the 1970s, while moving individual activists from the margins to the centre of protest history.
2
Hayes, Graeme. « Environmental protest and the State in France ». Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New York : Palgrave MacMillan, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/hol031/2002022421.html.
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3
Saito, Suzanne. « Student protest in France, 1986-1999 : an interpretation using theories of protest and social movements ». Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.427069.
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4
Fung, Chi-ming. « History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 / ». Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.
Texte intégral
5
au, M. Tanji@murdoch edu, et Miyume Tanji. « The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle : The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest ». Murdoch University, 2003. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040510.152840.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of peoples protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawas enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three waves of a post-war Okinawan struggle against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawas annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972.
This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united Okinawan struggle, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawas distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups.
The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers unions and political parties, is consistent with the new social movement theory. This theorys emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island.
Crucially, though, the idea of an Okinawan struggle has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an Okinawan struggle, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently
by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an Okinawan struggle would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
6
Malamidis, Theocharis. « From protest to production : enlarging the boundaries of social movements in crisis-ridden Greece ». Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86218.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The recent economic crisis had severe consequences for the countries of the European South; at its epicenter, Greece experienced tremendous economic, social and political transformations. The imposition of harsh austerity measures resulted in the sharp increase of unemployment, the dissolution of labor rights, budget reductions in health and education and the broader deconstruction of the former welfare state. At the same time, these measures were welcomed by a polymorphous movement against austerity. The square movement, continuous national strikes as well as large scale protests and demonstrations have carved out a contentious environment in Greece’s crisis-ridden landscape. These protest events brought new activists in the streets and transformed the criticism against austerity to a broader distaste for the neoliberal representative democracy.
Confronted with the impoverishment of large segments of the Greek population, the anti-austerity mobilizations gave birth to new grassroots solidarity structures. Barter clubs, markets without middlemen, collective kitchens, social clinics, workers’ collectives and social cooperatives constitute only a few examples. Together with the eruption of these new initiatives, traditional social movement organizations (SMOs) shift their focus towards the provision of service-oriented repertoires. This process witnesses the enlargement of previously stable practical and conceptual boundaries. In line with post-modern accounts, this thesis argues that previously clear-cut boundaries, which used to distinguish the different roles within the social movement communities, become fluid, while the relationship between social movements and institutional actors gets blurred. The process of boundary enlargement in Greece is represented by the incorporation of service-oriented practices within the SMOs’ repertoires of action, something which is further accelerated due to the conditions of crisis and austerity.
By focusing on the social movement scenes of health, food and labor, this inquiry explores the contentious dynamics and mechanisms that contributed to the enlargement of the SMOs’ boundaries. Through qualitative field research in SMOs in Athens and Thessaloniki, we analyze the changes in terms of their organizational structure, resources and identities. Additionally, by emphasizing the similarities and differences in their trajectories, we shed light on the new dilemmas that SMOs are faced with, providing a substantial explanation of how the crisis has affected the passage from the politics of protest to the politics of production.
7
Tanji, Miyume. « The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle : the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest ». Thesis, Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle : the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/334/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972.
This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups.
The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island.
Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
8
Tanji, Miyume. « The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle : the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest / ». Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle : the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/334/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972.
This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups.
The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island.
Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
9
Chapman, Ron. « Fighting for the forests : a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001 ». Thesis, Chapman, Ron (2008) Fighting for the forests : a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/724/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the first comprehensive study of Western Australian forest protest the thesis analyses the protest movement's organisation, campaigns and strategies. Its central argument is that the contemporary Western Australian forest protest movement established a network of urban and south-west activist groups which encouraged broad public support, and that a diversity of protest strategies focused public attention on forest issues and pressured the state government to change its forest policies. The forest protest movement was characterised by its ability to continually adapt its organisation and strategies to changing social and political conditions. This flexible approach to protest not only led to victories in the Shannon River Basin, Lane-Poole Reserve and old growth forest campaigns, but also transformed forest protest into an influential social movement which contributed to the downfall of the Court Liberal Government in 2001.
10
Chapman, Ron. « Fighting for the forests : a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001 / ». Chapman, Ron (2008) Fighting for the forests : a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/724/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
As the first comprehensive study of Western Australian forest protest the thesis analyses the protest movement's organisation, campaigns and strategies. Its central argument is that the contemporary Western Australian forest protest movement established a network of urban and south-west activist groups which encouraged broad public support, and that a diversity of protest strategies focused public attention on forest issues and pressured the state government to change its forest policies. The forest protest movement was characterised by its ability to continually adapt its organisation and strategies to changing social and political conditions. This flexible approach to protest not only led to victories in the Shannon River Basin, Lane-Poole Reserve and old growth forest campaigns, but also transformed forest protest into an influential social movement which contributed to the downfall of the Court Liberal Government in 2001.
11
Summerlin, Heidi Robin. « "'We Will Not be Moved!' : The 1968 Student Occupation of Columbia University and Its Influence on Protest Movements Around the Western World" ». Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1407711838.
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12
Deters, Matthew J. « Preventing Violent Unrest : Student Protest at the University of Toledo, 1965-1972 ». Toledo, Ohio : University of Toledo, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1270585177.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Toledo, 2010.Typescript. "Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Education Degree in Higher Education." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Title from title page of PDF document. Bibliography: p. 96-109.
13
Carle, Emmanuelle. « Gabrielle Duchêne et la recherche d'une autre route : entre le pacifisme féministe et l'antifascisme ». Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85894.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Our work is a feminist biography of Gabrielle Duchene (1870-1954), feminist activist, unionist, pacifist, antifascist, fellow traveller of the French Communist Party and an innovator as a propagandist. She represents one of the few personalities of the interwar period to symbolize the ideological congruence of these movements and to have tried to find a solution, another way, to the clash of their contradictions. All along her engagement, Gabrielle Duchene will make non-conventional choices. The objective of our research is to analyze her atypical reactions in order to put the multi-marginalization process into context and to understand all the influences in the creation of her amalgamated pacifism. The term 'multi-marginalization' is employed to name the exclusion or mistrust toward Gabrielle Duchene, openly expressed or not, by more than one social or political group. These exclusions generally come from the non-conformist reactions of Gabrielle Duchene. The example of her support to the Feminist Pacifist Congress held at The Hague, in 1915, is revealing: her choice is rejected by the majority of the French bourgeois feminists. What Gabrielle Duchene proposes to transcend the divisions with is her amalgamated pacifism: the fusion of the feminist, pacifist, antifascist (procommunist) principles, allowing to reconcile the points of view and the different methods of action in a common goal.One of the most important factors of Gabrielle Duchene's activism is the impact of the Russian experience and the communist control on her integral pacifism. From 1927 to 1931, she develops a tinged pacifism, characterized by a change of rhetoric, influenced by the manipulation mechanisms put into place by the communists. As of 1932, she takes part in the antifascist movement, controlled by the communists, without however abandoning her feminist pacifism. The analysis of the different periods of activism of Gabrielle Duchene allows us to consider women's activities, still largely unexplored, in antifascist and communist history, and to demonstrate the convergence between the antifascist and the feminist pacifist movements in the 1930s. Moreover, our research takes a 'gendered' perspective. We use gender as an analytical tool, and not as an analytical category, in order to understand our subject as a sexualized being, whose activist and social experiences are defined by the inequalities resulting from this differentiation.
14
Vaught, Seneca. « NARROW CELLS AND LOST KEYS : THE IMPACT OF JAILS AND PRISONS ON BLACK PROTEST, 1940-1972 ». Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1162336938.
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15
Fung, Chi-ming, et 馮志明. « History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river deltaof South China, 1874-1992 ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B17537058.
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16
McNamara, Sara. « Posters, Politics and immigration during the May 1968 Protests in France ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/110.
Texte intégralRésumé :
How were immigrants, immigrant issues and their histories represented through radical poster art created during the 1968 protests and strikes in France? The May 1968 protests remain one of the most significant moments in contemporary French history and it occurred during a time when immigrant populations were rapidly increasing. There is a multitude of research, analysis and reflections on the protests and strikes; yet there is very little mention of the place of immigrants during this event. Art collectives that were created during the protests designed and produced posters that later became a symbol of the strike. By using a variety of primary and secondary sources including small press publications, interviews, manifestos, historical and artistic secondary soured this work argues that it is during this social movement that immigrants and immigrant issues entered French social discourse and this can be seen by exploring the messages presented in the posters.
17
Murphy, Oliver Michael. « Race, violence, and nation : African nationalism and popular politics in South Africa's Eastern Cape, 1948-1970 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711668.
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18
Pride, Aaron N. « Religious Ideology in Racial Protest, 1901-1934 : The Origin of African American Neo-Abolitionist Christianity in the Religious Thought of William Monroe Trotter and in the Public Rhetoric of the Boston Guardian in the struggle for Civil Rights ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1543232668594518.
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19
Papadogiannis, Nikolaos. « Greek communist youth and the politicisation of leisure, 1974-1981 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609016.
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20
Fink, Rachael. « France and the Soviet Union : Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism ». Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
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21
Kramer, Joshua L. « Grass Roots Urbanism : An Overview of the Squatters Movement in West Berlin during the 1970S and 1980S ». Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1522764873720766.
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22
Langlois, Suzanne 1954. « La résistance dans le cinéma français de fiction (1944-1994) / ». Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42073.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The subject of this doctoral dissertation is a thematic study of the representation of the Resistance in French fiction films since 1944. This work encompasses the larger fields of history and memory of the Resistance and the Second World War. It is a cinematographic historiography which explores 50 years of film production about the French Resistance. It analyzes the historical choices put forward by film, the censorship which had to be overcome, as well as the sources it used. It also examines how film contributes to the formation of historical consciousness. These developments are compared with the written history of the Resistance. The sources for this work include both visual and written materials: films, preliminary documents, censorship files, and film criticism. Nine interviews provide an additional aspect to this corpus. The parallel drawn between the historiography of the Resistance and the films allowed for a better understanding of the fluctuating relationship between film and historical studies. Also, the examination of this filmography from the perspective of women resisters permitted filmic analysis to move beyond the traditional and politically oriented evaluations of films based on Gaullist or communist memory.
23
Bell, Janet Dewart. « African American Women Leaders in the Civil Rights Movement : A Narrative Inquiry ». Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1432029763.
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24
Howard, Christopher Allen. « Black Insurgency : The Black Convention Movement in the Antebellum United States, 1830-1865 ». University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron149929769388235.
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25
Pohl, Natalie. « Atomprotest am Oberrhein. Die Badisch-Elsässischen Bürgerinitiativen und die Auseinandersetzung um die zivile Nutzung der Atomenergie in Deutschland und Frankreich (1970-1985) ». Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040111.
Texte intégralRésumé :
La contestation antinucléaire au Rhin supérieur marqua le début des mouvements antinucléaires en France et en Allemagne. Tandis que le mouvement en Allemagne trouva bientôt un large soutien dans la société puis dans la sphère politique, le mouvement ne parvint pas à s’imposer en France. En outre, les origines du mouvement en Alsace sont presque tombées dans l’oubli. Ma thèse propose de retracer le développement du mouvement antinucléaire au Rhin supérieur. A partir d’une histoire croisée1, il s’agit d’analyser la coopération des groupes antinucléaires badois et alsaciens dans leur lutte contre l’industrialisation de la vallée du Rhin et contre la construction des centrales nucléaires le long du Rhin dans les années 1970 et 1980. Sur la base d'une analyse de la structure et des activités des initiatives des citoyens, elle examine la confrontation des militants antinucléaires avec les responsables politiques dans les deux pays, leur présence dans l’espace public, par exemple dans la presse régionale, les aspects culturels du mouvement antinucléaire ainsi que la création d'un espace public oppositionnel. Partant d’une analyse au niveau régional, j’aimais également faire des déductions sur l’évolution du mouvement antinucléaires au niveau national des deux paysProtests against nuclear power plants in the upper Rhine region in the early 1970s marked the beginning of the anti-nuclear movements in France and Western Germany. On both sides of the Rhine, citizens founded action groups to fight against the construction of nuclear power plants in Fessenheim and Wyhl and against the industrialization of the region in general. By using new forms of protest such as the peaceful occupation of construction sites, the activists had critical impact on the culture of civil protest and the evolution of the new social movements in France and especially in Western Germany. By way of a histoire croisée, this doctoral thesis takes a close look on how German and French citizens’ initiatives cooperated and which forms of protest they chose to draw the attention of the people and the governments to their cause. Various action groups from Baden and Alsace formed the “Badisch-Elsässischen Bürgerinitiativen, joining their forces to articulate their dissent towards decisions taken by the governments and the energy providers. Furthermore, the interaction and spill-over-effects between the anti-nuclear activists in the “Dreyeckland”, an imaginary region brought to life by German, French and Swiss anti-nuclear activists are examined. By stressing common cultural roots such as local dialect and the regional history, the anti-nuclear activists in the upper Rhine region tried to distinguish themselves from the authorities in Paris and Stuttgart. Finally, based on a regional study, it is analyzed which influence the citizens’ initiatives had on the anti-nuclear movements in Germany and France in general
26
Carrié, Fabien. « Parler et agir au nom des « bêtes » : production, diffusion et réception de la nébuleuse idéologique « animaliste » (France et Grande-Bretagne, 1760-2010) ». Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100171/document.
Texte intégralRésumé :
On propose une sociogenèse de la nébuleuse idéologique « animaliste », une histoire sociale de l’idée de représentation politique des bêtes au Royaume-Uni et en France depuis la seconde moitié du 18ème siècle jusqu’à la période contemporaine. Le point de départ de l’étude réside en un constat, à savoir l’existence de rapports et de représentations différenciés à l’animal de chaque côté de la Manche. Ces rapports et représentations s’objectivent dans le niveau de développement des mobilisations collectives pour la libération et le droit des animaux, puissant au Royaume-Uni, faible en France. Il s’agit ici de rendre compte des logiques sociales de production, diffusion, réception et réappropriation, d’une configuration nationale à l’autre, des acceptions successives de l’idée de porte-parolat des bêtes. L’examen des trajectoires, propriétés et positions des agents et des groupes qui se sont saisis de cette idéologie, articulé à l’analyse interne de leurs prises de position, met au jour les enjeux des luttes engagées autour de la prise de parole au nom de l’animal, la prescription des interactions appropriées entre les hommes et les bêtes permettant aux producteurs de l’idée d’affirmer, par analogies, une définition légitime du monde social . En s’attachant à suivre les processus pluriels à l’aune desquels est structurée la nébuleuse, on peut ainsi expliquer les modalités de naturalisation ou non de l’idée de porte-parolat des bêtes en France et au Royaume-Uni et rendre compte des mécanismes de l’universalisation des idéologies au sein des configurations nationalesWe propose a sociogenesis of the “animalist” ideology, a social history of the idea of political representation of animals in the United Kingdom and France since the second half of the 18th century to the contemporary period. The starting point of the study is a finding, namely the existence of differentiated reports and representations of animals on each side of the Channel. These reports and representations are objectified in the level of development of collective movements for liberation and animal rights, strong in the UK, low in France. This is to account for the social logic of production, distribution, reception and reappropriation, from a national setting to another, of the successive meanings of the idea of beasts spokesperson's. The examination of trajectories, properties and positions of agents and groups that have taken up this ideology, articulated to the internal analysis of their positions, uncovers the issues of struggles waged around the speaking on behalf of the animal, the prescription of appropriate interactions between man and beast allowing producers of the idea to assert, by analogy, a legitimate definition of the social world. Endeavoring to follow the plural processes by which the ideological nebula is structured, one can thus explain the naturalization procedures or not the idea of beasts spokesperson's in France and the UK and report mechanisms of universalisation of ideologies in national configurations
27
Izambert, Caroline. « Soigner les étrangers ? L’État et les associations pour la couverture maladie des pauvres et des étrangers en France des années 1980 à nos jours ». Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH127.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ce travail ambitionne de comprendre comment ont évolué les dispositifs qui permettent en france aux personnes de nationalité étrangère d'accéder à la prévention et aux soins en ville et à l'hôpital. nous nous demanderons comment et pourquoi sur une période longue un etat permet ou au contraire empêche l'accès d'une population majoritairement plus pauvre que la population générale, les étrangers, à un bien supérieur, la santé.l'objectif est de rendre compte du mouvement apparemment paradoxal que l'on observe depuis près d'une trentaine d'années : d'une part, des politiques migratoires de plus en plus restrictives et répressives, de l'autre, la santé devenue 'un des derniers refuges du droit' (didier fassin) pour les étrangers. cette période a été marquée par des évolutions législatives majeures, qui scanderont notre travail, notamment la mise en place de l'aide médicale d'etat et du droit au séjour pour soins en 1999. nous nous intéresserons aux acteurs étatiques, et en premier lieu, au ministère de la santé mais également à la sécurité sociale et aux associations qui ont joué un rôle double : elles ont mené un intense travail de plaidoyer pour le maintien et le perfectionnement des dispositifs d'accès aux soins et se sont vues délégués une partie de la dispense de soins auprès des populations étrangères. l'accès aux archives officielles étant limité du fait du caractère très contemporain du sujet, nous nous appuierons sur les fonds détenus par les organismes et les personnes privés ainsi que sur la constitution d'archives orales. s'il s'agit d'un travail d'histoire, nous intégrerons des données ethnographiques recueillies lors d'enquêtes de terrainIn France, the healthcare costs of undocumented foreign nationals are covered by a specific welfare benefitcalled State Medical Aid (Aide médicale d’État). This benefit was created in 2000, as part of the law onUniversal Medical Insurance (Couverture médicale universelle) which enables French nationals andundocumented foreign nationals to benefit from the state health insurance scheme (Assurance maladie) as longas they are resident in France. This thesis explores the origins of a measure created exclusively for people whosepresence on French territory is judged illegal and the impact of the existence of this particular healthcarecoverage.The approach brings together a history of public policy and an ethnography of care settings and reception centresfor undocumented foreign nationals.Part One retraces the stages involved in opening up access to the state health insurance scheme from the mid-1980s onwards. It focuses on the way in which a distinction progressively emerged between the public healthissue of undocumented people accessing healthcare, and that of poor people accessing healthcare. The role ofhumanitarian associations, notably Doctors without Borders and Doctors of the World, who opened freehealthcare centres in France from 1986 onwards, is underscored, as are their links with movements defending therights of foreigners. These processes are located within a longer history of debates about access to welfare forthe poorest going back to the nineteenth century, and the subordination of social policy to the objectives ofcontrolling migratory flows.Part Two, based on research carried out in a hospital and in a health rights organization, analyses theconsequences of the introduction of immigration administrative categories into the healthcare system as well asthe emergence of a degraded form of social citizenship for people living illegally in France
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Paternotte, David. « Sociologie politique comparée de l'ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe en Belgique, en France et en Espagne : des spécificités nationales aux convergences transnationales ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210404.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les mouvements LGBT en Belgique, en France et en Espagne à travers une double comparaison (entre les cas et à travers le temps) qui intègre également les échanges et influences transnationaux et internationaux. Elle examine l’émergence et le développement de la revendication d’ouverture du mariage civil aux couples de même sexe dans ces pays, analysant les convergences en termes de contenu des demandes et de timing des mobilisations. Par conséquent, elle porte sur des convergences au niveau des mouvements sociaux, à l’inverse de la majeure partie de la littérature, qui se concentre sur les convergences de politiques publiques. Cette situation impose de construire une grille d’analyse basée sur la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux, les politiques publiques et les relations internationales (influence des normes internationales). Le développement des revendications relatives au droit au mariage a été retracé de manière généalogique depuis la fin des années 1980. La comparaison repose sur la méthode du most different systems design et un travail empirique important combinant analyse documentaire et entretiens a été réalisé. Cette thèse confirme l’importance de l’étude des échanges et des influences internationaux et transnationaux pour comprendre la politique domestique et insiste sur l’influence cruciale du réseautage transnational sur les revendications des mouvements sociaux. Elle révèle aussi quelques cas de diffusion entre mouvements sociaux et montre comment des caractéristiques et des contraintes communes peuvent inciter les mouvements sociaux à formuler des revendications similaires. Par ailleurs, les discours en faveur du droit au mariage ont été analysés avec soin. L’émergence de cette revendication a aussi été mise en perspective sur le plan historique, ce qui implique de réfléchir aux modalités de transformation des mouvements LGBT au cours des trente dernières années. Pour terminer, la notion de citoyenneté sexuelle a été interrogée et la manière dont l’accès à la citoyenneté a été posé a été examinée à partir du concept de resignification proposé par Judith Butler. This dissertation looks at LGBT movements in Belgium, France and Spain through a double comparison (between cases and through time), which also takes into account transnational and international exchanges and influences. It investigates the simultaneous emergence and development of same-sex marriage claims in these countries, examining convergences in the content of the claims and the timing of protest. Therefore, it looks at convergences at the level of social movements, unlike most of the literature, which focuses on convergences in public policies. This specific research interests implies building an analytical model based on the literature on social movements, public policies and international relations (influence of international norms). It has also required a genealogical account of the development of same-sex marriage claims in each country from the end of the eighties until now. The comparison is based on the most different systems design method, and an extensive field work combining archives analysis and interviews has been carried out. This dissertation confirms the importance of taking into account international and transnational exchanges and influences to understand domestic politics, and insists on the crucial influence of transnational networking on social movements claims. It also discloses some cases of diffusion between social movements and shows how common characteristics and constraints may induce social movements to make similar but independent decisions. Discourses in favour of same-sex marriage have been carefully analysed, and the emergence of this claim has been put into a historical perspective. This implies a reflection on the transformations of the LGBT movement over the last thirty years. Finally, this dissertation interrogates the notion of sexual citizenship and examines the specific mechanisms through which access to citizenship has been proposed, discussing Judith Butler’s concept of resignification.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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JOHANSEN, Anja. « Bureaucrats, generals and the domestic use of military troops : patterns of civil-military co-operation concerning maintenance of public order in French and Prussian industrial areas, 1889-1914 ». Doctoral thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5846.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 20 April 1999Supervisor: Prof. Raffale Romanelli, European University Institute ; Co-supervisor: Prof. Michael Müller, University of Halle-Wittenberg ; External supervisor: Dr. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; External examiner: Prof. Peter Becker, European University Institute
First made available online 21 September 2017
The purpose of the thesis is to understand the role of the army in the management of civil conflicts within the 'democratic' republican system in France and the 'semiabsolutist' and 'militaristic' Prussian system. In both countries, existing interpretations of the domestic role of the army focus on legal-constitutional perspectives, governmental and parliamentary policy making, and social conflicts, and are often normative. However, the lack of a cross-national comparative perspective has led to a series of conclusions that are called into question when the French and Prussian cases are compared. The thesis seeks to answer the question why the authorities in French and Prussian industrial areas, when confronted with similar challenges from mass protest movements between 1889 and 1914, adopted strategies that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in maintaining public order. On the basis of empirical observations of the process of bureaucratic decision making and inter-institutional co-operation between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais, the analysis was established using a 'historical institutionalist' framework of interpretation. The thesis puts forward two main arguments: that the strategies adopted by the French and Prussian authorities in the early 1890s that involved very dissimilar roles for the army in domestic peacekeeping were linked to dissimilar perceptions of the threat to the regime. The French Republic, despite its democratic and civilian ideals, made extensive use of the army because the fragility of the regime meant that it could not afford the danger that public unrest might get out of control. Conversely, the Prussian authorities considered their regime to be sufficiently stable to experiment with strategies to deal with public unrest that did not imply military intervention, even if these strategies provided a much lower degree of control over public unrest. The other main conclusion of the study is that the repeated implementation in the French case o f strategies that involved mobilisation of the army and the implementation in the Prussian case of strategies that drew upon civil forces alone, led to different strategies, organisations and uses of forces available. Hence, veiy dissimilar patterns of inter-institutional co-operation developed between the state administration and the military authorities in Westphalia and Nord-Pas-de-Calais.
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Provenzano, Luca. « Under the Paving Stones : Militant Protest and Practices of the State in France and the Federal Republic of Germany, 1968-1977 ». Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-2wne-5223.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation investigates the protest cultures of social revolutionary groups during and after the events of 1968 in France and West Germany before inquiring into how political officials and police responded to the difficulties of maintaining public order. The events of 1968 led revolutionaries in both France and West Germany to adopt new justifications for militant action based in heterodox Marxism and anti-colonial theory, and to attempt to institutionalize new, confrontational modes of public protest that borrowed ways of knowing urban space, tactics, and materials from both the working class and armed guerrilla movements. Self-identifying revolutionaries and left intellectuals also institutionalized forums for the investigation of police interventions in protests on the basis of testimonies, photography, and art. These investigative committees regularly aimed to exploit the resonance of police violence to promote further cycles of politicization. In response, political officials and police sought after 1968 to introduce and to reinforce less ostentatious, allegedly less harmful means of crowd control and dispersion that could inflict suffering without reproducing the spectacle of mass baton assaults and direct physical confrontations—means of physical constraint less susceptible to unveiling as violence. Second, police reinforced surveillance and arrest units. The new tactics of the police borrowed their principles from the struggle against subversion, criminality, and terrorism in order to neutralize the small-group tactics of militant demonstrators. Thus, 1968 served as the point of emergence of a confrontational protest culture within the New Left that in turn provoked the re-articulation of practices of the state. It was a revolution in the counter-revolution.
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MILLER, Michael James. « Urban planning, protest and the representation of place : France and Great Britain, 1950-1980 ». Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5903.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 3 July 2000Examining Board: Prof. René Leboutte, University of Aberdeen (supervisor) ; Prof. Richard Rodger, University of Leicester ; Prof. Bo Stråth, European University Institute, Florence ; Prof. Christian Topalov, EHESS, Paris
First made available online in Open Access on 7 September 2022
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Hoerl, Kristen Elizabeth. « The death of activism ? : popular memories of 1960s protest ». Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1938.
Texte intégral
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XANTHOPOULOU, DIMITRIADOU Parthena. « Discursive movement politics of the crisis : frames, 'subjects' and cultures of sociopolitical contestation : a comparative analysis of the anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of Greece and Spain ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/54664.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 May 2018Examining Board: Prof. Donatella della Porta, SNS Florence (former EUI) | Supervisor; Prof. Olivier Roy, EUI; Prof. Maria Kousis, University of Crete; Prof. Cristina Flesher Fominaya, Loughborough University
The financial crisis of 2008, which plunged the global economy into unprecedented recession caused a dramatic downturn in economic activity and exceptionally increased political instability. In the years of the crisis civil unrest became part of the daily routine of afflicted countries around the world, reaching its peak in the global wave of anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of late 2010-2011. Protesting the politics of austerity and the diminished solvency of the political system, the mobilizations rose above the business-as-usual type of protesting and summoned an exceptionally heterogenous population raising strong demands for democratization and the political empowerment of the people. The characteristically heterogeneous constituency of the mobilizations, the characteristically broad demand for democratization and the fact that in many instances this demand was raised in sociopolitical contexts of consolidated democracies highlighted a central puzzle with three angles: What does the demand for democratization mean, when it is raised in already democratic contexts? What does the mobilizations’ demand for democracy practically imply? Who constitute the ‘subject’ of the mobilizations and through what processes have they been ‘constructed’ as a collective demanding democracy? Narrowing down the focus on the European wave of mobilizations, this research seeks to find answers to these questions by examining comparatively the antiausterity mobilizations of Greece and Spain. The hypothesis of this comparative examination is that the mobilizations’ commonly raised demands for democratization and their similar advocacies -for ‘Direct Democracy’ in Greece and ‘Real Democracy’ in Spain- are effectively filtered through the lens of nation-specific cultures of contestation. Relying on qualitative methods of analysis, this research examines patterns of contestation and relationships in the Greek and Spanish anti-austerity mobilizations and demonstrates that the Greek and Spanish movement politics of the crisis represent distinct examples of contemporary sociopolitical contestation that cannot be comprehensively understood on the basis of some sort of European -or for that matter Southern European- sameness, despite their firm embeddedness in the European wave of anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of late 2010-2011.
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Isitt, Benjamin. « Patterns of protest : property, social movements, and the law in British Columbia ». Thesis, 2018. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/9325.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Embracing a spatial and historical lens and the insights of critical legal theory, this dissertation maps the patterns of protest and the law in modern British Columbia―the social relations of adjudication—the changing ways in which conflict between private property rights and customary rights invoked by social movement actors has been contested and adjudicated in public spaces and legal arenas. From labour strikes in the Vancouver Island coal mines a century ago, to more recent protests by First Nations, environmentalists, pro- and anti-abortion activists, and urban “poor peoples’” movements, social movement actors have asserted customary rights to property through the control or appropriation of space. Owners and managers of property have responded by enlisting an array of legal remedies and an army of legal actors—lawyers, judges, police, parliaments, and soldiers—to restore control over space and assert private property rights. For most of the past century, conventional private property claims trumped the customary claims of social movements in the legal arena, provoking crises of legal legitimacy where social movement actors questioned the impartiality of judges and the fairness of adjudicative procedures. Remedies and legal technologies asserted by company lawyers, awarded by judges, and enforced by police and soldiers were often severe―from Criminal Code proscriptions against riotous assembly and deployment of military force, to the equitable remedy of the injunction and lengthy prison sentences following criminal contempt proceedings. But this pattern shows signs of change in recent years, driven by three major trends in British Columbia and Canadian law: (1) the effective assertion of indigenous customary rights; (2) growing recognition of the importance of human rights in democratic societies, particularly in the context of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; and (3) changes in the composition of the legal profession and judiciary. This changing legal landscape has created a new and evolving legal space, where property claims are increasingly treated as contingent rather than absolute and where the rights of one party are increasingly balanced by customary rights, interests, and aspirations of others. Consequently, we are seeing a trend toward the dilution of legal remedies traditionally available to the powerful, creating space for the assertion of non-conventional property claims and the emergence of new patterns of power relations.Graduate
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Rezai, Hamid. « State, Dissidents, and Contention : Iran, 1979-2010 ». Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8W66T45.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Why after almost a decade of silence and "successful" crackdowns of contention during the 1980s has Iran witnessed once again waves of increasing popular protest? What are the processes and mechanisms behind the routinization of collective actions in Iran since the early 1990s, which continue despite state repression? Why and under what circumstances does a strong authoritarian state that has previously marginalized its contenders tolerate some forms of contention despite the state's continued repressive capacity? And finally, to what extent are available social movement theories capable of explaining the Iranian case? In "State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010" I engage theories of social movements and contentious politics in order to examine the emergence, development, and likely outcomes of popular contention in contemporary Iran. My study is the first project of its kind to focus on elite factionalism and its impact on popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Although other scholars have extensively written on elite factionalism in postrevolutionary Iran, they have not analyzed the implications of the inter-elite conflict for the emergence and development of social protests against the Islamic Republic. While this study primarily utilizes political process and resource mobilization models, it acknowledges the importance of economic, ideological, and breakdown approaches for the interpretation of the emergence and development of popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Drawing on data gathered from census figures, public policies, state and oppositional newspapers, and interviews with dissidents and state officials, this study shows that collective actions against the Islamic Republic emerged gradually due to institutional changes, limited electorate competition, social and educational expansion, and, more importantly, the intellectual transformation of a significant segment of the elites and their action-intended discourse. I demonstrate that the political opportunity structure is not a unitary national opportunity but rather varies by social groups, demands, and contexts. I make this argument by exploring the political environment for collective mobilization in contemporary Iran in four key contexts: 1. the period of consolidation, war, and repression (1979-1988, the Khomeini era); 2. the period of postwar reconstruction and economic liberalization (1989-1997, the tenure of President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani); 3. the era of reform and political opening (1997-2005, the tenure of President Seyyed Mohammad Khatami); and 4. the period of mobilization in the context of increasingly violent repression (2005-present, the tenure of President Mahmood Ahmadinejad). By examining social protests within these different contexts, I conclude that regimes that use force to restrict political rights after a long and sustained period of opening risk eliciting resistance from dissidents who have already gained organizational resources to challenge the state's violent closing.
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ZHURAVLEV, Oleg. « Microsociology of big events : the dynamics of eventful solidarities in "for fair elections" and Euromaidan protest movements ». Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/59572.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 22 October 2018Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, supervisor; Professor László Bruszt, Central European University; Professor Nina Eliasoph, University of Southern California; Professor Laurent Thévenot, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.
The thesis is devoted to a micro-sociological analysis of "big" protests. Comparing Russian "For fair elections" movement with Ukrainian Euromaidan, I study how eventful identities, solidarities, and cultural representations that emerged in the course of the protests then developed and changed contributing to either socio-political change, or reproduction. I analyze dynamics of both the uprisings themselves and the dynamics of post-protest collective action. The first part of the text analyzes a phenomenon new to Russia: the politicized local activism that has emerged in the wake of the "For fair elections" protests. Urban activism in Russian has been rarely politicized; rather, it addressed "familiar", "close to home" problems and that kept distance from "politics". Anti-Putin rallies of 2011-2012 changed the landscape of Russian civic activism. Inspired by the experience of collective actions, protesters resolved to keep it going in their own neighborhoods, establishing local activist groups and tackling smaller-scale problems typical of apolitical activism, e.g., defending parks from deforestation and buildings from demolition, and working for improvements. However, activists attributed oppositional and "political" meanings to practices that had been rather apolitical before the protests of 2011-2012. Thus, my study revealed the significant eventful change in the political culture of Russian urban activism. At the same time, in many cases mass events lead to the intensifying of pre-existing political and cultural structures, cultures, identities and discourses. In the second part of the text I show that Euromaidan consecutively first weakened and then enforced the ethno-cultural and political split between Western and Eastern Ukranian citizens. While “Euromaidan” initially succeeded at creating a new civic identity that united the protesters, this identity failed to spread beyond the event. Paradoxically, the initial push for civic unity and inclusivity, when intensified, transformed into a tool of promoting exclusivity. The text is based on the analysis of in-depths interviews and focus-groups. The conclusions address the theoretical discussions within the eventful approach in social science, pragmatic and cultural sociology.
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Azcona, Stevan César 1972. « Movements in Chicano music : performing culture, performing politics, 1965-1979 ». 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17735.
Texte intégralRésumé :
More than a confined account of the musical activity of the Chicano Movement, my research considers Chicana/o music of the period as a critical part of the protest music genres of Latin America (eg. Nueva canción, canto nuevo) and the Unites States (eg. labor/union and civil rights songs). Consequently, although situated squarely within the context of the Chicano Movement, this project necessarily examines the musical yet political links between Chicano musicians and their counterparts in the American labor movement, Civil Rights Movement, and Latin American social movements of the period. Coupled with the mobilization of their own Mexican musical and cultural traditions, Chicano musicians engaged these other repertoires of struggle to form the nexus of Chicana/o musical expression during the Movement. By viewing Chicana/o music within this broader lens, my research demonstrates that the complexities of the movimiento and Chicana/o political struggle cannot be adequately understood without thinking about how Chicano cultural producers engage a diversity of other race, ethnic, and regional struggles. Rather than assume a homologous relationship between music and identity, my research historicizes musical practices in the context of their struggle for political, social, and cultural rights and resources and the strategies employed by diverse communities working together to overcome the failures of governmental and institutional programs. The creative dialogues and musical exchanges that occurred among Chicano musicians suggest not only forms of ethnic solidarity but also the culturally “hybrid” expressions that shape even nationalist movements. Key to this approach is recognizing the simultaneously global and local character of Chicana/o musical production, where the flows of transnationalism circulated not only ideas, peoples, and sounds, but also political struggles. This project thus raises a number of critical questions about Chicano Movement music and its political import. Ultimately, I suggest that it was the ability to perform authoritatively within the bi-cultural and increasingly transnational space of the Chicano experience that empowered movimiento music to express the feelings of autonomy engendered by the Movement.text
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Harrington, Nan Katherine. « Student activism and university reform in England, France, and Germany, 1960's- 1970's ». Thesis, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3116322.
Texte intégral
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LOUGHLIN, John. « Regionalism and ethnic nationalism in France : a case study of Corsica ». Doctoral thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5301.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 11 June 1987Examining board: Prof. Vincent Wright, Nuffield College, Oxford ; Prof. Yves Mény, University of Paris II ; Prof. Michel Denis, University of Rennes ; Prof. Frank Delmartino, University of Leuven ; Prof. Jean Blondel, European University Institute
First made available online 08 January 2019
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PORTOS, GARCÍA Martín. « Voicing outrage, contending with austerity : mobilisation in Spain under the Great Recession ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45426.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 17 January 2017Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore/ formerly EUI (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Professor Robert M. Fishman, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid
This thesis deals with the Spanish cycle of protest in the shadow of the Great Recession. It has a twofold aspiration. On the one hand, from a process-based approach, it seeks to unravel the timing of the cycle of contention that evolved in light of the recession scenario between 2007 and 2015. I argue that the peak of protest persisted for a long time (from mid-2011 until 2013) because institutionalisation was postponed and radicalisation contained. Specifically, I focus on three aspects, key to understanding the trajectory of collective actions: 1) issue specialisation of protest after the first triggering points, 2) alliance building between unions and new actors, and 3) the transition process towards more routinised repertoires of action that came about as protests declined. On the other hand, the thesis aims at shedding light on the role that grievances play for mobilisation dynamics in a context of material deprivation. Covering multiple levels of analysis, the main argument developed here is that the effects of objective-material aspects and socioeconomic grievances are mediated by political attitudes, especially political dissatisfaction. To empirically test my arguments, I use qualitative data from semi-structured interviews, which are combined with information from a self-collated protest event analysis and different statistical analyses based on time series, panel data and other survey materials.
Chapter 3 of the thesis is based on an article published in Partecipazione e conflitto (2016)
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Estrada, Harris Gilberto. « Diaspora activists and military humanitarian intervention ». Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155900.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Research investigating the role of diasporas in conflict has mostly portrayed diasporas as peace wreckers and long-distance nationalists. While there is now increasing recognition of diasporas' positive contributions to their homelands during and after conflict, so far little attention has been paid to the role diaspora groups may play in pushing decisions by their host states to participate in military humanitarian intervention 'back home' in their troubled societies. In this thesis I investigate the active mobilisation of different diaspora groups in the United States during the 1990s and explore the ways in which these mobilisations played into US decisions to intervene. Examining diaspora transnational activism, I argue, can lead to a deeper understanding of how a host state reaches decisions about its interests and moral duties to strangers when facing hard choices about humanitarian intervention. The research I present centres on the values, discourses and processes that help to make military humanitarian interventions possible. I do not seek to analyse the many factors influencing states' decisions to use force for humanitarian purposes, but rather, to investigate how the motivations behind humanitarian action or inaction are created in the first place, and how understandings of sovereignty, self-determination and (non)intervention in the context of humanitarianism can change. I ground my study in a comparative, interpretive analysis of politically active Haitian and Kosovar diaspora members and organisations in the United States in the lead up to Haiti's 1994 and Kosovo's 1999 humanitarian interventions, and of politically active Colombian diaspora members and organisations mobilising for unsuccessful humanitarian intervention in their home conflict. As a result, the thesis as a whole illustrates an important transnational actor-factor that so far has received scant academic attention: diasporas' efforts to educate US decision makers, cultivate an interest in intervening, and help 'rescue' people in danger 'back home'. By analysing diaspora transnational politics in humanitarian intervention, this thesis offers us a lens through which to look at the changing confluence between the state and the individual as a site of identity and of normative and political contestation, with potential humanitarian repercussions.
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Shawyer, Susanne Elizabeth. « Radical street theatre and the yippie legacy : a performance history of the Youth International Party, 1967-1968 ». 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17999.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1967 and 1968, members of the Youth International Party, also known as Yippies, created several mass street demonstrations to protest President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s handling of the United States’ military involvement in the war in Vietnam. The Yippies were a loose network of hippies, anti-war activists, and left-wing radicals committed to cultural and political change. This dissertation investigates how the Yippies used avant-garde theories of theatre and performance in their year of demonstrating against the Johnson administration. The Yippies receive little attention in most histories of American performance, and theatre remains on the margins of political and social histories of the 1960s; therefore this dissertation places performance and political archives side by side to create a new historical narrative of the Yippies and performance. The Yippies created their own networked participatory street performance form by drawing on the political philosophy of the New Left student movement, the organizational strategies of the anti-war movement, and the countercultural values of the hippies. They modified this performance form, which they termed “revolutionary actiontheater,” with performance theories drawn from New York’s avant-garde art world, the concept of guerrilla theatre outlined by R. G. Davis of the San Francisco Mime Troupe, and the notion of Theater of Cruelty created by Antonin Artaud. Using performance theory and cultural history as primary methodologies, this project traces the Yippies’ adoption of revolutionary action-theater with three examples: the 1967 “March on the Pentagon” where future Yippie leaders performed an exorcism ritual at the Pentagon; the 1968 “Grand Central Station Yip-In” event that advertised for the Yippie movement; and the 1968 “Festival of Life” at the National Democratic Convention in Chicago where the Yippies nominated a pig as presidential candidate. The final chapter on the recent phenomenon of flash mobs argues that the Yippies’ legacy lives on in this participatory street performance form, and suggests that revolutionary action-theater can still serve as a model for political action.text
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Lecousy, Amélia. « Dialogue, collaboration et transmission du savoir entre intellectuels juifs et chrétiens : la France des XIIIe-XIVe siècles ». Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/24794.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Cette thèse s’intéresse aux collaborations et au partage du savoir entre intellectuels juifs et chrétiens, en France, durant les XIIIe et XIVe siècles et propose une analyse comparative des différents échanges, dans trois domaines distincts : théologie, philosophie et astronomie. En prenant en compte les sources latines et hébraïques qui témoignent de cette transmission du savoir, nous proposons une étude approfondie divisée en deux parties. La première s’intéresse à l’évolution de l’enseignement dans les communautés juives et dans la société chrétienne. La seconde analyse le contexte de rédaction des Extractiones de Talmut, la transmission du savoir entre Maïmonide et Thomas d’Aquin, la collaboration étroite entre Jacob ben Makhir et Armengaud Blaise, ainsi que l’échange intellectuel significatif entre Gersonide et ses confrères chrétiens. Notre objectif est de répondre aux questions suivantes : les savants chrétiens et juifs recevaient-ils l’information selon leur propre valeur intellectuelle, ne tenant pas compte de leur provenance ? Et existait-il une influence directe de l’un et de l’autre ? Cette étude tente ainsi de montrer les différents motifs de ces échanges à travers un champ contextuel constitué par un événement intellectuel précis. Nous verrons ainsi que ces relations vacillent entre méfiance et admiration.This thesis sheds lights on collaborations and transfer of knowledge between Jewish and Christian scholars in France during the 13th and 14th centuries. We propose a comparative analysis of different exchanges, in three distinct areas: theological, philosophical and astronomical. Taking into account the Latin and Hebrew sources that testify this transmission of knowledge, we propose an in-depth study, dividing in two sections. The first part narrates the evolution of education in the Jewish communities and in Christian society. The second part analyses the context of the Extractiones de Talmut, the transmission of knowledge between Maimonides and Thomas Aquinas, the close collaboration between Jacob ben Makhir and Armengaud Blaise, as well as the significant intellectual exchange between Gersonides and his fellow Christians. Our objective is to answer the following questions: did Christian and Jewish scholars receive information according to their own intellectual value, ignoring their source? And was there a direct influence from one scholar towards the other? Thus, this study demonstrates the different motives of these exchanges through a contextual field constituted by a specific intellectual event. We will perceive that these relations vacillate between mistrust and admiration.
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Day, Rowan. « The Tottenham Rebels : radical labour politics in a small mining town during the Great War ». Thesis, 2014. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/uws:30145.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis looks at an Australia after the defeated strikes of the 1890s but before the defeated great strike of 1917, where contrary to the standard view workers had not contented themselves with parliamentary politics and reform. The setting is the raw mining and agricultural centre of Tottenham in western New South Wales. It focusses on the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), seeking to explain the appeal of the movement in the area, and what drove some of its members to take up arms against the police—resulting in the deaths of a police officer and two members of the Tottenham IWW Local. The thesis offers for the first time a deep analysis of the IWW in an Australian rural setting, at the same time arguing that a previous focus on urban Australia, especially Sydney, has been unwarranted and misleading.
The thesis documents the lives and struggles of a ‘rebel family’ of working class agitators, whose roots were in Tottenham but who carried their revolutionary flag across Australasia and North America. It examines how the state and employers responded to the activities of the IWW in Tottenham, and to what extent the IWW used sabotage as a tactic in their class struggle.
The hastily carried out executions of two ‘Wobblies’ provoked a storm of debate, not least surrounding the unprecedented execution of a crown witness. The response to the murder and the executions accentuated the split within the labour movement; the actions of the Tottenham IWW infiltrated the national debate over conscription and the crackdown on the IWW throughout the country. The events and individuals at Tottenham influenced the fate of the IWW in Australia and beyond. Reflecting on these events, together with a consideration of non-urban work and culture, makes the Australian ‘Wobbly’ more explicable.
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KÜBLER, Johanne. « Distant proximity : a comparative analysis of migrant netizen engagement before and during the Arab Spring ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46325.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 8 May 2017Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute; Professor Fiona B. Adamson, SOAS University of London; Professor Alexandra Segerberg, Stockholm University
The spread of the internet and migration are key dimensions associated with globalization and range among the most salient challenges of our times. Looking at the intersection of these two phenomena, this dissertation explores how the internet enables citizens of non-democracies living abroad to partake in the political discourse and online campaigns in their home countries. How does the fact of living in non-authoritarian countries affect the migrant’s position inside their online community? Using concepts from the contentious politics literature, I examine why migrant netizens adopt different roles in online campaigns in the years leading to and during the Arab uprisings at the examples of Tunisia and Morocco. I draw upon multiple empirical strategies including an analysis of web crawls of the Tunisian and Moroccan blogospheres, in-depth interviews with a number of key actors and frame analysis. I find that migrants were among the pioneers of political blogging, are well-integrated in their respective blogosphere and often occupy central positions. Political opportunity structures matter, thus the relative absence of repression allows migrants to act as radical mobilizers in highly repressive regimes like Tunisia. In contrast to that, migrant netizens in slightly more liberal settings like Morocco are less of a driving force than an equal partner in online discussions and campaigns, even if they might provide additional resources and establish contacts with international actors. Finally, the frame analysis reveals that radical migrant bloggers are likely to suffer from a lack of credibility due to their relative immunity to repression, unless they adapt their frames to the concerns of the wider blogger community, thereby enabling the creation of a broad coalition.
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Stewart, Luke Jonathan. « "A New Kind of War" : The Vietnam War and the Nuremberg Principles, 1964-1968 ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/8540.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores what Telford Taylor called the “ethos of Nuremberg” and how it shaped antiwar resistance during the Vietnam War in the United States. The Vietnam War was a monumental event in the twentieth century and the conflict provided lawyers, academics, activists, and soldiers the ability to question the legality of the war through the prism of the Nuremberg Principles, the various international treaties and U.S. Constitutional law. As many legal scholars and historians have lamented, the Cold War destroyed hopes for the solidification of an international court empowered to preside over questions of war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes against peace. In the absence of cooperation among the international community, the antiwar movements in the United States and around the world during the Vietnam War utilized these legal instruments to form what I call a war crimes movement from below. A significant component of this challenge was the notion that individual citizens – draft noncooperators, military resisters, tax resisters, and the like – had a responsibility under the Nuremberg Principles to resist an illegal war. In the numerous United States military interventions after World War II, none had been challenged as openly and aggressively as the war in Vietnam. As this thesis will demonstrate, the ideas that crystallized into action at Nuremberg played a major role in this resistance.