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Witkoś, Jacek, Dominika Dziubała-Szrejbrowska et Paulina Łęska. « Binding as agree and index raising : The case of Polish accusative object experiencers ». Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 54, no 4 (27 novembre 2018) : 469–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/psicl-2018-0020.
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Abstract This paper aims to account for peculiar binding properties of non-nominative arguments of Polish psychological predicates focusing on accusative Object Experiencers (hence, OE). It has been observed that although Polish anaphors are subject oriented, they can be bound by accusative experiencers (Bondaruk and Szymanek 2007; Tajsner 2008; Wiland 2016). At the same time, these arguments, unlike nominative subjects, are also proper antecedents for both reflexive and pronominal possessives. This mixed behaviour poses a puzzle for the traditional formulation of Binding Theory (Chomsky 1981, 1986; Manzini and Wexler 1987; Rappaport 1986; Willim 1986/1989; Reinders-Machowska 1991), which assumes complementarity between anaphors and pronominals in their local domains and plainly states that the subject is the privileged binder in Slavic. We base our analysis on a number of recent proposals, including Hicks (2009), Safir (2014) and Nikolaeva (2014), following Hestvik (1992). The proposal implements the concept of binding as (upward) Agree as well as Index Raising (IR), where the head of the anaphoric/pronominal element (henceforth the index) is (covertly) moved and adjoined to v or T. Lexicalisation and distribution of anaphoric and pronominal elements is determined by two factors: the movement of the index and the case position of the binder.
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Goodluck, Helen, Kofi K. Saah et Danijela Stojanović. « On the Default Mechanism for Interrogative Binding ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 40, no 4 (décembre 1995) : 377–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100016121.
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AbstractThe difference between the two mechanisms for wh-question binding (i.e., sucessive cyclic movement and pronominal binding) is characterized, inter alia, by the presence of island constraints (subjacency effects) in movement but not pronominal constructions. Using experimental data from child and adult speakers of Akan (pronominal binding) and Serbo-Croatian (movement and pronominal binding), it is argued that: 1) Previous experiments on English-speaking children’s knowledge of the block on extraction from within adjuncts do not positively support early use of a movement grammar in English; 2) Apparent sensitivity to movement constraints may arise as a consequence of processing preferences; 3) The evidence to date is nonetheless compatible with movement as the default hypothesis for wh-binding; 4) The parsing preference for non-island locations for a wh-word may have utility for the learner, helping to correct overly permissive grammars.
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Al Mahmoud, Mahmoud S. « R-Expressions and the Interrogative Use of Anaphora in Najdi Arabic ». International Journal of Linguistics 12, no 5 (7 septembre 2020) : 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v12i5.17503.
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This paper endeavors to explain how Najdi Arabic (NA), one of the dialects spoken in the central region of the Arabian Peninsula, diverges from Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) in its anaphoric treatment of R-expressions and pronominals. Data from a native Najdi Arabic informant suggest that only a subset of NA verbs allow proper names to be referentially bound by their antecedent pronouns in interrogative structures. Although this property is characteristic of Najdi Arabic not MSA, it yields certain challenges to the basic tenets of the Binding Theory. While Principle C of the Binding Theory requires R-expressions to be free, a referential reading of the NA data, which syntactically binds proper names with their pronominal referents, violates such principle.
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Dong, Hongyuan. « An LFG analysis of pronominal binding in Mandarin Chinese ». Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 1 (12 juin 2016) : 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v1i0.3646.
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Pronominal binding in Mandarin Chinese can be affected by different embedding verbs. For example, verbs like “gǎnxiè” (“to thank”) impose a negative constraint that requires the embedded subject pronoun not to be bound by the matrix subject DP. On the other hand verbs like “zhīdào” (“to know”) do not have such a requirement, thus conforming to the Binding Principle B. Importantly, binding relations of pronouns in sentences with verbs like “gǎnxiè” (“to thank”) cannot be accounted for within the framework of the standard Binding Theory. It cannot be explained by the control theory that involves PRO, either, although there is indeed some similarity between such negative constraints and control structures. Therefore I propose to add a negative constraint in the lexical entries of such verbs, based on how control is handled in LFG. This proposal has both theoretical and application advantages.
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Culy, Cristopher, et Kungarma Kodio. « Dogon pronominal systems their nature and evolution ». Studies in African Linguistics 23, no 3 (15 juin 1994) : 315–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v23i3.107411.
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The Dogon language family has received little attention in the linguistics literature to date. In this paper we examine the binding properties of the pronominal systems of three Dogon languages, Donno S:>, T:>r:> S:>, and Togo Ka. We also posit the pronominal system of their common ancestor, and the changes from the common ancestor to the contemporary languages. In doing so, we find two ways in which languages can lose logophoricity: (1) the logophoric pronoun becomes a subject oriented reflexive, and (2) the logophoric pronoun is lost without any reflex. The Dogon languages thus give us insight into the nature of pronominal systems and how they evolve.
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DILIP, Mayuri J., et Rajesh KUMAR. « Clitic or Agreement Restriction in Santali : A Typological Analysis ». Acta Linguistica Asiatica 10, no 1 (30 janvier 2020) : 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.10.1.9-33.
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This paper investigates the syntactic configuration of pronominal number marking in Santali. Syntactic, morphological and prosodic restrictions show that pronominal number markers have properties of an affix as well as a clitic. A marker is an affix due to the fact that it cannot participate in a binding relation with other arguments. A pronominal number marker also functions as a clitic since it is attached to prosodically the most prominent constituent. The arguments that trigger object agreement do not manifest one particular case, but instead indicate a dissociation between a case and object agreement. On the other hand, the argument with subject agreement manifests nominative case only, indicating an association between nominative case and subject agreement. Both subject and object agreement are sensitive to case that indicates a property of an affix. Keeping in view the distribution of the pronominal number markers, we analyze feature checking of the two parameters, namely agreement and case in Santali.
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Kim, Soo Jeong, U. Pyong Hong, Ki Hyo Park, Sun Kyoung Lee, Sara Ok, Ga Young Kang et Yun Ju Nam. « Psychological reality of binding principles for pronominal anaphors in Korean ». Journal of the Humanities for Unification 90 (30 juin 2022) : 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21185/jhu.2022.06.90.255.
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WALTZMAN, DAVA E., et HELEN S. CAIRNS. « Grammatical knowledge of third grade good and poor readers ». Applied Psycholinguistics 21, no 2 (juin 2000) : 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014271640000206x.
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The relationship between grammatical knowledge and reading ability in third grade good and poor readers was investigated. Two aspects of grammar – binding and control – were assessed to determine whether poor readers had syntactic deficits. These principles both relate to the interpretation of pronominal elements. Interpretations were assessed through a sentence–picture matching task in which picture depictions of all the possible interpretations of pronominal elements in verbally presented sentences were included. The only sentence type that differentiated the two reading groups was performance on sentences related to one of the binding principles, Principle B. Since obedience to Principle B probably involves pragmatic as well as syntactic principles, this finding suggests another way that good readers may differ from poor readers.
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Kanno, Kazue. « The acquisition of null and overt pronominals in Japanese by English speakers ». Second Language Research 13, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 265–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/026765897673070746.
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This article reports on an experimental study that examines the role of UG in the L2 acquisition of Japanese by English speakers. The study focuses on the acquisition of the principle that prevents overt pronouns from having quantified NPs as antecedents in languages (such as Japanese) that have null pronouns. A group of 28 English speakers taking a fourth semester course in Japanese were asked to interpret the null and overt pronominal in the Japanese equivalent of patterns such as Everyone i thinks he/Øi is smart.Not only did the L2 learners exhibit a statistically significant difference in their interpretation of null and overt pronominals with respect to binding by a quantified NP, consistent with the UG principle, but their performance was not significantly different from that of a native-speaker control group.
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Lohnstein, Horst. « Sentence mood constitution and indefinite noun phrases ». ZAS Papers in Linguistics 23 (1 janvier 2001) : 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.23.2001.118.
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Sentence mood in German is a complex category that is determined by various components of the grammatical system. In particular, verbal mood, the position of the finite verb and the wh-characteristics of the so called 'Vorfeld'-phrase are responsible for the constitution of sentence mood in German. This article proposes a theory of sentence mood constitution in German and investigates the interaction between the pronominal binding of indefinite noun phrases which are semantically analyzed as choice functions. It is shown that the semantic objects determined by sentence mood define different kinds of domains which have to be uniquely accessible as the range of the choice function. The various properties of the pronominal binding of indefinites can be derived by the interplay of the proposed theoretical notions.
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Romero, Juan Romero, et Javier Ormazabal. « The formal properties of non paradigmatic 'se' ». Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 8, no 1 (1 juin 2019) : 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.8.1.4704.
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Following Oca (1914), this article argues that passive and impersonal se constructions in Spanish are regular transitive constructions where the pronominal clitic seis the argumental subject. Several arguments (secondary predication, non-argumental predicates, control and obviation, anaphora binding, active morphology or its alignment with overt nominative pronouns, among others)show that (i)bothconstructions are active structures, (ii)despite what agreement facts might suggest, in both the internal argument of the verb is not the subject but the direct object throughout the derivation, (iii) se is the active nominative pronominal subject of the construction. We argue that the alleged ‘special’ properties of passive-se are not construction-specific but follow from the lexical specifications of se agreeing with Tense as a quirky subject.
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Alves, Michele Calil dos Santos. « Differences between grammatical gender and semantic gender in pronominal antecedent retrieval in Brazilian Portuguese ». Diacrítica 33, no 2 (16 décembre 2019) : 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/diacritica.403.
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Coreference is a syntactic dependency in which pronouns are bound to previous referents in discourse. Granted that antecedents of anaphors must be retrieved from memory in coreference, the aim of this research is to provide more information on how pronominal antecedents are retrieved, and more precisely to clarify the role of gender cues in pronominal antecedent retrieval when gender morphology is overt. Since Portuguese is a language with visible morphology, speakers of this language are used to rely on agreement cues to process language. The results of two eye-tracking experiments conducted with native speakers of Brazilian Portuguese demonstrated that both binding structural constraints and gender morphological cues are equally important in antecedent retrieval in memory throughout processing. In addition, the results indicated that semantic gender seemed to weigh more in memory than grammatical gender since structurally unacceptable candidates carrying semantic gender caused more interference effects than grammatical gender.
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Takano, Yuji. « Scrambling and Control ». Linguistic Inquiry 41, no 1 (janvier 2010) : 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2010.41.1.83.
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This article argues for two points: that scrambling out of a control clause patterns with scrambling out of a finite clause and that obligatory control is derived by movement of the controller. The argument is based on hitherto unnoticed facts about binding effects with scrambling out of a control clause in Japanese. It is proposed that those facts can only be accounted for by looking at an interaction of long-distance scrambling and movement of the controller. It is also shown that the proposal has important consequences for the nature of scrambling, pronominal variable binding, and subject control.
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Kempson, Ruth. « Wh-gap Binding and Ellipsis — a Grammar for an Input System ». Nordic Journal of Linguistics 14, no 1 (juin 1991) : 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s033258650000233x.
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This paper argues that pragmatic processes and syntactic constraints interact, that we can nevertheless retain the assumption that the natural language faculty is fully encapsulated, and that the problems posed by the phenomenon of gapping (bare argument ellipsis) can be resolved by analysing gapping as an instance of such interaction. A new model of language is sketched out, a model which is a formal reconstruction of assumptions about the language faculty and its relation to central cognitive processes made by Fodor. and Sperber and Wilson. A fragment is defined to cover pronominal anaphoric dependency and quantifier binding, and a new analysis of bare argument ellipsis (gapping) is presented.
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Minkoff, Seth A. « Principle D ». Linguistic Inquiry 31, no 4 (octobre 2000) : 583–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438900554488.
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Certain acceptability contrasts attending pronominal and SELF-anaphor binding are not accounted for by previous theories of Principles A and B. These contrasts are produced by “Principle D,” which limits the binding domains of antecedents that are “nonselected,” that is, of antecedents that form arguments of predicates that do not restrict the class of arguments with which these antecedents may acceptably be replaced. Further, assuming that Principle D violations are less unacceptable than Principle B violations and more unacceptable than Principle A violations, Principle D's interactions with Principles A and B account for gradations of unacceptability that cannot be accounted for using the “acceptable/unacceptable” dichotomy posited in most previous works.
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Alenazy, Mamdouh Ayed. « Binding Relations and Their Implications for Word Order in Arabic ». Theory and Practice in Language Studies 11, no 9 (1 septembre 2021) : 1018–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1109.06.
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This study aims at investigating the distribution of the possessive pronouns in Modern Standard Arabic. It shows that when the possessive pronouns are used as reflexives they have implications for the word order. The different positions occupied by the objects are determined by the presence of these pronouns and the binding relations within the c-commanding domain. Building on the basic assumptions of Binding Theory, possessive pronouns are best treated as normal pronominal elements which are subject to condition B. However, when they are used as anaphoric elements in certain contexts, they have to be c-commanded by their antecedents. Depending on the derivational level at which c-command relation is established between the reflexive possessive pronoun and its antecedent, movement of the possessive pronoun along with the phrase containing is optional in certain structures or, in other structures, the pronoun becomes frozen in the position in which it is base-generated.
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Pires, Acrisio. « The subject, it is here ! The varying structural positions of preverbal subjects ». DELTA : Documentação de Estudos em Lingüística Teórica e Aplicada 23, spe (2007) : 113–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-44502007000300008.
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This paper analyzes preverbal overt subjects, comparing Brazilian Portuguese to (other) null-subject languages, especially within Romance. It explores syntactic and semantic properties, including resumption, ellipsis, quantifiers and scope, variable binding, ordering restrictions, pronominal distinctions, minimality violations, bare nouns and definiteness. It concludes that preverbal subjects in Brazilian Portuguese can be realized both in argumental positions (Specifier of the Inflectional or Tense Phrase) and non-argumental positions (Topic Phrase specifiers), with the possibility that both types of positions are filled by the subject in the same clause, incorporating properties that have been argued not to be found together in other languages.
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Campos, Héctor. « Impersonal Passive "Se" in Spanish ». Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 13, no 1 (1 janvier 1989) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.13.1.02cam.
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Within the last twenty years and in the framework of transformational grammar at least seven kinds of se have been proposed: spurious se, reflexive se, reciprocal se, pronominal se, impersonal se, passive se and se moyen. Each of these se's shows its own syntactic and semantic characteristics. In this article, in the framework of the Theory of Government and Binding, an eighth type of se, the impersonal passive se, is proposed. Similar to the passive se, it is passive in interpretation; however, unlike passive se, and similar to the impersonal se, it has an impersonal subject. The different syntactic properties this new se exhibits are shown to follow from the principles of universal grammar.
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Uwasomba, Blessing Ugochi. « Anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo : Binding Theory Approach ». Journal of Languages, Linguistics and Literary Studies 2, no 4 (31 décembre 2022) : 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/jllls.v2i4.339.
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This work investigates Anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo. Anaphoric expressions are useful in the meaningful interpretations of NPs in a discourse. This study adopts the Binding Theory (BT) approach of GB syntax in examining anaphoric expressions in Igbo. Data for this work were elicited from native speakers of Ikwuano in Ikwuano area of Abia State, Nigeria. This paper was verified for cross-referencing purposes given the researcher’s native speaking intuition and introspection. This study investigates anaphors and antecedents and also demonstrates the concepts of C-command and binding, among others in Ikwuano Igbo. The work reveals that Ikwuano Igbo has two types of anaphors- the reflexive and the reciprocal anaphors. The study demonstrates that the binding theory investigates the syntactic relationship that can or must hold between a given proform and its antecedent. In this respect, anaphors (reflexive and reciprocal pronouns) behave very differently from personal pronouns. The work demonstrates the concepts of binding, Co-indexation, Co-referentiality, locality constraint and C-constituent command to show dependency between the antecedents and the anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo. This paper also reveals that Ikwuano Igbo has anaphoric expressions that do not mark gender. The Binding Theory shows that the antecedent and the anaphor occur in the same governing category. Also it shows that a pronominal must be free in its governing category and an R-expression must be free everywhere in a sentence according to the regulating principles of the Theory. This paper reveals the descriptive nature of antecedent- anaphor relationship in the study of syntactic structures for grammaticality.
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TANAKA, HIDEKAZU. « Right-Dislocation as scrambling ». Journal of Linguistics 37, no 3 (novembre 2001) : 551–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226701001049.
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The present paper shows that Right-Dislocation (RD) in Japanese shares a number of characteristics with scrambling, but nonetheless cannot be identified as rightward scrambling. The proposed solution to this apparent contradiction is that there is no direct syntactic movement of the right-dislocated phrase. Rather, the right-dislocated phrase is a remnant of an extra clause which is deleted (or sluiced) after scrambling. It is therefore concluded that RD involves leftward movement (scrambling) and that its rightward effect is only apparent. The proposed analysis is supported by a number of facts that have not previously been reported, including the distribution of adverbs, pronominal coreference, anaphor binding, idiom interpretations and wh-questions. The proposed analysis is also consistent with Kayne’s (1994) proposal that there are no rightward movement processes in syntax.
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Aoun, Joseph, Lina Choueiri et Norbert Hornstein. « Resumption, Movement, and Derivational Economy ». Linguistic Inquiry 32, no 3 (juillet 2001) : 371–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438901750372504.
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This article investigates the interaction between resumption and movement. Lebanese Arabic distinguishes between true resumption, where a pronoun or an epithet phrase is related to an Ā -antecedent via Bind, and apparent resumption, where the pronoun or the epithet phrase is related to its Ā -antecedent via Move. Only apparent resumption displays reconstruction effects for scope and binding. As resumptives, strong pronouns and epithet phrases cannot be related to a quantificational antecedent unless they occur inside islands. We account for this Obviation Requirement as follows: (a) (true) resumption is a last resort device, (b) strong pronouns and epithet phrases in apparent resumption contexts are generated as appositive modifiers of a DP, which is fronted to an Ā -position, and (c) appositive modifiers are interpreted as independent clauses. Obviation is reduced to the inability of quantifiers to bind a pronominal element across sentential boundaries.
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Zribi-Hertz, Anne. « Emphatic or reflexive ? On the endophoric character of Frenchlui-mémeand similar complex pronouns ». Journal of Linguistics 31, no 2 (septembre 1995) : 333–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700015632.
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This study examines the referential properties of a class of complex pronouns labelled M-PRONOUNS, exemplified by Old English HIMSELF, French LUI-MéME and English HISOWN. It is shown that M-pronouns exhibit some properties commonly taken as characterizing reflexive anaphors, and that they also occur as ‘intensive’ pronouns. It is shown, however, that they are not anaphors, and that labelling them ‘intensives’ does not suffice to account for their distribution. It is argued that the semantic properties of M-pronouns may be derived from their morphological structure. Their pronoun component (Old English HIM, French LUI, English HIS) is not a pronominal, in the sense of the Binding Theory, but a bindable expression unspecified for disjoint reference and locality. In the complex form created by M-adjunction, the pronoun is crucially de-stressed and, correlatively, interpreted as endophoric.
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Hawkins, Roger, et Cecilia Yuet-hung Chan. « The partial availability of Universal Grammar in second language acquisition : the ‘failed functional features hypothesis’ ». Second Language Research 13, no 3 (juillet 1997) : 187–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/026765897671476153.
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A number of studies in the research literature have proposed that Universal Grammar (UG) is partially available to adult second language learners. Attempts to provide a syntactic characterization of that partial availability have only recently begun to appear, however. In this article we will argue that speakers of Chinese (a language without wh-operator movement in overt syntax) learning second language English (a language with wh-operator movement in overt syntax) establish mental representations for English which involve pronominal binding rather than operator movement. It will be suggested that this divergence from native-speaker representations is an effect of the inaccessibility of features of functional categories in second language acquisition, what we will refer to as the ‘failed functional features hypothesis’. Implications are drawn from the findings for the syntactic characterization of accessibility to UG more generally in second language acquisition.
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Almeida, Bruna Clara Santos de, et Rafael Dias Minussi. « O comportamento dos pronomes possessivos seu(s) ; sua(s) ; dele(s) e dela(s) na recuperação de seus antecedentes ». Revista Linguíʃtica 17, no 3 (3 novembre 2022) : 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31513/linguistica.2021.v17n3a50239.
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Este artigo faz uma descrição e análise dos pronomes possessivos seu(s), sua(s), dele(s) e dela(s), tomando como base o Princípio B da teoria de Regência e Ligação (Govermment and Binding) (CHOMSKY, 1981), segundo o qual o pronome tem que estar livre em sua categoria de regência, isso significa que os pronomes não precisam de antecedentes, mas quando os possuem, esses não podem c-comandá-los dentro de sua categoria de regência. Entretanto, em alguns casos os pronomes possessivos seu(s); sua(s); dele(s) e dela(s) parecem ser ligados, como nas sentenças: [Pedroi considera seui óculos] o mais bonito; Felipe acha [Gabrielai orgulhosa delai]. Por meio de dados retirados do corpus do projeto SP2010, transcrito pelo Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisa em Sociolinguística da USP, coordenado pelo Prof. Dr. Ronald Beline, identificamos que os pronomes possessivos seu(s), sua(s), dele(s) e dela(s) não atuam como prevê o Princípio B da Teoria da Ligação. A partir da perspectiva da Morfologia Distribuída, sugerimos que tais pronomes são subespecificados, porém os pronomes seu(s) e sua(s) parecem ser mais subespecificados do que dele(s) e dela(s), já que possuem vários tipos de antecedentes: 3ª pessoa, 2ª pessoa, 2G e 3G ocasionando o fenômeno de sincretismo, pois esses antecedentes possuem mais de um traço sintático-semântico, sendo retomado pelo mesmo conteúdo fonológico. Os pronomes seu(s), sua(s), dele(s) e dela(s) parecem possuir os traços [+anafórico, +pronominal], pois se comportam tanto como pronomes quanto como anáforas, sendo o seu(s) e sua(s) aparentemente mais anafóricos e dele(s) e dela(s) mais pronominais.
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Adams, Nikki, et Thomas J. Conners. « Imposters and their implications for third-person feature specification ». Linguistics 58, no 2 (26 avril 2020) : 537–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0047.
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AbstractImposters, seemingly third person nouns with speech act participant reference, have been varyingly analyzed as being licensed through an elaborated DP syntax (Collins and Postal. 2008. Imposters. Manuscript. http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/000640 (accessed 12 May 2017), Collins and Postal. 2012. Imposters: A study of pronominal agreement. Cambridge: MIT Press) or through lexical specification (Kaufman 2014. The syntax of Indonesian imposters. In Chris Collins (ed.), Cross-linguistic studies of imposters and pronominal agreement, 89–120. Oxford: Oxford University Press). Looking at Korean and Indonesian, two languages that make frequent use of imposters, we show that both can be accounted for without appeal to an elaborated DP syntax and that, in fact, such a structure makes the wrong predictions. Rather, other heads in the clause, in conjunction with differences in lexical specification, can account for both languages. In Indonesian, which freely allows imposters to bind anaphors with person features of the referent, the imposter is lexically specified for those features. In Korean, where such binding is restricted, imposters are underspecified for person and so anaphors only occur when there is another person feature-carrying head to supply the necessary features (Zanuttini et al. 2012. A syntactic analysis of interpretive restrictions on imperative, promissive, and exhortative subjects. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 30(4). 1231–1274). Previously left unexplained was why Korean imposters were unable to bind any person-marked anaphors, including third person, under an assumption that person-underspecified DPs get valued with a default third person feature. We argue this is a result of the difference in types of third person, those specified for third person and those that are not (Sigurðsson 2010. On EPP effects. Studia Linguistica 64(2). 159–189).
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Kratzer, Angelika. « Making a Pronoun : Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns ». Linguistic Inquiry 40, no 2 (avril 2009) : 187–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.2.187.
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This article argues that natural languages have two binding strategies that create two types of bound variable pronouns. Pronouns of the first type, which include local fake indexicals, reflexives, relative pronouns, and PRO, may be born with a “defective” feature set. They can acquire the features they are missing (if any) from verbal functional heads carrying standard λ-operators that bind them. Pronouns of the second type, which include long-distance fake indexicals, are born fully specified and receive their interpretations via context-shifting λ-operators (Cable 2005). Both binding strategies are freely available and not subject to syntactic constraints. Local anaphora emerges under the assumption that feature transmission and morphophonological spell-out are limited to small windows of operation, possibly the phases of Chomsky 2001. If pronouns can be born underspecified, we need an account of what the possible initial features of a pronoun can be and how it acquires the features it may be missing. The article develops such an account by deriving a space of possible paradigms for referential and bound variable pronouns from the semantics of pronominal features. The result is a theory of pronouns that predicts the typology and individual characteristics of both referential and bound variable pronouns.
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Haddad, Youssef A. « Possessively Construed Attitude Dative Constructions in Lebanese Arabic ». Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 8, no 1 (2016) : 37–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-00801003.
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Possessive dative constructions—a subcategory of external possession constructions, similar but not identical to the English sentence She looked him in the eye—are a cross-linguistic phenomenon. These structures feature a nominal or pronominal element—in this case, him—that functions semantically as the possessor of a separate DP—eye—and syntactically as a dependent of the verb. Syntactic approaches to possessive dative constructions in such languages as Hebrew and German argue for a movement analysis in which the possessor starts out in the possessum DP before moving to a higher position. Semantic approaches to the same phenomenon in German and French, among other languages, analyze possessive dative constructions as instances of anaphoric binding; the dative undergoes first-merge outside the possessum DP and binds a variable in it. The present article documents and analyzes what appear to be instances of possessive dative constructions in Lebanese Arabic. I show that the possessive construal of the datives in these structures is not syntactically or semantically mediated, but rather pragmatically determined.
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Grano, Thomas, et Howard Lasnik. « How to Neutralize a Finite Clause Boundary : Phase Theory and the Grammar of Bound Pronouns ». Linguistic Inquiry 49, no 3 (juillet 2018) : 465–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00279.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A bound pronoun in the subject position of a finite embedded clause renders the clause boundary relatively transparent to relations ordinarily confined to monoclausal, control, and raising configurations. For example, too/ enough-movement structures involving a finite clause boundary are degraded in sentences like * This book is too long [for John to claim [that Bill read ___ in a day]] but improved when the finite clause has a bound pronominal subject as in ? This book is too long [for John1 to claim [that he1 read ___ in a day]]. This bound pronoun effect holds across a wide range of phenomena including too/ enough-movement, tough-movement, gapping, comparative deletion, antecedent-contained deletion, quantifier scope interaction, multiple questions, pseudogapping, reciprocal binding, and multiple sluicing; we confirm the effect via a sentence acceptability experiment targeting some of these phenomena. Our account has two crucial ingredients: (a) bound pronouns optionally enter the derivation with unvalued ϕ-features and (b) phases are defined in part by convergence, so that under certain conditions, unvalued features void the phasal status of CP and extend the locality domain for syntactic operations.
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Goodluck, Helen, et Lawrence Solan. « Un effet du principe C chez l’enfant francophone ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 45, no 1-2 (juin 2000) : 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100017606.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractWe report a study that tests children’s knowledge of an effect of Principle C of the binding theory: In the adult grammar of English and French, coreference between a main clause object pronoun and a non-pronominal subject of a sentence-final temporal clause is permitted, whereas coreference between a subject pronoun and the subject of a temporal clause is blocked. In an act-out task, both French-speaking adults and children aged 3–7 were found to be sensitive to the position of a main clause pronoun (subject vs object) in selecting a referent for the subject of a temporal clause, permitting coreference more frequently when the pronoun was in object position. This result replicates earlier work done on English. A sentence judgement task produced clear results only for adults. Results from the act-out suggest that children are relatively inept at integrating non-mentioned participants into their interpretation of sentences. We suggest that children’s knowledge of the principle C effect we tested constitutes a “poverty of the stimulus” argument for innateness.
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Leddy-Cecere, Thomas A. « Interrogating the Egypto-Sudanic Arabic Connection ». Languages 6, no 3 (23 juillet 2021) : 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6030123.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Arabic dialectology literature repeatedly asserts the existence of a macro-level classificatory relationship binding the Arabic speech varieties of the combined Egypto-Sudanic area. This proposal, though oft-encountered, has not previously been formulated in reference to extensive linguistic criteria, but is instead framed primarily on the nonlinguistic premise of historical demographic and genealogical relationships joining the Arabic-speaking communities of the region. The present contribution provides a linguistically based evaluation of this proposed dialectal grouping, to assess whether the postulated dialectal unity is meaningfully borne out by available language data. Isoglosses from the domains of segmental phonology, phonological processes, pronominal morphology, verbal inflection, and syntax are analyzed across six dialects representing Arabic speech in the region. These are shown to offer minimal support for a unified Egypto-Sudanic dialect classification, but instead to indicate a significant north–south differentiation within the sample—a finding further qualified via application of the novel method of Historical Glottometry developed by François and Kalyan. The investigation concludes with reflection on the implications of these results on the understandings of the correspondence between linguistic and human genealogical relationships in the history of Arabic and in dialectological practice more broadly.
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De Cat, Cécile. « Towards a unified analysis of French floating quantifiers ». Journal of French Language Studies 10, no 1 (mars 2000) : 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269500000119.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In French, a quantifier can appear in various positions outside of the NP it quantifies over, whether this NP is the subject or the (direct or indirect) object of the sentence. This phenomenon, often referred to as ‘floating’, has been investigated since the early stages of the generative framework, and several analyses have been proposed to account for both the quantifier subject and the quantifier object in a unified way. However, to my knowledge, none of them has succeeded in providing such a unified account without recourse to non-explanatory restrictions. The main aim of this paper is to propose an analysis that does not require any such restrictions. The focus will be on anaphoric quantifiers (i.e. quantifiers that have to be linked to some other argument position in order to be interpretable), the analysis of which will be shown to extend straightforwardly to pronominal and adverbial quantifiers, according to the principles of Government and Binding theory.The study of floating quantifiers raises the broader question of how to account for locality requirements in a satisfactory way. Basically, there are two possible ways to account for the restrictions on the distribution of floating quantifiers: either they flow from derivational restrictions, or they are subject to representational restrictions. I will argue in favour of the latter.The analysis proposed here is essentially syntactic. However, reference will be made to the semantic interpretation of various structures: the position occupied by the floating quantifier at S-structure will be shown to constrain its interpretation. The semantics of floating quantifiers will however not be investigated beyond this.
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Lidz, Jeffrey. « Condition R ». Linguistic Inquiry 32, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438901554603.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Reinhart and Reuland (1993) partition the set of anaphors into two syntactic subclasses: SELF anaphors, which reflexivize predicates, and, SE anaphors, which, like pronominals, do not. This partition is intended to capture the antilocality of the SE anaphors. I argue that the appropriate partitioning of anaphors is semantic and not syntactic. Reinhart and Reuland's SELF anaphors are “near-reflexives,” interpreted as a representation of their antecedents, whereas their SE anaphors are “pure-reflexives,” requiring identity with their antecedents. The antilocality effects with pure reflexives are due to Condition R, a principle requiring reflexivity to be lexically expressed. The Condition R approach correctly accounts for the meanings of the two kinds of anaphors, grouping the near reflexives with pronominals and names, and correctly dissociates semantic reflexivity from the calculation of syntactic binding domains.
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LAPPIN, SHALOM. « PRONOMINAL BINDING AND COREFERENCE ». Theoretical Linguistics 12, no 2-3 (1985). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/thli.1985.12.2-3.241.
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LAPPIN, SHALOM. « PRONOMINAL BINDING AND COREFERENCE ». Theoretical Linguistics 12, s1 (1985). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/thli.1985.12.s1.241.
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Paul, Ileana, et Lisa deMena Travis. « Pronominal deficiency : A view from Malagasy ». Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique, 27 juin 2022, 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2022.29.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Various proposals have been made in the literature, arguing that bound pronouns are, in some sense, deficient. This article tests this hypothesis with Malagasy pronouns, specifically in the context of Zribi-Hertz and Mbolatianavalona's (1999) claim that Malagasy pronouns may be bound only when they are missing the NumP layer of DP. Zribi-Hertz and Mbolatianavalona show further that other syntactic properties are also attached to the lack of NumP. The variety of Malagasy investigated here (Malagasy2), behaves differently from the one described by Zribi-Hertz and Mbolatianavalona (Malagasy1), and these differences lead to two conclusions. First, there are no syntactically deficient pronouns in Malagasy2, yet these syntactically complete pronouns may, in fact, be bound. Second, Zribi-Hertz and Mbolatianavalona are nevertheless correct that the lack of NumP accounts for a cluster of properties, since none of these distinctions between pronouns that they describe are found in Malagasy2. More broadly, we conclude that pronominal binding does not require syntactic deficiency.
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Witkoś, Jacek, et Paulina Łęska. « Dative antecedents for reflexives and pronouns ». Acta Linguistica Academica, 10 septembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2062.2020.00014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis paper aims to advance a comprehensive theory of binding, which can account for all binding patterns found in Polish, some of which are particularly puzzling for traditional and novel formulations of Binding Theory. Namely, Polish reflexive pronouns/possessives are typically (nominative) subject oriented but they can also have dative Object Experiencers, OEs, as antecedents. Yet, OEs are also appropriate local antecedents for pronominal possessives. Our analysis explains the complementarity of pronouns and reflexives and lack thereof by assuming that the Spell-out form of the reflexive/pronoun is determined by its covert movement, while a binding dependency is established via Agree for [var(iable):_] feature.
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Jovović, Ivana. « Condition B and Other Conditions on Pronominal Licensing in Serbo-Croatian ». Linguistic Inquiry, 7 juin 2022, 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00475.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract I argue that certain binding facts from Serbo-Croatian (SC), previously analyzed as Condition B violations by Despić (2011, 2013), are best captured in terms of specific discourse constraints on coreferential pronouns and that such cases have no bearing on the categorial status of the nominal domain in SC. I show that the availability of clitic and non-clitic pronouns that are coreferential with a possessor antecedent crucially depends on whether the antecedent is a discourse topic or new information focus, which will lead me to conclude that such cases are not Condition B violations. I also observe that pronouns in English are subject to identical conditions and conclude that English also has clitic and non-clitic pronouns.
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Kiss, Sändor. « Anaphore et coordination dans les textes latins tardifs ». Journal of Latin Linguistics 9, no 2 (janvier 2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/joll.2005.9.2.571.
Texte intégralRésumé :
SummaryThe aim of the paper is to describe types of anaphoric relations that hold between sentences in Latin, and to discover diachronic shifts that could happen in the use of these types. Anaphora can be realized by pronominal chains or by lexical repetitions; some connecting elements, especially conjunctions of coordination also function anaphorically in the text Often this type of binding is optional, and it insists on spatial and temporal frames of the events related. Lexical means become more frequent in Late Latin, and optional connection appears also more often. These phenomena can be evaluated as stylistic deviations, but it is probable that they are related to deep syntactic modification of postclassical Latin. Documentation is taken from classical and post-classical authors and from the Bible.
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Charnavel, Isabelle, et Shannon Bryant. « The whole picture : Disentangling locality, logophoricity and subjecthood in English picture noun anaphora ». Natural Language & ; Linguistic Theory, 26 août 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-022-09548-z.
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AbstractThis article provides a solution to the long-standing puzzle of English anaphors within so-called picture noun phrases, which superficially exhibit an exceptional binding behavior. In particular, picture noun anaphors seem, under certain conditions, to escape the locality conditions imposed by Condition A of Binding Theory. Previous proposals attribute such apparently exceptional behavior to various sources: the classical Binding Theory appeals to the possible presence of covert agents within NPs; predicate-based theories introduce the possibility of exemption from Condition A; others capitalize on possible homophony with (logophoric) pronouns. While all of these proposals provide valuable insight into some aspect of the puzzle, we show that they all fail to capture the full empirical picture. Based on a detailed examination of their behavior in various syntactic and interpretive conditions, we instead propose that English picture noun anaphors, like any other anaphor, systematically obey Condition A. Their apparent exemption from it in some cases derives from the possible implicitness of some binders, in particular, logophoric pronouns or nominal subjects. Furthermore, the availability of such covert binders is crucially affected by a binding-independent competition principle between weaker and stronger forms. Thus, the apparently irregular behavior of English picture noun anaphors results from the interaction between several factors (syntactic representation of logophoricity, syntactic projection of subjects in nouns, pronominal competition), which is responsible for the illusion that Condition A does not apply systematically. By disentangling these factors, we propose a solution that integrates previous insights without compromising on empirical adequacy or analytical parsimony.
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Melnik, Nurit. « Extending partial pro-drop in modern Hebrew : A comprehensive analysis ». Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, 16 octobre 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2007.11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Modern Hebrew is considered to be a 'partial pro-drop language'. Traditionally, the distinction between cases where pro-drop is licensed and those in which it is prohibited, was based on the person and tense features of the verb: 1st and 2nd person pronominal subjects may be omitted in past and future tense. This generalization, however, was found to be false in a number of papers, each discussing a subset of the data. Thus, contrary to conventional wisdom, dropped 3rd person pronouns subjects do occur in the language in particular contexts. Identifying these contexts by way of a corpus-based survey is the initial step taken in this study. Subsequently, a careful syntactic analysis of the data reveals broad generalizations which have not been made to date. Thus, what was initially assumed to be a uniform phenomenon of 3rd person pro-drop turns out to be manifested in three distinct types of constructions. Finally, the proposed HPSG-based analysis incorporates insights concerning locality, correlations between finite and non-finite control, non-canonical elements, and binding.
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Reuland, Eric, et Peter Zubkov. « Agreeing to bind : the case of Russian ». Glossa : a journal of general linguistics 7, no 1 (24 février 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/glossa.5730.
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This contribution offers an analysis of the structural constraints on the interpretation of the Russian anaphoric expressions sebja and svoj. It accounts for a number of intricate binding patterns, such as the ‘animacy effect’ in the case of non-local binding and apparent irregularities in subject orientation and complementarity in local and long-distance binding. We show that these patterns can be accounted for in a unified manner by Multiple Agree-based dependencies established separately for person and number features, assuming the presence of a φ-incomplete number-only probe low in the structure. As a result of the valuation procedure the reflexives end up only partially valued and thus remain distinct from pronominals.
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Canac-Marquis, Réjean. « Phases and binding of reflexives and pronouns in English ». Proceedings of the International Conference on Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar, 15 octobre 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/hpsg.2005.28.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper proposes a distinct approach to local binding effects for reflexives and pronominals in English whereby the nature of local binding domains is a by-product of the incremental interpretation of syntactic derivations (Uriageraka 1999, Chomsky 2000, 2001), emphasizing the role of the Conceptual /Intentional interface and the computational system (i.e. bare output conditions) in shaping general principles of grammars. A significant development of the Minimalist framework is the proposal that derivations operate through phases or multiple spell outs, which allows to reduce the strict cyclicity of derivations, and related locality effects of movement, to interface (bare output) conditions and economy conditions. In this paper I propose that incremental interpretation can further capture local binding domains effects of conditions A and B of Chomsky's (1981, 1986) Binding Theory. Basically, local binding domains are shown to correspond to accessible phase domains. Our proposal hence contrasts with standard analyses (e.g. Reinhart and Reuland 1993, Pollard and Sag 1992) that define co-argumenthood as the core factor from which binding conditions are developed. Our proposal also provides a new perspective on the core contrasts between A-chain and A-bar chain w.r.t. binding and scope reconstruction effects and argues that checking of the uninterpretable feature Case is what defines potential phase domains.
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O'Neill, Teresa. « A Topic Time coreference analysis of tense ‘harmony’ in pseudoclefts ». LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts, 13 avril 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.3018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>This paper offers a new analysis of so-called tense ‘harmony’ in specificational pseudoclefts (Higgins 1979; Sharvit 2003; Romero 2004). I take a referential approach to tense, where tenses relate two time pronominals: Topic Time (TT, Klein 1994) and Reference Time (RT) (Utterance Time, UT, in main clauses). Although binding between either UT or matrix Event Time (ET) and embedded RT derives the interpretations of most embedded tenses, binding cannot fully account for embedded tenses in specificational pseudoclefts.I propose that </span><span>Topic Time coreference </span><span>derives puzzling restrictions on embedded tenses in pseudoclefts in languages both with and without sequence of tenses (SOT). </span></p></div></div></div>