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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Protest movements – Egypt »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023
Mis à jour le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Protest movements – Egypt"

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Sika, Nadine. "Repression, Cooptation, and Movement Fragmentation in Authoritarian Regimes: Evidence from the Youth Movement in Egypt." Political Studies 67, no. 3 (2018): 676–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718795393.

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How do authoritarian regimes fragment protest movements in the aftermath of mass protests? How do protest movements deal with these authoritarian measures in return? Based on qualitative fieldwork with 70 young people in Egypt from April until November 2015, I demonstrate that regimes which face major contentious events and transition back to authoritarian rule, utilize two main strategies for fragmenting protest movements: repression and cooptation. The main literature on protest movements contends that regimes respond to protest movements through a combination of repression and concession to offset movement gains and eliminate their motivations for further protests. More concessions are believed to be effective in democratic regimes, while more repression is effective in authoritarian regimes. However, the results of this fieldwork demonstrate the importance of repression in addition to cooptation in authoritarian regimes, which is largely ignored in the literature on protest movements. Cooptation is an instrumental tactic for the regime in two manners: first it creates internal struggles within the movements themselves, which adds to their fragmentation. Second, it facilitates a regime’s repression against protest movement actors. This creates more fragmentation in addition to deterrence to the development of new protest movements and protest activities.
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Bishara, Dina. "The Generative Power of Protest: Time and Space in Contentious Politics." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 10 (2021): 1722–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020970227.

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How do social movements sustain themselves under authoritarian rule? This remains a crucial puzzle for scholars of comparative politics. This article gains traction on this puzzle by foregrounding the generative power of protest, namely the power of protest experiences themselves to deepen and broaden movements. Some studies have started to draw attention to those questions without yet systematically examining how the form of protest differentially affects those outcomes. I argue that different forms of protest have varying effects on movements depending on their duration and geographic scope. While short, multiple-site actions, such as marches, can broaden movements by expanding their base, extended, single-site actions, such as sit-ins, are more likely to deepen movements by fostering collective identities and building organizational capacities. This article is based on field research in Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, and Morocco and interviews with more than 100 movement participants and civil society activists.
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Reisinezhad, Arash, and Parisa Farhadi. "Cultural Opportunity and Social Movements." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 3 (2016): 236–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00403004.

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The emergence of the Arab Spring in 2010 heralded a deep transformation within Muslim societies as well as the geopolitical arrangement of the region. These movements emerged after a non-Arab movement, the Iranian Green Movement in 2009, with which they shared various characteristics, ranging from its broad use of virtual space to movement without a classic leadership. While a large body of movement literature links the formation of social movement to either the structural opportunities or rational choice theory, the present paper addresses the cultural opportunity as a main facilitator-constraint in the movement formation. Given this fact that mediating between opportunities and mobilization are the shared meanings, the article seeks to empirically investigate cultural factors that construct and drive protests. From this perspective, the present study argues that movements tend to cluster in time and space because they are not independent of one another. Thus, it goes deep down in the way that different movements have had tremendous impacts on each other through examining the presence of the Master of Protest Frame (mpf). Transgressing the geographical borders and chronological phases, this factor has shaped movements strategies. Finally and to place recent events in a generalizable analysis, the paper employs a cross-national analysis, with focusing on Iran in 2009 and Egypt in 2010.
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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart, and Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.

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Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to deal with criticism, repression is more likely to trigger a backlash of increased protests. The argument is supported by analysis of newly available data on mass protests from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO 2.0) dataset, which covers all countries (1945–2006). This article implies that publics respond strategically to repression, and tend to demobilize when the government is capable of continually employing repression with impunity.
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Hafez, Bassem Nabil. "New Social Movements and the Egyptian Spring: A Comparative Analysis between the April 6 Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 12, no. 1-2 (2013): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341245.

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Abstract In this article I will comparatively analyze the conceptual foundations of two Egyptian protest movements, the April 6 Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists, two prominent instigators of the Egyptian revolution, as part of the global rebellion against the dystopia perceived as the creation of neo-liberalism and globalization. In Egypt, the limitations of conventional opposition led to the mushrooming of New Social Movements (NSMs) over the past decade. The political dynamics since 2000 have yielded, among many, the aforementioned youth movements that represent two different approaches to the rebellion against the dystopia, which speeded up the downfall of Mubarak.
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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Occupations, Preoccupations, and Political Science." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004956.

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In recent issues of Perspectives, we have sought to highlight the themes of inequality, exclusion, and the challenges facing democratic politics. We have done this because these themes resound throughout the current political world. Economist and Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz nicely summed up this state of affairs in a November 4, 2011 column circulated by Project Syndicate: “The protest movement that began in Tunisia in January, subsequently spreading to Egypt, and then to Spain, has now become global, with the protests engulfing Wall Street and cities across America. Globalization and modern technology now enable social movements to transcend borders as rapidly as ideas can. And social protest has found fertile ground everywhere: a sense that the ‘system’ has failed, and the conviction that even in a democracy, the electoral process will not set things right—at least not without strong pressure from the street.” The Occupy movement that spread like wildfire throughout the US, and that asserted itself on some major US university campuses, is simply the latest iteration of this diffusion of protest in which young people from Athens and Madrid to Cairo and Damascus seem to be playing a crucial role.
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Hitman, G. "RETHINKING SOCIAL PROTEST MOVEMENTS’ THEORIZATION: LESSONS FROM EGYPT, BURKINA FASO AND BOLIVIA." Trames. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences 24, no. 1 (2020): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/tr.2020.1.05.

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Bishara, Dina. "The Politics of Ignoring: Protest Dynamics in Late Mubarak Egypt." Perspectives on Politics 13, no. 4 (2015): 958–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271500225x.

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I propose the concept of “ignoring” to capture situations in which government officials appear dismissive (either through inaction or contempt) of popular mobilization. The concept refers not only to actions by regime officials but also captures protesters' perceptions of those actions. Examples of ignoring include not communicating with protesters, issuing condescending statements, physically evading protesters, or acting with contempt toward popular mobilization. Existing conceptual tools do not adequately capture these dynamics. Although repression and concessions have been extensively theorized, scholars lack conceptual tools to understand responses that fall short of both repression and concessions. I introduce the concept of “ignoring” as a useful tool to focus on a subset of actions on the part of regime officials who are the targets of mobilization, with discernible consequences for subsequent mobilization. Drawing on research on the role of emotions in protest politics and on framing and social movements, I argue that ignoring protests can trigger emotional responses that encourage people to engage in protest, such as anger, indignation, and outrage. By integrating protesters' perceptions of the behavior of the targets of mobilization, not just of the security forces, the concept of “ignoring” helps explain protesters' reactions and their future mobilization, in a way that conventional concepts such as tolerance cannot capture. This analysis has important implications for broader theoretical debates on the relationship between regime response to protests and subsequent mobilization. Most importantly, it urges scholars to consider how ignoring can interact with other responses to mobilization, thereby altering the dynamics of the infamous the “concession-repression dilemma.” I use evidence from workers' protests in late Mubarak Egypt to illustrate these dynamics.
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Muqsith, Munadhil Abdul. "Gerakan Sosial Baru: Simbol #R4bia." ADALAH 6, no. 2 (2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/adalah.v6i2.26574.

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This paper is to explain how the fusion of social movements and new media produces new social movements. The author himself raised how the #R4bia movement in Egypt and around the world as a form of protest and solidarity with the leader of the Egyptian state President Morsi (2012-2013) was overthrown by Abdul Fattah as-Sisi in a military coup in June 2013. The #R4bia symbol became a trending topic on various social platforms. media. technology is not historically a value-free entity. When a technology product interacts with the user community, the technology product undergoes an adjustment process, in which society gives meaning based on various values. There is a reciprocal relationship and a dialectical dynamic in the process of social construction that is built.
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Isaev, Gumer. "Russia and Egypt: Conflicts in the Political Elite and Protest Movements in 2011–2012." Journal of Eurasian Studies 5, no. 1 (2014): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2013.10.003.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Protest movements – Egypt"

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Ramphobole, Thabo. "An investigation into the role of social media in the political protests in Egypt (2011)." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1012119.

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Social media's role in formenting protest action in Egypt has often been lauded by proponents of these web 2.0 technologies, to the extent that the collective protest actions that swept the Middle East and North Africa from December 2010 to the present have been referred to as "Twitter Revolutions" in recognition of the pivotal played by Twitter in mobilising citizents.
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LEAL, Hugo. "The emergence of collective action networks : dynamic protest waves and mobilisation spirals in Egypt." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49126.

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Defence date: 27 November 2017<br>Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, European University Institute; Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor Maha Abdelrahman, University of Cambridge; Professor Mario Diani, Università degli Studi di Trento<br>In broad terms, this research is inspired by the founding questions of social movement studies: what triggers the process of recruitment, mobilisation and spread that leads to the demise or success of collective action? In particular, I was puzzled by the mobilisation and emergence of Egyptian contentious actors: how and why collective action evolved in the country from seemingly random and disconnected events and agents? Using Egypt as a case-study and the first decade of the twenty-first century as time frame, I set to solve this puzzle and find an answer to the leading research question: Does the emergence of Collective Action Networks in Egypt explain the increasing levels of contention and, ultimately, the 25 January uprising? This question focuses on the topic that gives title to the thesis, which is the relation between the hypothetical emergence of CANs and 1) a phase of heightened contention from 2000 to 2011 and 2) the revolutionary situation of 25 January, 2011. It also provides the basis to assess the manifestation of the two other relational patterns that appear in the subtitle of the thesis, namely dynamic protest waves and mobilisation spirals. In addressing the research question, I mixed quantitative and qualitative methods, combining protest event data collection and analysis, social network analysis with interviews. This allowed me to test if, how and why Collective Action Networks emerged and whether the revolutionary situation of 25 January 2011 was an unexpected spontaneous uprising or the natural outcome of a decade of sustained mobilisation. The main finding of this thesis is that, indeed, the intensification of contentious action in Egypt, between 2000 and 2011, was the product an emergent and increasingly complex Collective Action Network that stirred up protest waves and mobilisation spirals thus determining the Egyptian 25 January revolution.
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Jelínková, Petra. "What is the 'Facebook revolution'? Use of Social Media for Political Protest: Egypt 2011." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-351804.

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This dissertation closely looks at the role of social media during the uprisings in the Arab world in 2011 that broke out in a number of Arab countries. In the thesis, an example of the Egyptian protests is used. An analysis of the usage of social media during the protests serves as a clear illustration how new media platforms subjugate traditional forms of media. This dissertation focuses on describing the power of the Internet and discovers the other aspects which played a significant role during the revolution. The dissertation uses an established social movement theories, communication theories and ideas of community, to place its use within a wider context and to explain the inherent characteristics of social media that made it appealing to the activists in Egypt. Finally, also to be pointed out, is the connection between the power of the social media and social power, when for the first time in history, the Internet facilitated the virtual relationship between people with very different profiles, but with a common objective. Key words: social media, community, online community, communication, uprising, cyberactivism, social movement theory, Egypt.
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O'Brien, Matthew Steven. "Pragmatic humanism : through the eyes of Egypt." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/32698.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze the events that occurred throughout the Egyptian Revolution from January 2010 to February 2010 through pragmatic humanism. Tweets will be looked at from the book Tweets from Tahrir to show how the process unfolded. Building on the previous research, the tweets will be looked at through the lens of pragmatic humanism. The study will show how individuals can better the world they live in by experimenting with different methods and adapting to any failures they may encounter. The study will also show how the reach of the individual has become faster and further than previously possible. The elements of pragmatic humanism will be broken down into five main tenets. The study will take a thematic approach in analyzing the tweets through the perspective of the particular tenet. The study will also show the power of individual desires when they are able to combine with the social context of the time. The advent of Twitter has allowed individuals to test and experiment with hypotheses much quicker than before and allows them to make monumental changes to their reality in a much shorter period of time.<br>Graduation date: 2013
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Livres sur le sujet "Protest movements – Egypt"

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Aly, Abdel Monem Said. State and revolution in Egypt: The paradox of change and politics. Crown Center for Middle East Studies, Brandeis University, 2012.

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Miṣr, Ḥizb Shabāb, ред. 25 Yanāyir: Sanawāt al-thawrah wa-al-dam : shahādāt muʻāṣirah. Ḥizb Shabāb Miṣr, 2014.

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Shibh thawrah. Markaz al-Ḥaḍārah al-ʻArabīyah, 2014.

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editor, Yāsīn ʻAbd al-Qādir, та Markaz al-ʻArabī lil-Abḥāth wa-Dirāsat al-Siyāsāt (Dawḥah, Qatar), ред. 25 Yanāyir: Mabāḥith wa-shahādāt = January 25 : studies and testimonies. al-Markaz al-ʻArabī lil-Abḥāth wa-Dirāsat al-Siyāsāt, 2013.

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The journey to Tahrir: Revolution, protest, and social change in Egypt, 1999-2011. Verso, 2012.

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al-Maʻāṭī, Aḥmad Abū. Awrāq Yanāyir: Waqāʼiʻ ayyām al-Taḥrīr. Dār Ṣifṣāfah lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ wa-al-Dirāsāt, 2015.

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The new Egypt: The January 25th revolution. Canadian Charger, 2011.

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Egypt's lost spring: Causes and consequences. Praeger, an Imprint of ABC-CLIO, 2015.

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Difāʻan ʻan 25 Yanāyir: Al-thawrah wa-al-thuwwār. Dār al-Jumhūrīyah lil-Ṣiḥāfah, 2015.

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Ṣabbāḥī, Ḥamadayn, writer of introduction, ред. Tajdīd al-fikr al-Nāṣirī: Nahj Jamāl ʻAbd al-Nāṣir-- wa-jumhūrīyat 25 Yanāyir. Markaz al-Nīl lil-Dirāsat al-Istrātījīyah, 2014.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Protest movements – Egypt"

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Chalcraft, John. "Labour Protest and Hegemony in Egypt and the Arabian Peninsula." In Social Movements in the Global South. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230302044_2.

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Martin, Brandie L., and Anthony A. Olorunnisola. "Use of New ICTs as “Liberation” or “Repression” Technologies in Social Movements." In Human Rights and Ethics. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6433-3.ch083.

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Participants in varying but recent citizen-led social movements in Kenya, Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt have found new voices by employing new ICTs. In some cases, new ICTs were used to mobilize citizens to join and/or to encourage use of violence against other ethnicities. In nearly all cases, the combined use of new ICTs kept the world informed of developments as ensuing protests progressed. In most cases, the use of new ICTs as alternative media motivated international actors' intervention in averting or resolving ensuing crises. Foregoing engagements have also induced state actions such as appropriation of Internet and mobile phone SMS for counter-protest message dissemination and/or termination of citizens' access. Against the background of the sociology and politics of social movements and a focus on the protests in Kenya and Egypt, this chapter broaches critical questions about recent social movements and processes: to what extent have the uses of new ICTs served as alternative platforms for positive citizens' communication? When is use of new ICTs convertible into “weapons of mass destruction”? When does state repression or take-over of ICTs constitute security measures, and when is such action censorship? In the process, the chapter appraises the roles of local and international third parties to the engagement while underscoring conceptual definitions whose usage in studies of this kind should be conscientiously employed. Authors offer suggestions for future investigations.
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El-Mahdi, Rabab. "The democracy movement: cycles of protest." In Egypt. Zed Books, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350219830.ch-005.

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Grimm, Jannis Julien. "Introduction." In Contested Legitimacies. Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722650_ch01.

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The Arab Spring left a deep imprint on Middle Eastern and North African societies, but also on social movement scholarship. In particular, three lines of inquiry provide vantage points for investigating protest in the region today: critical approaches that avoid the structuralist bias of early analyses of the Arab Spring and, instead, focus on the imaginative terrain of social protest; constructivist approaches that retrace how political subjectivation processes enabled innovative revolutionary alliances; and relational approaches that investigate the interactions between different players during the 2011 uprisings. This book is situated at the intersection of these strands of literature. It is an attempt to map contentious politics in post-revolutionary Egypt and show how different social arenas, street politics, and the politics of signification, interrelated, and informed the country’s transition.
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Holmes, Amy Austin. "Introduction." In Coups and Revolutions. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190071455.003.0001.

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In 2011 Egypt witnessed more protests than any other country in the world, kicking off a revolutionary process that would unfold in three waves of revolution, followed by two waves of counterrevolution. This chapter briefly contrasts the period of Gamal Abdel Nasser to the recent wave of upheaval. Nasser and the Free Officers implemented wide-ranging reforms by overthrowing the monarchy, declaring a republic, implementing land reform, expropriating the Suez Canal, expelling British troops from Egypt, and joining the nonaligned movement in efforts to move away from the colonial past. In so doing they turned a coup into a “revolution from above.” By contrast, President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi has not implemented any major reforms. His actions have led to the reconstitution of the old Mubarak regime, but with even greater authoritarianism aimed to crush any entity that is seen as independent of the regime. Instead of setting Egypt on a path of greater economic independence, Egypt’s reliance on foreign donors has grown, with increased financial flows from the Gulf. As a crude form of “payback” for this financial support, Egypt handed over the Tiran and Sanafir islands to Saudi Arabia.
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Metcalfe, Jenefer, and Paula Reimer. "Stable Isotopes and Takabuti’s Diet." In Life and Times of Takabuti in Ancient Egypt. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800348585.003.0015.

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Stable isotope analysis can be used to study the diet of ancient populations, as well as providing information about their health status and the climate and environment in which they lived (Katzenberg 2000). The isotopic study of bone samples can provide information about the long-term protein source of an individual’s diet, but hair provides a much more recent indicator. Any dietary change in the months immediately prior to death would be identified using this approach. Although the analysis cannot identify the precise cause of any variability, the reasons for dietary change can include factors such as illness, seasonal availability of food resources or movement between regions....
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Weiss, Naomi A. "Protean Singers and the Shaping of Narrative in Helen." In Music of Tragedy. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520295902.003.0005.

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This chapter analyzes the musical narrative of Helen—how the transition from lament to more celebratory mousikē linked to Dionysus mirrors the plot’s movement toward a happy resolution. It shows how this musical narrative is linked to a series of images addressed in the play’s songs, from the Sirens to the mourning nightingale, the Great Mother, and the syrinx-playing crane. All these images are associated with particular types of musical performance, and all of them revolve around Helen, who is herself a multiform figure of chorality. Weiss argues that each image reflects her state and physical location at each point within the tragedy, ultimately marking her separation from the dramatic chorus as she leaves Egypt for Sparta.
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Hiro, Dilip. "The Arab Spring—Reversed by a Saudi-Backed Counterrevolution." In Cold War in the Islamic World. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0012.

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Saudi King Abdullah played a central role in rolling back non-violent, popular movement for democracy and human rights that occurred in early 2011 in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain and Yemen. The election of Muhammad Morsi, a Muslim Brotherhood leader, as president in Egypt’s first free and fair election in June 2012, went down badly in Riyadh. It welcomed the military coup against Morsi in July 2013. Abdullah helped to put together a package of $12 billion to shore up the military regime in Cairo. Iran described the popular demonstrations in Tunisia, Egypt and Bahrain as Islamic Awakening, and welcomed Morsi’s victory. But it failed to pin that label on the peaceful protests in Syria under President Bashar Assad, affiliated to the Alawi sub-sect in Shia Islam. In 2013 the Syrian civil war acquired an international dimension when the Assad regime used chemical weapons – described as a red line by US President Barack Obama. His failure to punish Assad for crossing this red line disappointed Abdullah. He ignored the fact that Obama-led tightening of economic sanctions against Iran by the US and the European Union were making Iran’s moderate President Hassan Rouhani amenable to a compromise on the nuclear issue.
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Lacroix, Stéphane. "Religious Sectarianism and Political Pragmatism." In Beyond Sunni and Shia. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876050.003.0012.

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The Salafi movement in Egypt illustrates that the dynamics of sectarianism are fluid and sometimes contradictory. Over the last five years, the Salafi party, Hizb al-Nour, has taken a pragmatic, flexible approach to politics, but maintained its intransigent religious stances. While the party has made several political concessions and decisions that go against the Salafi doctrine, it considered them necessary to protect the “interest of the Da‘wa” and hold its position of influence among society—justifications that the Salafi Da‘wa, the religious organization behind Hizb al-Nour, has largely accepted despite some internal conflict. Arguably, in contrast to the Muslim Brotherhood, Hizb al-Nour does not behave like an Islamist party, at least in its current form; for Salafis, politics is just a means to an end. The party’s recent stances, especially during the military takeover in July 2013 and in its aftermath, can best be explained by analyzing Hizb al-Nour not as an Islamist party, but as the lobbying arm of a religious organization. The paradox of the party’s extreme political pragmatism and its rigidity and sectarianism at the doctrinal level seems sustainable and likely to remain.
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