Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Property – Finland – History »

Digitarium is a joint initiative of the Finnish Museum of Natural History and the University of Eastern Finland. It was established in 2010 as a dedicated shop for the large-scale digitisation of natural history collections. Digitarium offers service packages based on the digitisation process, including tagging, imaging, data entry, georeferencing, filtering, and validation. During the process, all specimens are imaged, and distance workers take care of the data entry from the images. The customer receives the data in Darwin Core Archive format, as well as images of the specimens and their labels. Digitarium also offers the option of publishing images through Morphbank, sharing data through GBIF, and archiving data for long-term storage. Service packages can also be designed on demand to respond to the specific needs of the customer. The paper also discusses logistics, costs, and intellectual property rights (IPR) issues related to the work that Digitarium undertakes.

In 2012, Russia will celebrate the two-hundredth anniversary of its first legislative act protecting the rights of inventor, the famous Manifesto of 1812. This event appears as highly emblematic because of a constantly growing role played in today’s Russian economy by the private enterprising. In this new situation, a claim for an adequate and well elaborated legislation protecting the private property, including intellectual one, naturally stimulates the public interest toward the historical inheritance. A best testimony of it is an increasing number of historical overviews, published in hard version and/or on line during a few last years. At the same time, the academic works in this field are still not numerous, and many aspects of the Russian patent law remain scarcely and insufficiently studied. In addition, even the existing historiography which includes, however, a series of important works, is mainly in Russian, with the only exception of Anneli Aer’s fundamental study Patents in Imperial Russia published in 1995 in Finland, in small number of exemplars, and thus, hardly accessible. as a result, the history of patent law in Russia still remains a kind of ‘white spot’ for the West-European readers. This particular condition incited the authors, who met this problematic while studying the inventive activity of foreign engineers on the Crown service during the 18th and 19th centuries, to tempt a short synthetic overview of the rise of privileges system in Russia, from its timid beginnings to the developed and highly regulated State legislation.

SummaryDuring the outbreak of influenza due to A (H3N3) viruses in Finland in 1985/6 virus pairs were isolated from the same clinical specimens in embryonated hens' eggs (CE) and in canine kidney cell cultures (MDCK). Some of these isolates, the E and M pairs, were distinguished by their reactions in haemagglutination inhibition (HI) tests carried out using polyclonal antisera, and by receptorbinding properties, as evidenced by differences in their elution activity from erythrocytes. Passage of the E- and M-virus isolates in the foreign host affected their serological characteristics, but the E virus did not convert to an M-like virus and the M virus did not convert to an E-like virus. Returning the viruses to grow in the host used for their isolation changed the serological reactions so that they were once more close to the reactions of the original isolates. This contrasts with the changes in receptor-binding properties. Rapid elution from hen erythrocytes, which has been described as a property of viruses binding to the SAα2,3Gal sequence in preference to SAα2,6Gal, characterized the virus passages grown solely in MDCK cell cultures. Cultivation of the M virus in CE, at any stage of its passage history, made the virus irreversibly incapable of elution. The M virus was more sensitive than the E virus to HI antibodies against heterologous viruses of the H3N2 subtype, and, when used as an antigen in HI serology, it more frequently (90%vs.69%;P< 0·01) detected diagnostic antibody responses in patients infected with viruses of this subtype in 1985/6. Use of antigens with a different passage history in HI serology provided evidence that this superiority, which may be due to the ability of the virus to pick out anamnestic antibody responses, is unrelated to the receptor-binding peculiarity of the M virus under consideration. The results support the concept that the host cell can select a diversity of virus variant subpopulations from a single clinical specimen during isolation and subsequent cultivation procedures. Moreover, the MDCK-grown influenza viruses may correspond better than the egg-grown isolates to the natural epidemic viruses.

Since the end of the Cold War it has become common for Finnish academics and politicians alike to frame debates about Finnish national identity in terms of locating Finland somewhere along a continuum between East and West. Indeed, for politicians, properly locating oneself (and therefore Finland) along this continuum has often been seen as central to the winning and losing of elections. For example, the 1994 referendum on EU membership was largely interpreted precisely as an opportunity to relocate Finland further to the West. Indeed, the tendency to depict Finnish history in terms of a series of “Westernizing” moves has been notable, but has also betrayed some of the politicized elements of this view. However, this framing of Finnish national identity discourse is not only sometimes politicized but arguably is also too simplified and results in blindness towards other identity narratives that have also been important through Finnish history, and that are also evident (but rarely recognized) today as well. In this article we aim to highlight one of these that we argue has played a key role in locating Finland in the world and in formulating notions of what Finland is about, what historical role and mission it has been understood as destined to play, and what futures for the nation have been conceptualized as possible and as providing a source of subjectivity and national dignity.

The author continues a series of research on the history, features and key moments of the emergence of innovative systems in Scandinavian countries. Scientific-innovative ecosystems have already been analyzed in such countries of Northern Europe as Sweden, Finland, Iceland. The next step is to familiarize you with the peculiarities of innovation in Denmark. Since Denmark is in the northern part of Europe, part of the Scandinavian countries, it is natural that the development of the Danish political, economic and social systems was in close connection with the evolution of the same systems in other states of the region. The same can be said about the development of the scientific component of the Danish statehood. And although Denmark has a number of its own, not similar features – natural resources, population composition, relief, etc. – the formation of the innovation system in it was entirely under the so-called “Scandinavian” scenario, that is moderately, consistently and evenly. In the course of studying this topic, the author tried to use already existing at present scientific work of foreign and domestic scientists. Unfortunately, with a large number of studies of innovative systems in Europe and its north, analytical reviews of the Danish subjects are practically absent. Therefore, the author widely used the statistical data and scientific reviews of the official sites of the European Union, the World Intellectual Property Organization, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, etc. The informative reports and analytical publications edited by these organizations have greatly contributed to a deeper analysis of the process of becoming, and especially the current state of the Danish innovation system, comparing it with other countries in the region and the world. In addition to the statistics, the study provides a brief historical background on the beginning of the country’s innovation – listed basic legal documents, analyzed the main components of the innovation system, called the leading “players” of the innovation process in Denmark. Concluding and looking for parallels for Ukraine, it became clear that at this stage of development, our states are very different from each other. The population, the territory, the minerals, and most importantly, the political, economic, social situation and, above all, the security picture are the main factors that make Ukraine and Denmark completely different from each other. Therefore, it is extremely difficult to provide practical recommendations for reforms in Ukraine under the “Danish” scenario. However, for today in Ukraine, we have a transition period, when a complete change of the state course in all directions is possible. Therefore, the author still hopes for at least a partial embodiment of the “Danish” (or “Scandinavian”) scenario in the development of the innovation system in Ukraine.

In current mental health care psychiatric conditions are defined as compilations of symptoms. These symptom-based disease categories have been severely criticised as contingent and boundless, facilitating the rise to epidemic proportions of such conditions as depression. In this article we look beyond symptoms and stress the role of epidemiology in explaining the current situation. By analysing the parallel development of cardiovascular disease and depression management in Finland, we argue, firstly, that current mental health care shares with the medicine of chronic somatic conditions an attachment to risk factor epidemiology, which accentuates risk and prevention in disease management. However, secondly, due to the symptom-based definitions of psychiatric conditions, depression management cannot differentiate properly between symptoms, signs and risk factors such as, for example, cardiovascular medicine, but treats symptoms as signs or risk factors in contexts of treatment and prevention. Consequently, minor at-risk conditions have become difficult to separate from proper cases of depression.

This article presents a comparative study of the experiences of young adults on a spiritual quest in cultural and religious contexts where they have not yet been properly studied, that is Lutheran Finland, Roman Catholic Poland and Orthodox Russia. The study seeks to contribute to the further refinement of the concept of spiritual quest in order to enhance its utility and applicability across different cultural and religious contexts. The analysis revealed several aspects inherent in spiritual quest but which can be variously experienced and manifested in different constellations. This article shows that although each individual might deliver their own logic of ‘being on a quest’, separate cases can be compared on the basis of the concept of the seekership habitus, as presented in this study. The chosen framework of individualization on the one hand and the concept of seekership habitus on the other helps to reveal the duality of the phenomenon of spiritual quest, which is somewhat overlooked in scholarly debates on the topic.

This article is part of a joint project conducted by Finnish and Estonian scholars that aims to comparatively study the famine of the 1860s in those countries. Unlike Finland, research into the last large-scale famine of the 19th century has begun only rather recently in Estonia. Kersti Lust has contributed the most to this area of research. The task of this article is to trace the development of agriculture in the present-day Estonian area in the 1860s, focusing primarily on the size of harvests. Attention is paid to some factors that still made agriculture vulnerable even in the 1860s. Additionally, the article also considers methods adopted at the local level in attempts to resolve the situation, alleviate food shortages, and ward off famine. The appendices to the annual reports drawn up by the governors general of Estland and Livland include statistical data on the amounts of winter grain (rye), summer grains (barley, oats) and potatoes sowed, the size of their harvests (in chetverts), and the number of inhabitants. These appendices also provide an estimate of crop yields (how many seeds these types of crops produced). The fact that more precise information from Estland on 1868 is missing has to be pointed out as the largest gap. In spite of imperfection, the absolute numbers presented in the appendices of the reports from the governors are used in this article since there are no better options. The archives of rural municipal governments provide the opportunity to ascertain how different localities tried to alleviate the situation that emerged as the result of crop failure and to ensure that all members of the rural municipality were supplied with grain. The extent of crop failure, the use of communal grain, and the purchase of grain using money from the rural municipal treasury or on loan unfold from rural municipal council transcripts. Many archives of rural municipal governments have been lost over time. There are only 156 collections in total that contain transcripts from 1868 and 1869. The most important grain was rye, which could withstand poor growing conditions. The amount of winter grains sowed in Estonian territory as a whole was around 200,000 chetverts in the 1860s, and in the better years, the harvest of winter grains exceeded the threshold of 1,000,000 chetverts. The average crop yield of winter grains was 4.8 in the 1860s (excluding 1868). Barley and oats were primarily grown as summer grains, whereas oats were mostly used as animal feed. It was only starting in the 1830s that potato cultivation had begun spreading more extensively in the Baltic region, whereas it started being used primarily in distilleries, where it was cheaper raw material compare to rye. Unlike grains, potatoes were cultivated considerably less in Livland than in Estland. The potato harvest failed in Estland in 1866 and 1867, when the crop yield was only 2.8. The crop nevertheless did not fail in 1868 in the northern part of Livland as a whole, but it was poor (the crop yield was 3.4). Good potato harvests in Estland in both 1869 and 1870, when it set a record, surpassing the 662,000 chetvert threshold, contributed to recovery from the famine. Crop failure (less than three seeds) was not universal, rather it affected only one crop type and was mostly regional. In Northern Estonia and primarily in Saaremaa, the years of poor harvests in 1865 and 1867 were followed by the rainy summer of 1868, which brought with it crop failure and famine. The most complicated situation was in Saaremaa because the soil there was not very fertile. There winter grain yielded 2 seeds, summer grains 2.5 and potatoes 0.5 seeds. Thus, less potatoes were harvested there than were planted. Tartu County was the only district in Livland where average or satisfactory, and even good harvests were almost consistently achieved in the 1860s. Grain grown in Estland and Northern Livland was mostly consumed in the domestic market. Manorial estates cultivated grain primarily with the needs of the market in mind, while farms had to look after covering their own needs first and foremost. At that time, 1 chetvert of winter grain and 1 chetvert of summer grains was considered the food requirement of one person for a year. In Estland, 1.1–1.7 chetverts of rye and 1.2–2.2 chetverts of summer grains were produced per inhabitant in the 1860s. Rye was produced in quantities below this norm (0.8) in 1865, 1867, as well as in 1868, according to indirect data. In Northern Livland, 1–1.4 chetverts of rye and 1.1–2.0 chetverts of summer grains were produced per inhabitant. There the production of rye was slightly below the norm (0.9) in 1865, 1867, 1868 and also in 1870. Although crop yield was higher in Northern Livland, the large number of very small holdings in the crown manorial estates there, where secondary livelihoods, primarily fishing, occupied an important place, caused lower indices per person. The rye harvest per person was lowest in Pärnu County and Saaremaa (0.6) in 1868. The relative proportion of crown manors was especially large in these two counties. Alongside harvests and crop yields, it is also necessary to examine how the population coped in situations of crop failure and hunger, and what measures were taken for alleviating grain shortages. This particular crop failure was the first serious touchstone for the rural municipal communities that had only just been liberated from the control of the manorial estates by the Baltic Rural Municipalities Act in 1866. According to this act, each rural municipal community had to elect a council, which was the governing body of the rural municipal community. Thus, the council was the body that had to make the decisions concerning the use of the communal granary’s grain reserves, the taking out of loans, and distributing aid. Harvests in many regions of Estland and Northern Livland, and especially in Saaremaa, were so small in 1868 as the result of crop failure that they did not make it possible to survive over the winter or to allocate grain for the next sowing. The crisis reached its culmination in the winter of 1868 and the spring of 1869, when famine struck the most backward regions, gripping the province of Estland more or less as a whole, whereas the situation in Lääne County was the worst. Of the counties of the northern part of Livland, it struck only Saaremaa severely. Epidemics broke out in addition to the famine, primarily typhus, as well as dysentery, measles, smallpox, etc. The rural municipality was obliged to care for all its members, especially if they encountered difficulties due to either illness or poverty. Particular attention started being paid to providing poorer people with food and shelter. Food supply policy in the Russian state was founded on maintaining reserves in local communal granaries in order to prevent famine in the event of crop failure. In an emergency, members of the community could borrow grain from the granary for food or sowing, but the borrowed grain had to be returned together with interest in the form of grain from the new crop. In good years, the rural municipality could sell the surplus grain and set aside the money earned from such sales in the rural municipal treasury. When the communal granary’s grain reserves had been distributed and the granary was empty, the next measure was to purchase additional grain in return for the savings of the rural municipality, using both money from the treasury as well as obligations. In some rural municipalities, such measures were sufficient, and the rural municipality managed in this way to ride out this difficult period and also to feed its poor. More exceptional measures did not have to be adopted. This, of course, depended on the condition of the rural municipal treasury, which differed widely. Money taken from the rural municipal treasury was also a loan that had to be paid back. Here the principle of joint surety applied, thus this also had to be paid back on behalf of those who were themselves incapable of doing so. These measures nevertheless were not sufficient everywhere because primarily in Northern Estonia and Saaremaa, rural municipality transcripts record that the whole rural municipality had declined into great need and poverty, and all of the poor were starving. If the rural municipality had spent its own financial resources, the next step was to apply for a crown loan with which to procure grain, which would in turn be loaned out to the people of the rural municipality. The public authorities already made it known well in advance that rural municipalities could take out loans in an emergency, stressing that this was not aid and that it had to be paid back. The rural municipality could use granary reserves and money from the rural municipal treasury and receive support loans from the state only with the consent of the parish judge. The threshold for requesting permission was quite high because rural municipalities mostly already had communal granary debts, and the authorities feared the creation of new debts. The decision to take out a loan was not taken lightly in the rural municipalities because both paying back the loan and the payment of interest were considered to be too difficult. Taking out a crown loan was placed on the agenda only in the event of a very serious emergency, when reserves were completely depleted. The need for loans continued to grow at the end of 1868 and over the first half of 1869, when there were shortages of bread grains as well as seed grain. Different types of tactics can be seen in the case of taking out loans that corresponded to the size and opportunities of the rural municipality. In some rural municipalities, it was common procedure to assess the situation separately for each month, and smaller sums within the range of 100–600 roubles were taken out repeatedly as loans. Elsewhere – primarily in larger rural municipalities – the aim was to borrow a larger sum all at once that exceeded 1,000 roubles. A small proportion of the rural municipalities in Järva, Viru and Lääne counties had taken out a loan by then, but the sum could even extend to 3,000 roubles. Since the rural municipalities had been made responsible for looking after supplying the peasantry with food, resolving the situation depended on the extent of the famine and the economic condition of the rural municipality. At the same time, the rural municipality lacked sufficient power for coping with the tasks assigned to it. The resources of the rural municipality were limited, and it did not have possibilities for redistributing reserves between rural municipalities. In cases of more serious famine when communal granary reserves were insufficient, the manorial estate and, above all, the state had the means for assisting the population. Grain harvests did not depend solely upon the weather or other natural conditions, but also on agrarian relations. The farm economy was still almost entirely dependent on the manorial estate economy in the 1860s. Major changes took place in the 1860s aimed at accelerating the transition from the mode of management based on corvée to a system based on a money economy. The reorganisation of relations between farm and manorial estate did not immediately bring any noticeable changes. The three-field system remained in use in compact hamlets with fields divided into strips in Estland and Saaremaa until the enclosure of farms, which was usually carried out just before the manor put the farms up for sale. Enclosure became universal in the latter half of the 19th century, when the sale of farmland to peasants as hereditary property became its primary impetus. The outright purchase of farms took place early in Livland precisely in those areas with predominantly dispersed settlement where farms had accumulated money from the sale of flax and where it was not necessary to carry out the enclosure of farms before starting to sell farms. At the same time, this is precisely what led to Northern Livland’s more rapid commercial and financial development compared to Estland. Areas with enclosed farms that had been purchased outright were naturally not immune to unfavourable weather conditions and crop failure. They nevertheless had better chances for coping with grain shortages. Only the establishment of new economic relations, primarily the enclosure of farms and the growth of peasant smallholdings, created the prerequisites for the transition to crop rotation and for increased crop yields, which made it possible to cope better with setbacks.

This paper describes the technological development of wells and toilets and the cultural practices related to them in two countries, South Africa and Finland, from the Middle Ages to modern times. Wells and toilets have always been linked to the well-being of humans and they still are the most common technical systems in the service of mankind. They are simple to build, but if they are constructed improperly or stop functioning properly, they may endanger the health of both humans and the environment. The solutions used for getting clean water or for disposal of excrement have always been a matter of life and death for human settlements. Located on opposite sides of the world, the climate and natural resources of South Africa and Finland are very different. However, surprisingly similar solutions, for example wind turbines to pump water, have been used in rural areas. Furthermore, urbanization and industrialization occurred in both countries at approximately the same time in the 19th century, which caused increasing environmental problems in Finnish and South African urban areas. The transition to modern water supply and waste disposal systems was a very demanding process for municipal administrations in both countries.

Abstract: Scholars from the German Cultural Space in the Service of the Estonian Republic’s University of Tartu A university where the language of instruction was Estonian began to operate in Tartu in 1919. It continued the best academic traditions of the university that had been established in Tartu in 1632. The time period was not easy for putting the university into operation. The Republic of Estonia had been declared independent in February of 1918 and the young country immediately had to defend its independence, first in the struggle between the countries fighting in the First World War, and thereafter to fight against Soviet Russia. Although war did not spare scholars or young students, the Estonian nation nevertheless considered it necessary to start providing higher education and developing scholarly knowledge as quickly as possible. The University of Tartu became the centre for this endeavour. Among the many other problems that the university faced, professors had to be found who would meet the university’s standards. Until that time, it had not been possible for Estonians to acquire higher education in their mother tongue, for which reason there was also a shortage of scholars whose academic qualifications would measure up to the professor’s occupation, and who at the same time would be capable of providing academic instruction in Estonian. Especially in its first decade, in order to provide instruction in Estonian, the University of Tartu had to recruit scholars from abroad to teaching positions in order to be an academically respectable university. The university invited scholars from Finland and Sweden to assist in the first instance, hoping that they would settle in easily in Estonia’s cultural and linguistic space. Yet the small Nordic countries were incapable of filling all of the vacant professor positions in Tartu, for which reason professors had to be sought from other European universities as well. This article considers professors invited or elected to work at the University of Tartu who came to Estonia from countries in the German cultural space – from Germany, Switzerland and elsewhere in Central Europe. It was not easy to find professors because there were no benefits that could be offered to attract foreigners to a small university in a newly created country. War was still being waged against Soviet Russia, and the political and economic condition of the Estonian state was uncertain at the time when the first foreign professors arrived in Tartu. The University of Tartu could attract staff only by offering interesting work with possibilities for development and career advancement. When a candidate interested in working at the University of Tartu had been found, a long correspondence between him and the university’s curator began in order to determine his working and living conditions. Moving with one’s family to another country was financially costly and consumed a great deal of time, and it was not risk-free, for which reason a scholar coming from abroad had to be certain that his life in Tartu would proceed without a hitch. Yet at the same time, the tempting opportunity awaited them in Tartu to be a professor who could in many respects shape his department or chair of studies according to his own preferences. It was, after all, a university where many disciplines were only taking their first steps, and even in branches of knowledge that had already previously operated at the university, newcomers were often given a free hand in choosing the directions for their development. Even though the University of Tartu was not materially wealthy and the property of many of its institutes had been taken to Russia to spare them from warfare, that did not discourage foreigners, who quickly started filling in the missing links either with the help of their own personal libraries or by ordering scientific equipment and scholarly literature from abroad. Admittedly, the university did not necessarily have sufficient monetary resources for ordering equipment and literature, and professors who came from more prosperous conditions did not necessarily understand that. Foreign professors who came to Tartu were given numerous incentives, the most noteworthy of which was bonus pay. Until 1923, some of their salary was paid to them in British pounds. Thereafter payments in hard foreign currency were discontinued, but their salary was 15-30% higher than that of other professors. Moving to Estonia was supported with the sum of 60 British pounds, and if the professor had worked in Tartu for at least three years, they could also receive compensation for moving back home. Since books were important materials for scholars in their work, up to 1,600 kg of books were exempted from customs duties. Foreign professors became Estonian civil servants, which meant that the same laws and also subsidies (the right to pension support, medical care) applied to them and the members of their families as to Estonian civil servants. Professors who came from abroad were initially allowed to give their lectures in German, yet the more distant objective at the university where instruction was to be in Estonian was that all professors would also gradually start using Estonian in their lectures. The university started concluding agreements with foreign professors that the language of their lectures would become Estonian after five years, which could be extended for another three years if necessary. Most of the foreigners who taught in Tartu were relatively young men when they arrived there, who used the opportunity to lay the foundation for their future career, which would not necessarily have been possible to do in their homeland so quickly. Cooperation between foreign professors and the University of Tartu did not always proceed without problems. Misunderstandings arising from different linguistic and cultural spaces, as well as behaviour by some foreigners that ignored the regulations of the University of Tartu, could cause discord between the two parties. Nineteen professors who were invited or elected from the German cultural space worked at the University of Tartu in the 1920s, and a closer look is taken at them in the article. Thereat their scholarly activity is not examined, rather the aim of the article is to consider more general tendencies that accompanied scholars who came from old European countries to work in the young Republic of Estonia. Some disciplines had to use foreigners for years before scholars from Estonia developed to where they could take over. For instance, Germanspeaking professors worked for years in physiology (Alexander Lipschütz, Alfred Fleisch) and pharmacology (Siegfried Walter Loewe, Georg Barkan) in the medical faculty, where it takes years to master the profession, maintaining the development of their disciplines at a high level. Scholars from outside of Estonia also worked for years as professors of foreign languages at the Faculty of Philosophy, creating a strong professional foundation, from which Estonian professors later continued. Not one faculty except for the Faculty of Religion was able to manage without foreigners from the German cultural space. Many foreigners went back to their homeland after a while, continuing their successful scholarly career paths that they started in Tartu. Only three scholars worked in Tartu for the shortest period of time, which was two years and Heinrich Mutschmann, Professor of English Philology, taught the longest, 19 years. He decided to leave Estonia in 1939 when Baltic Germans were summoned back to Germany. Although problems with foreigners could crop up for the University of Tartu and they could be costly for the university, they made a great contribution to the development of Estonian scholarship, from which Estonian scholars continued. Foreign scholars brought new ideas and schools of thought to Tartu, as well as necessary connections in European academic and scientific circles. They were full of energy and at the age when they were at the height of their creative powers. As such, they set an example in teaching and research, as well as in organisational skills, for young Estonian scholars, who continued along the path that their teachers laid out for them after the foreigners left Tartu.

This dissertation investigates what the early modern donation system in Sweden reveals about the Crown’s expectations of the social group that served the state, and what these individuals expected from the Crown. The author shows how the Crown used donations of land rents to remunerate and reward individuals in its service. In 1680 the donation system was abolished and the Crown reclaimed everything that had been alienated. It was not until 1723 that the proprietors could address a specially appointed parliamentary commission (which ended in 1748) and challenge the Crown’s repossession. The deeds of donation and ratification, most issued during the period 1604 to 1680, as well as petitions submitted to the commission constitute the sources used in the investigation. A petition from the recipient usually preceded remunerations and the deeds drawn up by the Crown often refer to these letters. Petitioners accordingly referred to arguments used by the administration in Stockholm. This makes it possible, by direct and indirect methods, to study how both parties sought to change and influence the imagined compact between Crown and families in its service. The negotiation between the parties, studied over such a lengthy period, helps identify tendencies in the way the relation between state and its servants was changing. The thesis shows that there was a clear gender aspect to the process through which state formation happened. Even though most recipients were male, the deeds included his wife and children. Service and fidelity to the Crown was expected also from the descendants of the recipient. Accordingly, the Crown had both liabilities and duties to fulfil to the recipients family. We could say that in the eye of the Crown its servants were a family. The author also argues that the Crown used the donations to create and favour an informal fifth estate and how this policy influenced the shared ideas in society on merits versus ancestry. In the end of the period, however, the imagined compact was changing. The emerging state came with new claims to authority and the need to separate the Crown from its subjects at various levels (legal, political). As the compact became less personal family members were no longer included and women could no longer negotiate from their position within the family.

Defence date: 7 November 2016
Examining Board: Professor Youssef Cassis, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Pauli Kettunen, University of Helsinki (External Supervisor); Professor Luca Molà, EUI; Professor Lionel Bently, University of Cambridge
In the late nineteenth century, the Grand Duchy of Finland benefited from its backward position in the peripheral corner of Europe; its export markets expanded, career opportunities were sought abroad, and foreign ideas and technology were translated and appropriated. At the same time, the identity of the young nation state as a part of the Russian Empire was being put together by its educated elite, whose national projects would react to foreign developments and amalgamate with the expertise acquired abroad. This included the reconciliation of private, collective and state interests over natural resources and intangible ideas. This thesis explores and adds to the scattered knowledge of four areas of intangible and material ownership in the country: inventions and literary works, trees and wild berries (allemansrätt, public access to nature). The thesis aims to understand how ownership, in general, became defined and how these specific property rights were produced as part of the peripheral dynamics in the Grand Duchy. The study analyses the political processes around the key legislative reforms in which the existing structures of ownership became challenged and reshaped. The thesis argues that the peripheral perception related to the economic and intellectual context was central to conceptualising "property". It allowed comparative reflection and learning from abroad, but the spatio-temporal relation served also to frame and guide the property reforms according to the interests of the political factions, for instance, by emphasising the particular or universal aspects of the reform. In general, a pragmatic, liberal line of thinking which favoured domestic interests permeated the reforms. The rhetoric of the sanctity of private property was commonly used, but in a way that incorporated the interests of the public; differences in the concept of property pertained especially to the role of the public and the way in which the common interest was seen to manifest itself.

This chapter explores Finland's history, highlighting the country before and after the declaration of independence. It evaluates patterns and trends in social and cultural norms, education, employment, science, technology, and engineering to find evidence of gender inequality, marginalization, and oppression towards Finnish women scholars. Data is collected, analyzed, and reported from a diverse group of peer-reviewed and economic published perspectives, including the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), Organization for Economic-Cooperation and Development (OECD), International Labor Organization (ILOSTAT), Panorama Education, World Economic Forum, Global Wage Report, University of British Columbia, National Science Foundation, World Intellectual Property Organization(WIPO), National Centre for Education, European Commission, and Statista Finland databases.

This chapter discusses the maintenance challenges of the Russo-Swedish War of 1741–1743, arguably one of the biggest military catastrophes in Swedish history. Hatakka shows that maintenance problems were one of the root causes for the catastrophe. The war was declared without proper preparations, and the decision makers in Stockholm realised only too late that Finland lacked grain storages, mills and bakeries. The crown’s hastily attempts to improve the situation by building new infrastructure and outsourcing bread-making to civilians were of little avail, thanks to scarce population, limited resources, and transportation difficulties. Thus, the Swedish army had to use the critical first months of the war for solving maintenance problems instead of fighting, a fact that contributed heavily to its loss.

The chapter describes the situation from several EU countries on cooperation among farmers, with a focus on the approach of the cooperative concept related to legislation and function. The study comprises 10 member states from different parts of Europe: east, south, and north. The objective was to identify the differences and the existence of an integrative model for cooperative or producer organizations in agriculture. The member states included in the study were France, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Poland, Ireland, The Netherlands, and Romania. In order to find common features, the history and previous developing of cooperation were analyzed. Focused on the bibliographic research and comprising an analysis of the history and legislation, the author tried to underline some aspects that could facilitate the setting-up of new agricultural cooperatives and at the same time, a proper operation of the existing ones. The information gathered was presented and interpreted, in order to capture the situation of agricultural co-operative structures, legal type, and economic operation.

<EM>ABSTRACT. </EM>The explosion of information on the distribution and impacts of whirling disease in the United States during the last decade has changed the way in which we view <em>Myxobolus cerebralis</em>. However, even a cursory review of whirling disease literature reveals that many of our concerns today have been expressed at some previous time in the history of our experience with this parasite. From the first description of <em>M. cerebralis </em>in Germany in 1893, it was recognized that whirling disease could severely affect the growing trout farming industry. During the first half of this century <em>M. cerebralis </em>was disseminated throughout Europe, especially following WWII when live rainbow trout <em>Oncorhynchus mykiss </em>were transferred freely. Between 1950 and 1970, the parasite began to appear at trout farms on other continents, and it was in the late 1950s that whirling disease first emerged in the United States. Nearly all reports of detection, both here and in Europe, were associated with artificial rearing facilities. Until the 1980s, the only references reporting infections in natural populations of salmonids are from Finland, Russia, and Michigan, and the reported infections were usually light. Clinical whirling disease was largely associated with culture of trout in earthen ponds, where the infective agent concentrated. In the period between 1970 and 1990, there were increasing reports of the parasite in hatcheries throughout Europe and the United States. In Europe, the perspective after many years of living with whirling disease was that eradication was not possible in most cases, but that we knew enough to reduce infection levels below the point where clinical disease occurs. In the United States, reports of whirling disease in hatcheries were often followed by destruction of any fish on the facility, but as it became apparent that proper management could reduce infection levels, and as there appeared to be no effects outside the bounds of the hatchery, these standards were relaxed. However, in the 1990s, clinical whirling disease was reported in free-ranging trout populations in Colorado and Montana, causing us, once again, to rethink how this disease can be controlled and managed.