Articles de revues sur le sujet « Professional sports – Law and legislation – Finland »

The article analyzes the novelties of Russian criminal legislation in the field of combating crimes in the field of sports. The relevance of the problem is due to the insufficient development of the theoretical and scientific-methodological aspects of the mechanism of legal protection of public relations in the field of professional sports in Russia. The purpose of the article is to develop a concept for the development of criminal legislation on responsibility for sports crimes. The main research method of this problem is formally legal, which allows the authors to formulate proposals for improving the criminal law. In addition, comparative legal and sociological methods were used to ensure the reliability of the results obtained. The study revealed that the following acts that infringe on relations in the field of sports are subject to criminalization within the framework of current Russian criminal law: 1) giving and receiving bribes by persons performing organizational and administrative and administrative functions in connection with the organization and conduct of professional sporting events; 2) hooligan behavior of spectators and other persons present during a professional sporting event. The study is aimed at the formation of a system of competencies among law enforcement officers to counteract violations in the field of sports, including the use of criminal law enforcement measures. The novelty and originality of the study lies in the fact that for the first time a concept is proposed for the development of criminal legislation on responsibility for crimes in the field of sports in the form of a revision of the corresponding criminal law norms.

The article is devoted to the topical issues of analysis and systematization of sources of Sports and Civil Law. The role of sports in the development of modern society is constantly growing. The development of civil and sports legal relations requires the systematization of the sources of Sports Law, which should harmonize the entire complex of normative legal acts in the field of physical culture and sports. This would make it possible to develop educational programmes for training future specialists in this field, and would raise the legal resolution of disputes in this field to a more professional level. State policy and private financing in this area require a qualitatively new level of legal regulation. This requires the creation and systematization of legal norms regulating sports relations. In particular, among the issues that require a legislative solution are the regulation of the legal status of the athlete, the peculiarities of the protection of the rights and interests of the subjects of sports relations, and more. For this, first of all, it is necessary to determine the legal sources of Civil and Sports Law and unify them with international legal sources. Civil and Sports Law has its own sources of law. This is the basis for its inclusion in the structure of the civil legislation of Ukraine. Systematization of civil sports legislation should be carried out through codification. This is explained by the presence of a large number of sources of Sports Law, which contain conflict of laws rules and do not always meet international requirements and standards, as a rule, they are of a general nature. It will also help to eliminate the gaps and contradictions that currently exist in the legal acts regulating the relationship between physical culture and sports. In addition, Civil and Sports Law will meet international standards, the legal status of professional athletes and other subjects of sports legal relations will become more protected, research in the field of Private Law regulation of social relations arising in the field of physical culture and sports will be intensified, it will make it possible to establish the procedure for consideration of disputes between subjects of sports legal relations more transparent.

Healthcare rationing presents multiple problems for the lawmaker. This article examines them through two legislative projects concerning Finnish healthcare and the scope of professional discretion awarded to physicians in priority setting. In attempting to enact norms to steer decision-making in priority setting, the lawmaker has to balance tensions between individual and community rights; for example, relating to legal safeguards, equal access, clinical autonomy, individual need, and transparency. Physicians exercise significant discretion over rationing in a context of rising pressure to contain costs, without support from precise decision-making criteria set in legislation. This raises concerns over the long-term legitimacy of priority setting in Finland. The article argues that legal research should provide analyses of legislative measures and the wider regulatory mix to ensure that priority setting frameworks are compatible with the right to health, and that best practices presented in international priority setting research are operationalized in legislative reforms.

This article explores work–family interface and the use of mobile technologies (MTs) among male lawyers in Quebec (French Canada) and Finland – two civil law contexts with reputations for legislation friendly toward work–family balance. Drawing on 34 interviews with male lawyers and combining two theoretical lenses, shifting ideals of fatherhood and work–family boundary theory, our study shows how men’s preferences for work–family boundary management relate to diversifying models of fatherhood and family. In Finland, male lawyers more readily embrace family responsibilities and they strive to set firm boundaries to curtail work spilling over into family life. Yet, the cultural and professional norm of men as breadwinners remains strong, especially for Canadian male lawyers whose spouses more often assume primary responsibility for childcare. Our study offers qualitative markers of boundary management styles and strategies (spatial, temporal, and psychological) of male professionals – as struggling segmentors, struggling integrators, and integrators. We observe that senior male lawyers, living in more traditional family models, frequently model integrating behaviours, such as around-the-clock availability via MTs. This modeling establishes expectations of what represents a committed professional worthy of promotion. These practices play an important role in sustaining and reproducing gender inequalities in organisations that employ professionals.

The article analyzes the issues of responsibility of sports fans for illegal behavior during mass sportsevents. The forms of manifestation of illegal behavior of fans, the current Russian and foreign legislation in this area are investigated. The legislation of the European Union is being considered, including theEuropean Convention on the Prevention of Violence and Hooligan Behavior of Spectators during SportingEvents and, in particular, football matches, the legislation of other states establishing responsibility forthe illegal behavior of fans. The article presents an analysis of certain norms of Russian law that establishresponsibility for violating the Rules of behavior of spectators during official sports competitions, includingsuch an administrative measure as a ban on attending sports events. It is concluded that it is necessary tostrengthen responsibility for offenses committed by sports fans, the adoption in the Russian Federation ofa number of special norms establishing criminal liability for such crimes, and the adoption of a special lawregulating the sphere of professional sports

This scientific article examines theoretical aspects in the field of professional activity of sports agents. The article considers the history and causes of agency activity in the field of professional sports and sports of higher achievements. The role of sports agents in the employment of athletes and coaches of junior, youth and professional sports is also noted. In the article, the authors analyzed the current federal legislation on the stated topic, identified "gaps" and shortcomings of legal technology. Local acts of sports organizations have been stu-died, which are the basis for regulating the activities of athletes, coaches, sports clubs and other persons within the framework of these organizations (legal entities). Special attention is paid to the issue of mandatory accreditation fees for obtaining a sports agent license for a specific sports organization. The authors raise the question of the expediency of their systematic reduction, since this fact will contribute to increasing the level of competition in this field of professional activity. The authors conclude that the activities of sports agents need more detailed legislative regulation at the federal level. Also, taking into account the specifics of this activity, other existing problems should be studied by specialists in the field of sports law.

The study prerequisites are the fragmentation in the current criminal legislation of criminal law standards protecting the field of sports, as well as the issues of criminalization of acts in sports and the qualification of sports crimes. The study aims to solve the issues of systematization of regulatory provisions, the object of which is social relations in sports, taking into account the characteristics of the generic and specific objects, the degree of encroachment danger. The methods included the dialectical method, abstraction, analysis, synthesis, deduction, formal legal method, method of comparative jurisprudence. The results and novelty of the study reside in the conclusions about the advisability of identifying a separate specific object of criminal law protection (social relations in sports), which would systematize related and close acts not only in professional sports but also at all levels of official sports competitions. In this context, the issues of criminalization and qualifications of causing harm to life and health of an individual in violation of the sport rules, exerting unlawful influence on the result of an official sports competition, actions provided for in Art. 230.1 and 230.2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, as well as the synchronization of the subject of the latter with the subject of Art. 234 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. Based on the foregoing, the recommendation of isolating a separate chapter in the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation and issuing a separate Resolution of the Plenum of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation on crimes in sports is substantiated. Such measures will be able to optimize the criminal law protection of such an important sphere of public life as sports. In addition, this will make it possible to bring the quality of domestic criminal legislation and sports legislation to the international level and significantly increase the prestige of the Russian Federation.

By the beginning of the new millennium, a common understanding of the role and place of sport in the state, society and personality had developed in the world’s leading countries. Being an integral part of social life, sport is often called the socio-economic phenomenon, one of the most important parts of the foundations for building modern social values and culture. Sport is a social phenomenon that has a tremendous impact on various spheres of society: economy, management, culture, education, international relations, political processes, and, most importantly, the nation’s health. Today, the country is in a fragile phase of development and change. We have never before been able to change the internal situation and system. But it is important to focus not only on general issues but also on more everyday ones such as sports. The level of development of sport is always an indicator in the world of the country’s development on the international stage, the health of the nation and its spiritual and patriotic filler. Today, sports law in the country is just beginning to develop and become established, but it can already be seen that almost every leading law firm in the country provides services in the field of sports law separately. Unfortunately, there is almost no legal regulation in the field of sports in Ukraine. Recently, however, both administrative and criminal liability have been introduced for some violations, which is a good signal. It is necessary to cover the analysis and improvement of the legislation, because only in this way will the legal and actual development of the industry be achieved. The analysis of national and foreign legislation, works of scientists is carried out in this work, and directions of further reformation and development of the field of sports and physical culture are developed. The correlation of the norms of the domestic legislation with the norms of the international legislation and the introduction of the necessity of introducing our state into the international sports institutions are also analyzed. Developing approaches will help develop amateur and professional sports, take another step in the fight against corruption and improve society. Keywords: sports, sports law, international sports law, physical culture, Olympic Committee, doping, administrative management, corruption, health.

Abstract In the article, some countries’ experience in organizing professional training and activities of probation officers has been analyzed. Based on comparative analysis of activities of the Probation Institute abroad, it has been determined that probation service has different functional and organizational features in individual countries. For instance, probation service in different countries is subordinate to different agencies. Thus, probation service in Great Britain, Denmark, Japan, Finland, Norway, Latvia, the Czech Republic and Estonia is under the control of the Ministry of Justice; in the USA, Germany, Hungary, it is subordinate to the judiciary; in the Netherlands – public prosecutor’s office; in Sweden – prison authorities; in Singapore, probation service is under the guidance of the Ministry of Community Development and Sports. Another difference consists in the fact that in some countries the law defines probation as punishment (Sweden, Finland, Latvia), whereas in other countries it refers to some criminal measures (Great Britain), exemption from punishment (Estonia) or is not determined at all (the USA). Despite the differences, the goals and means of achieving them in each probation service are similar in the context of criminal law. The approaches to professional training of probation officers have been analyzed and relevant conclusions have been drawn regarding organization of probation officers’ professional training in Ukraine. In particular, work with offenders should be performed by highly qualified specialists who have a degree and who have passed specialized training courses in educational institutions subordinate to probation authorities. It is important that the content of probation officers’ professional training should be constantly updated, taking into account new approaches and methods of working with convicts, which are recognized as effective.

The Constitution of Ukraine enshrines the duty of the state not only to take care of the development of physical culture and sports (Article 49), but also to respect and protect the rights and freedoms of human and citizen (Part 2 of Article 3 of the Constitution of Ukraine). The protection of state powers is one of the most important indicators of a legal and democratic state [1].One of the most important steps on the way to solve this problem is the effective and efficient work of the legislator. Despite the huge amount of legal material, it is worth noting the existence of gaps and conflicts in the legislation, or even the absence of rules that would regulate public relations related to the peculiarities of the development of social activities in the field of sports.Instead, local regulations, rules or decisions of specialized non-governmental organizations leading an international sports movement are recognized as binding, in violation of existing national regulations. That is why a separate constitutional and legal study needs «autonomy of sport» as a fact that has developed and regulates professional sports in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is a review and constitutional and legal analysis of the mechanism of realization of the rights of professional athletes speaking of the autonomous nature of activities in the field of sports.A number of facts confirming the existence of «autonomy» in the field of professional sports are considered, namely, alcohol advertising, the relevant powers of the Ministry of Youth and Sports of Ukraine and the limit on legionnaires. The jurisdiction of sports justice is analyzed.The inconsistency of local regulations with the provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine and other national legislations has been proved. The expediency of creating a separate specialized arbitration center - a permanent arbitration court in the field of sports - is substantiated. Emphasis on the need to allocate sports law in a separate branch of law and the adoption of a special Law of Ukraine «On Professional Sports», which will form common principles and a comprehensive approach to the regulation of relations in this area is placed.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the disciplinary responsibility of professional athletes. The article reveals the meaning of the concept of disciplinary responsibility, the features of a professional athlete's disciplinary offense, and the specifics of bringing an athlete to disciplinary responsibility. Within the framework of the article, the issue of the admissibility of applying certain types of sanctions, particularly a fine, will also be investigated, and attention will be paid to the point of responsibility for violation of the sports regime. The issue of disciplinary responsibility of this category of employees is relevant and necessary to study in connection with the lack of a clear understanding of the specifics of the mentioned institute, the lack of distinction between disciplinary responsibility and other types of legal responsibility, as well as some other problems that arise when applying disciplinary sanctions to athletes professionals’ Legal regulation must be effective and meet the requirements of the time. The completeness of the liability rules is a guarantee of ensuring the constitutional rights of subjects of labor relations. Detailing the rules on disciplinary responsibility allows for the definition of clear boundaries of acceptable behavior for the employer and necessary behavior for the employee. The disciplinary responsibility of athletes is fully established depending on the specific sport by disciplinary statutes, regulations, regulations rules of the relevant international sports federations, national sports federations, clubs, and associations. Therefore, the legal regulation of the activities of professional athletes differs from the general regulation, has its characteristics, and requires special attention from the legislator. In particular, the article focuses attention on the need to introduce special disciplinary responsibilities for professional athletes, in particular through the adoption of a special law regulating the professional activity of athletes. The article proposes other measures to improve the current labor legislation.

The article substantiated that by its legal nature the Concept of updating the Civil Code of Ukraine reflects exclusively the personal views of a small group of scientists, the authenticity of which is not confirmed by the results of scientific research; the document does not have the status of a scientific publication and has not passed the procedure for discussion in the professional environment. The private nature of the Concept preparation excludes its use as a basis for legislative work of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. It has been proved that the Concept has methodological problems, and the proposals formulated in it contradict the Constitution of Ukraine, violate social guarantees and do not agree with the norms of the current legislation, in particular: the Law of Ukraine “On Local Self-Government in Ukraine”, the Tax Code of Ukraine, the Land Code of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine “On Education”, the Law of Ukraine “On Protection of Economic Competition” etc. It was emphasized that the implementation of certain provisions of the Concept for updating civil legislation of Ukraine will lead to the impossibility of practical implementation by local self-government bodies of functions in the field of housing and communal services, consumer services; in the field of culture, health, education, physical education and sports and the commercialization of these services. This will lead to a rapid increase in the level of prices for housing and communal services, the complete destruction of the system of free medical care, as well as free preschool, complete general secondary and professional (vocational) education. Since more than 60% of the population of Ukraine is currently below the poverty line, a significant increase in prices for utilities, the transfer of healthcare institutions, as well as preschool, general secondary and vocational (vocational) education exclusively on the commercial basis of management will deprive the vast majority of the population of the financial opportunity to pay their market value, which will lead to a further decrease in living standards and deterioration of the demographic situation in Ukraine, which is already unsatisfactory. In addition, the population of Ukraine will be limited in access to the services of cultural, physical education and sports institutions. It was concluded that the refusal of the real right of economic management and the right of operational management will create preconditions for depriving territorial communities of communal property and the impossibility of fulfilling their constitutional powers, as well as to enrich a small group of persons of private law and the final impoverishment of the rest of the population of Ukraine.

The article analyzes the content of those innovation norms in the Russian criminal legislation that establish liability for the use of doping drugs in the field of amateur and professional sports. The article provides evidence of the high social and political significance of social relations that have developed in the field of sports. The promotion of a sports lifestyle is one of the conditions for protecting the health of the nation, as a result of which the health safety of persons taking direct part in sports at various levels should be provided with special criminal law means, which implies the allocation of a separate object in the structure of the Special Part of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. On the basis of the results of the study of the anti-doping sphere of criminal law protection, as well as the content of special norms of the criminal law, assumptions are made about the presence of gaps in the content of the current norms on liability for the use of doping drugs and other prohibited drugs (substances). On this basis, the work identifies possible directions for the implementation of further scientific research in the field of health protection of persons taking part in sports competitions at various levels.

The Professional and Amateur Sports Protection Act (PASPA), was a 1992 law that, as has been well-documented, effectively restricted sports betting to Nevada. PASPA accomplished this by dictating that states could not "sponsor, operate, advertise, promote, license, or authorize by law or compact," sports wagering. A separate provision forbade private parties from operating state-authorized sportsbooks. In 2018, the Supreme Court invalidated PASPA as a violation of the 10th Amendment to the US Constitution. The Court held that Congress did not have the constitutional authority to tell a state how to legislate and PASPA's provision that states could not authorize sports betting dictated to state legislatures what they were permitted to do and not do. The Court's ruling unleashed an explosion of pent-up energy for sports betting that had been building since PASPA became effective in 1993. Since that decision, several states have authorized sports betting in one of the most rapid expansions of a form of gambling in US history. Even more states are considering legislation that would permit sports betting, and the number of states legalizing and regulating sports betting will inevitably increase in 2020 and beyond. The controversy over sports betting has pivoted from whether states could legally offer sports betting, to whether they should legalize sports wagering, and if so, how they should go about regulating it.

The aim: The study of international and domestic practices of Ukraine concerning the legal regulation of liability for exerting illegal influence on the results of official sports competitions within the context of such means of its commission as the use of doping for the purpose of obtaining additional arguments to emphasize the benefit / the inexpedience of criminalization of such acts as quasi-corruption fraudulent activities. Materials and methods: The article implements doctrinal provisions of domestic and foreign scientific developments in relation to the liability for illegal influence on the results of official sports competitions by means of the use of doping as well as national and foreign criminal legislation, established law enforcement practices, and results of the sociological survey. For such purpose, the authors utilized the methods of analysis and synthesis, a comparative legal method, methods of survey and generalization of viewpoints, research findings. Conclusions: Authors have established the absence of necessity for the introduction of the criminal prohibition in respect of athletes for the use of doping for an entire span of their professional career as well as for the use of doping as the means for exerting illegal influence on the results of official sports competitions. The expedience of further studies has been ascertained by drawing from the experience of the EU, Australia, Canada, USA, and other countries concerning the legal regulation of liability for exerting illegal influence on the results of official sports competitions, legal consequences of the use of doping and corresponding law enforcement practices within the context of grounds and principles of criminalization of socially dangerous acts elaborated by the criminal law studies.

This article is devoted to comparative legal analysis of night work in Ukraine, Denmark, Iceland, Norway, Finland, and Sweden. International Labor Organisation Convention concerning night work No 171 has not been ratified by Ukraine and any of the countries of Scandinavian legal model, and therefore, labor legislation of these countries does not comply with international legal standards. The only exception is Denmark, where provisions of Directive 2003/88/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 4 November 2003 concerning certain aspects of the organisation of working time were partially implemented. The only exception is Denmark, where provisions of Directive 2003/88/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 4 November 2003 concerning certain aspects of the organisation of working time were partially implemented. Denmark implemeted provision concerning night workers’ right to free medical examination: before the appointment of an employee to regular night shifts; periodically; and in case of health problems caused by factors relating to night work. The author determines that only Finnish labor law contains a detailed and specific list of situations where night work can be used. Ukraine and Sweden are the only countries from the list of examined countries, where any night work of young workers is prohibited, which means that those provisions are, in fact, discriminatory against persons employed in the field of culture, arts, sports or advertising, as well as those who undergo training practice under the guidance of adult. Unlike legislation of Scandinavian countries where working in night hours can be compensated by providing employees additional rest periods, Labor Code of Ukraine provides only one form of compensation in form of increased wages. It is concluded that Article 175 of the Labor Code of Ukraine is discriminatory against women and contradicts Article 24 of the Constitution of Ukraine. The legislation of the Scandinavian countries does not contain any restrictions on the night work of women, as workers of any gender can work in night time only with their voluntary consent. However, in Ukraine, only persons with disabilities can be involved in night work with voluntary consent.

This article presents issues of the fight against corruption and analysis of anti-corruption processes in Russia, Finland, Israel, Great Britain and the USA. Issues of international cooperation in the anti-corruption sphere have already been considered by the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organisation, the Organisation of American States, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and the European Union. The fight against corruption in the Russian Federation is one of the key areas of consolidation of the statehood and it is being performed step by step through improvement of the legislation, activities of law enforcement, regulatory and public authorities of all levels as well as cultivation of civil intolerance to any manifestation of this social blemish. Russia is actively engaged in international dialogue on a wide range of issues for preventing corruption within the scope of coordination activities and international cooperation in different areas, including issues of anti-corruption in the sphere of sports, ecology and education. Cooperation with relevant international authorities and international organizations is one of the priorities of the General Prosecutor’s Office of the Russian Federation. Given that the Russian anti-corruption system is based on the national legal culture in the context of historical, social and economic development and specific social needs and interests, the author emphasizes that anti-corruption cooperation shall be based on respect for national legal systems and compliance with the international law under coordination of the UN. Legislative proposals on the need for introducing grounds for application on recovery of property, owned by corrupt officials and registered under a third party’s name, to the public revenue and increasing the terms of imprisonment for bribery, which shall be prepared for further improvement of the anti-corruption law.

Few traditions are as near and dear to the hearts of Americans as college athletics. The institution holds a special place in society because it reflects the ultimate convergence of those values that uniquely define the United States: loyalty, competitiveness, and pride. However, the notion of basic fairness seems to have been excluded along the way, as the commercialization of college athletics gave way to total dominance over the industry by the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). The NCAA promulgates sports rules and organizes collegiate-level championships, but its most influential role involves promoting “amateurism,” or the notion that student-athletes are not entitled to compensation because college athletics should be about the love of the game, not monetization. While amateurism may be touted as an honorable principle aimed at preserving the character of college athletics and its differences from professional sports, the principle is more difficult to justify at a time when the NCAA earns $1.1 billion per year in revenue, none of which is shared among student-athletes who work full-time and typically live below the poverty line. Last year, state legislators paused to consider whether any justification exists for continuing to adhere to the NCAA’s archaic system of denying compensation to student-athletes in light of the fact that “amateurism” holds no significance in a legal sense. Given the lack of any such justification, the California legislature became the first to explicitly defy the NCAA in passing the Fair Pay to Play Act in September of 2019. Since then, a number of states have followed suit by drafting nearly identical laws that would likewise have the effect of permitting student-athletes to earn compensation for use of their name, image, and likeness (NIL). Unsurprisingly, NCAA leadership vehemently condemned the movement at first, threatening to strip member institutions affected by the new legislation from the organization altogether. The NCAA has since reneged on its hostile position, making a public commitment to reform its policies so as to authorize paid endorsement opportunities for student-athletes on some level. However, the organization will undoubtedly attempt to minimize the impact of the Fair Pay to Play Act and its progeny whether through litigation or by crafting new restrictive policies ultimately aimed at nullifying the effects of new laws. Admittedly, the state-by-state approach to adopting a new stance on athlete compensation comes with a number of practical challenges, thereby providing fertile ground for the NCAA to launch powerful objections. This Comment aims to present a workable solution in the form of a comprehensive federal law, which would secure the rights of student-athletes to earn compensation for use of their NILs before the NCAA is given the opportunity to preempt the significance of that right. While several congressmen have drafted federal laws related to the topic of NIL rights in this context, this Comment identifies particular issues that have been overlooked at the state level thus far, recommending specific provisions that would not only embrace student-athletes’ rights in principle as a matter of basic fairness, but make those rights a practicable and economically feasible reality.

The use of doping in sport is quite widespread at present. Primarily, it concerns professional and high level sport, where the best performance results in high income and profitable endorsement deals. It creates a temptation to improve the natural sport achievements through the use of doping. The public danger of such actions is evident: doping not only poses a threat for the athlete’s health, it also, from the viewpoint of justice, infringes on the interests of those athletes who, out of principle, never use prohibited substances and (or) methods to improve their performance in sports. Besides, such actions considerably reduce the educational effect of sport, including the declared honesty and fairness of competition. Finally, the use of doping misleads fans, spectators and sponsors of sports competitions. The authors analyze German criminal anti-doping legislation and assess the possibilities of using some of its clauses to improve Russian criminal law norms that provide for criminal liability in the cases of doping-related crimes. They show if it is possible to use the athletes’ laboratory doping tests, probes, etc. as well as the official decisions of international, national disciplinary bodies and sport courts in criminal proceedings in connection with the well-known principle of nemo tenetur («nobody is bound to incriminate himself» — equivalent to the clause of Art. 51 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation) while taking into account the prejudice principles of Russia and Germany.

The purpose of the article is to study the economic and legal problems of financing the education of persons sentenced to imprisonment, realization of their constitutional right and to propose to eliminate existing gaps in the legislation. Methodology. The survey is based on an analysis of the principles of financing education, including prison education, on the procedure and problems of financing education for persons sentenced to imprisonment. The principles, good practice and problems of providing educational services in Singapore, Japan, Hong Kong, South Korea, Finland, the Netherlands, Canada, Poland, Germany, Ireland, Great Britain, the USA, Estonia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, the Russian Federation are considered. Sourcing of education (state, non-state and mixed) are investigated. The analysis of macro indicators of social and economic development of the countries, in which certain system of financing of education operates, is carried out. Emphasis is placed on the fact that the country's development largely depends on the share of gross domestic product spent on research. Only if the cost of science exceeds 0.9% of gross domestic product, it can be said about the impact of science on the development of the state economy. It is concluded that most European countries use the so-called principle of "funding formula", according to which the state allocates financial resources to higher education institutions in amounts determined by special indicators, such as high quality of education, number of students, labor intensity and material consumption of the education process. Results. In the process of studying the state policy on financing the educational system, it has been concluded that tthe most developed countries with a sufficiently high level of gross domestic product per capita have the state system of financing higher education. The main positive feature of penitentiary educational systems is their focus on the prisoner as an individual to provide his or her needs, the opportunity to acquire professional skills and, in the future, to integrate into society and restore his or her social status easily. The authors also conclude that due to certain difficulties in obtaining education by prisoners, namely, most of these persons cannot get an education because they are in isolation from society, their attendance at school is impossible, the way out of this situation is distance learning. Practical implications. . Proposals have been made, according to which higher education for persons sentenced to imprisonment should be regarded as paid activity along with work, and the possibility of obtaining distance education should be enshrined in law. Value/originality. The article provides proposals for amendments to the legislation in the field of education for persons sentenced to imprisonment in some post-Soviet countries for the harmonization of regulations.

This article presents an attempt to determine a preferred way of forming a healthy lifestyle of university students within the discipline "Physical Culture". According to a number of researchers, the foundations of the principles of healthy lifestyle are laid long before entering the higher education system. But the system itself cannot stay away from the changes taking place in modern Russian society. An important tool through which it is possible to influence the healthy lifestyle of students is the training system within the discipline "Physical Culture" organized at a university. Thanks to this system, it is possible to change the shape and nature of the students' lifestyle to varying degrees. It turns out to be significant that in the modern world, young people, and students in particular, are influenced by two contradictory trends in the formation of their lifestyle. On the one hand, society requires students to think about the future, pay great attention to health and be able to keep it in good condition, and on the other hand, there are changes in the educational process of higher educational institutions, mainly in the direction of reducing the hours of classroom workload for students. The state also focuses on the problem of public health. In this regard, the Federal Law "On Physical Culture and Sports in the Russian Federation" dated December 4, 2007 (No. 329-FZ of December 4, 2007) appeared in Russian legislation. Also in the Federal Target Program "Development of Physical Culture and Sports in the Russian Federation for 2016-2020" (No. 464 of 05/25/2016) the need to popularize the standard of healthy lifestyle as one of the most important priorities of Russia's social and economic policy was emphasized. The basis for this article was a part of the study by A.V. Shishkina, a graduate of the Institute of History and Sociology, department of Sociology, UdSU, conducted in 2018-2020 and performed under the scientific supervision of Ph.D., Associate Professor M.A. Polishchuk. The results obtained can be useful to specialists in working with young people, contributing to improving the culture of serving visitors of different socio-demographic groups and more careful planning of their professional activities.

In the context of home, violence remains more accepted when committed against children than adults. Normalisation of parental violence has been documented in attitudinal surveys, professional practices, and legal regulation. For example, in many countries violent disciplining of children is the only legal form of interpersonal violence. This study explores the societal invisibility and normalisation of parental violence as a crime by analysing legislation and control policies regulating the division of labour and involvement between social welfare and criminal justice authorities. An empirical case study from Finland, where all forms of parental violence were legally prohibited in 1983, is used to elucidate the divergence between (criminal) law and control policies. The analysis demonstrates how normalisation operates at the policy-level where, within the same system of control that criminalised these acts, structural hindrances are built to prevent criminal justice interventions.

AbstractThis chapter examines legal, regulatory, and social issues surrounding the phenomenon of the daily fantasy sports (DFS) industry in the USA. Traditional fantasy sports contests largely involved groups of family or friends creating their own respective “fantasy” teams of real professional athletes, whose actual games results over the course of an entire season determined the success of one’s fantasy team. Fantasy sports contests were not considered gambling on sports, and federal legislation exempts “fantasy sports” from prohibitions against online gambling. As the name implied, DFS is a different product, offering users who pay the DFS operating company to select their team roster on a daily basis, competitions can occur over a day or a week depending on the contest, and among thousands of users, few of whom are consistent winners in the contests. The DFS commercials and advertisements are again blaring the airwaves. Major DFS operators are expanding their product lines and are now fully immersed in online, mobile, and casino sports gambling in states where legal. The DFS and sports gaming market is booming; the technology, analytics, user sophistication, financial stakes, and the distinction between DFS and gambling are increasingly blurred. This chapter considers the legal, regulatory, and social issues arising from the expanding DFS and sport gaming business.

This article offers a rethinking of protection based on synthesised data from Finland and Sweden on children’s and mothers’ experiences of post-separation stalking, and social workers’ case reports on children risking exposure to gender-based violence after separation. Drawing on critical childhood studies and a feminist approach to violence and security, we ask how children’s everyday lives can be incorporated in a rethinking of protection for children in post-separation contexts. Departing from identified limitations in protective solutions for children, we propose three ways of rethinking the issue of protection: (1) protection as gender- and power sensitivity, (2) protection as securitising the here and now, and (3) protection as social peace. Our findings call for some changes in professional practices, social policy and legislation.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>Protective solutions to the problem of gender-based violence in post separation are limited, if existing at all, for exposed children.</li><br /><li>Orientation towards adults and therapy desecuritise childhoods and children’s social peace.</li></ul>

The article proposes an explanation of duty of care concept – one of the essential condition for establishing tortious liability under the common law system. Personal injury in sports and leisure was taken as the area of research. The article discusses how this legal institution developed, what rules apply to its establishment as well as some distinctive difficulties arising in this respects in the area of sports and leisure due to some inherent risk of personal injury related to them. Duty of care of athletes, participants in physical leisure activities and their organizers was debated. The legislation of England and Wales under which this institution developed was taken as a basis for deliberations. The article concerns important issues, though rarely debated in the Polish legal literature, and constitutes an important piece of knowledge for a legal scholar providing professional insights and prompting both axiological and purely practical deliberations.

For the past twenty years, academics and other social commentators have, by and large, shared the view that the phase of modernity through which we are currently passing is defined by two interrelated catalysts of change: the physical movement of people and the virtual movement of information around the globe. As we enter the second decade of the new millennium, it is certainly a timely moment to reflect upon the ways in which the prognoses of the scholars and scientists writing in the late twentieth century have come to pass, especially since—during the time this special issue has been in press—the revolutions that are gathering pace in the Arab world appear to be realising the theoretical prediction that the ever-increasing “flows” of people and information would ultimately bring about the end of the nation-state and herald an era of transnationalism (Appadurai, Urry). For writers like Arjun Appadurai, moreover, the concept of diaspora was key to grasping how this new world order would take shape, and how it would operate: Diasporic public spheres, diverse amongst themselves, are the crucibles of a postnational political order. The engines of their discourse are mass media (both interactive and expressive) and the movement of refugees, activists, students, laborers. It may be that the emergent postnational order proves not to be a system of homogeneous units (as with the current system of nation-states) but a system based on relations between heterogeneous units (some social movements, some interest groups, some professional bodies, some non-governmental organizations, some armed constabularies, some judicial bodies) ... In the short run, as we can see already, it is likely to be a world of increased incivility and violence. In the longer run, free from the constraints of the nation form, we may find that cultural freedom and sustainable justice in the world do not presuppose the uniform and general existence of the nation-state. This unsettling possibility could be the most exciting dividend of living in modernity at large. (23) In this editorial, we would like to return to the “here and now” of the late 1990s in which theorists like Arjun Appaduri, Ulrich Beck, John Urry, Zygmunt Bauman, Robert Robertson and others were “imagining” the consequences of both globalisation and glocalisation for the twenty-first century in order that we may better assess what is, indeed, coming to pass. While most of their prognoses for this “second modernity” have proven remarkably accurate, it is their—self-confessed—inability to forecast either the nature or the extent of the digital revolution that most vividly captures the distance between the mid-1990s and now; and it is precisely the consequences of this extraordinary technological revolution on the twin concepts of “glocality” and “diaspora” that the research featured in this special issue seeks to capture. Glocal Imaginaries Appadurai’s endeavours to show how globalisation was rapidly making itself felt as a “structure of feeling” (Williams in Appadurai 189) as well as a material “fact” was also implicit in our conceptualisation of the conference, “Glocal Imaginaries: Writing/Migration/Place,” which gave rise to this special issue. This conference, which was the culmination of the AHRC-funded project “Moving Manchester: Literature/Migration/Place (2006-10)”, constituted a unique opportunity to gain an international, cross-disciplinary perspective on urgent and topical debates concerning mobility and migration in the early twenty-first century and the strand “Networked Diasporas” was one of the best represented on the program. Attracting papers on broadcast media as well as the new digital technologies, the strand was strikingly international in terms of the speakers’ countries of origin, as is this special issue which brings together research from six European countries, Australia and the Indian subcontinent. The “case-studies” represented in these articles may therefore be seen to constitute something of a “state-of-the-art” snapshot of how Appadurai’s “glocal imaginary” is being lived out across the globe in the early years of the twenty-first century. In this respect, the collection proves that his hunch with regards to the signal importance of the “mass-media” in redefining our spatial and temporal coordinates of being and belonging was correct: The third and final factor to be addressed here is the role of the mass-media, especially in its electronic forms, in creating new sorts of disjuncture between spatial and virtual neighborhoods. This disjuncture has both utopian and dystopian potentials, and there is no easy way to tell how these may play themselves out in the future of the production of locality. (194) The articles collected here certainly do serve as testament to the “bewildering plethora of changes in ... media environments” (195) that Appadurai envisaged, and yet it can clearly also be argued that this agent of glocalisation has not yet brought about the demise of the nation-state in the way (or at the speed) that many commentators predicted. Digital Diasporas in a Transnational World Reviewing the work of the leading social science theorists working in the field during the late 1990s, it quickly becomes evident that: (a) the belief that globalisation presented a threat to the nation-state was widely held; and (b) that the “jury” was undecided as to whether this would prove a good or bad thing in the years to come. While the commentators concerned did their best to complexify both their analysis of the present and their view of the future, it is interesting to observe, in retrospect, how the rhetoric of both utopia and dystopia invaded their discourse in almost equal measure. We have already seen how Appadurai, in his 1996 publication, Modernity at Large, looks beyond the “increased incivility and violence” of the “short term” to a world “free from the constraints of the nation form,” while Roger Bromley, following Agamben and Deleuze as well as Appadurai, typifies a generation of literary and cultural critics who have paid tribute to the way in which the arts (and, in particular, storytelling) have enabled subjects to break free from their national (af)filiations (Pearce, Devolving 17) and discover new “de-territorialised” (Deleuze and Guattari) modes of being and belonging. Alongside this “hope,” however, the forces and agents of globalisation were also regarded with a good deal of suspicion and fear, as is evidenced in Ulrich Beck’s What is Globalization? In his overview of the theorists who were then perceived to be leading the debate, Beck draws distinctions between what was perceived to be the “engine” of globalisation (31), but is clearly most exercised by the manner in which the transformation has taken shape: Without a revolution, without even any change in laws or constitutions, an attack has been launched “in the normal course of business”, as it were, upon the material lifelines of modern national societies. First, the transnational corporations are to export jobs to parts of the world where labour costs and workplace obligations are lowest. Second, the computer-generation of worldwide proximity enables them to break down and disperse goods and services, and produce them through a division of labour in different parts of the world, so that national and corporate labels inevitably become illusory. (3; italics in the original) Beck’s concern is clearly that all these changes have taken place without the nation-states of the world being directly involved in any way: transnational corporations began to take advantage of the new “mobility” available to them without having to secure the agreement of any government (“Companies can produce in one country, pay taxes in another and demand state infrastructural spending in yet another”; 4-5); the export of the labour market through the use of digital communications (stereotypically, call centres in India) was similarly unregulated; and the world economy, as a consequence, was in the process of becoming detached from the processes of either production or consumption (“capitalism without labour”; 5-7). Vis-à-vis the dystopian endgame of this effective “bypassing” of the nation-state, Beck is especially troubled about the fate of the human rights legislation that nation-states around the world have developed, with immense effort and over time (e.g. employment law, trade unions, universal welfare provision) and cites Zygmunt Bauman’s caution that globalisation will, at worst, result in widespread “global wealth” and “local poverty” (31). Further, he ends his book with a fully apocalyptic vision, “the Brazilianization of Europe” (161-3), which unapologetically calls upon the conventions of science fiction to imagine a worst-case scenario for a Europe without nations. While fourteen or fifteen years is evidently not enough time to put Beck’s prognosis to the test, most readers would probably agree that we are still some way away from such a Europe. Although the material wealth and presence of the transnational corporations strikes a chord, especially if we include the world banks and finance organisations in their number, the financial crisis that has rocked the world for the past three years, along with the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the ascendancy of Al-Qaida (all things yet to happen when Beck was writing in 1997), has arguably resulted in the nations of Europe reinforcing their (respective and collective) legal, fiscal, and political might through rigorous new policing of their physical borders and regulation of their citizens through “austerity measures” of an order not seen since World War Two. In other words, while the processes of globalisation have clearly been instrumental in creating the financial crisis that Europe is presently grappling with and does, indeed, expose the extent to which the world economy now operates outside the control of the nation-state, the nation-state still exists very palpably for all its citizens (whether permanent or migrant) as an agent of control, welfare, and social justice. This may, indeed, cause us to conclude that Bauman’s vision of a world in which globalisation would make itself felt very differently for some groups than others came closest to what is taking shape: true, the transnationals have seized significant political and economic power from the nation-state, but this has not meant the end of the nation-state; rather, the change is being experienced as a re-trenching of whatever power the nation-state still has (and this, of course, is considerable) over its citizens in their “local”, everyday lives (Bauman 55). If we now turn to the portrait of Europe painted by the articles that constitute this special issue, we see further evidence of transglobal processes and practices operating in a realm oblivious to local (including national) concerns. While our authors are generally more concerned with the flows of information and “identity” than business or finance (Appaduri’s “ethnoscapes,” “technoscapes,” and “ideoscapes”: 33-7), there is the same impression that this “circulation” (Latour) is effectively bypassing the state at one level (the virtual), whilst remaining very materially bound by it at another. In other words, and following Bauman, we would suggest that it is quite possible for contemporary subjects to be both the agents and subjects of globalisation: a paradox that, as we shall go on to demonstrate, is given particularly vivid expression in the case of diasporic and/or migrant peoples who may be able to bypass the state in the manufacture of their “virtual” identities/communities) but who (Cohen) remain very much its subjects (or, indeed, “non-subjects”) when attempting movement in the material realm. Two of the articles in the collection (Leurs & Ponzanesi and Marcheva) deal directly with the exponential growth of “digital diasporas” (sometimes referred to as “e-diasporas”) since the inception of Facebook in 2004, and both provide specific illustrations of the way in which the nation-state both has, and has not, been transcended. First, it quickly becomes clear that for the (largely) “youthful” (Leurs & Ponzanesi) participants of nationally inscribed networking sites (e.g. “discovernikkei” (Japan), “Hyves” (Netherlands), “Bulgarians in the UK” (Bulgaria)), shared national identity is a means and not an end. In other words, although the participants of these sites might share in and actively produce a fond and nostalgic image of their “homeland” (Marcheva), they are rarely concerned with it as a material or political entity and an expression of their national identities is rapidly supplemented by the sharing of other (global) identity markers. Leurs & Ponzanesi invoke Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the “rhizome” to describe the way in which social networkers “weave” a “rhizomatic path” to identity, gradually accumulating a hybrid set of affiliations. Indeed, the extent to which the “nation” disappears on such sites can be remarkable as was also observed in our investigation of the digital storytelling site, “Capture Wales” (BBC) (Pearce, "Writing"). Although this BBC site was set up to capture the voices of the Welsh nation in the early twenty-first century through a collection of (largely) autobiographical stories, very few of the participants mention either Wales or their “Welshness” in the stories that they tell. Further, where the “home” nation is (re)imagined, it is generally in an idealised, or highly personalised, form (e.g. stories about one’s own family) or through a sharing of (perceived and actual) cultural idiosyncrasies (Marcheva on “You know you’re a Bulgarian when …”) rather than an engagement with the nation-state per se. As Leurs & Ponzanesi observe: “We can see how the importance of the nation-state gets obscured as diasporic youth, through cultural hybridisation of youth culture and ethnic ties initiate subcultures and offer resistance to mainstream cultural forms.” Both the articles just discussed also note the shading of the “national” into the “transnational” on the social networking sites they discuss, and “transnationalism”—in the sense of many different nations and their diasporas being united through a common interest or cause—is also a focus of Pikner’s article on “collective actions” in Europe (notably, “EuroMayDay” and “My Estonia”) and Harb’s highly topical account of the role of both broadcast media (principally, Al-Jazeera) and social media in the revolutions and uprisings currently sweeping through the Arab world (spring 2011). On this point, it should be noted that Harb identifies this as the moment when Facebook’s erstwhile predominantly social function was displaced by a manifestly political one. From this we must conclude that both transnationalism and social media sites can be put to very different ends: while young people in relatively privileged democratic countries might embrace transnationalism as an expression of their desire to “rise above” national politics, the youth of the Arab world have engaged it as a means of generating solidarity for nationalist insurgency and liberation. Another instance of “g/local” digital solidarity exceeding national borders is to be found in Johanna Sumiala’s article on the circulatory power of the Internet in the Kauhajoki school shooting which took place Finland in 2008. As well as using the Internet to “stage manage” his rampage, the Kauhajoki shooter (whose name the author chose to withhold for ethical reasons) was subsequently found to have been a member of numerous Web-based “hate groups”, many of them originating in the United States and, as a consequence, may be understood to have committed his crime on behalf of a transnational community: what Sumiala has defined as a “networked community of destruction.” It must also be noted, however, that the school shootings were experienced as a very local tragedy in Finland itself and, although the shooter may have been psychically located in a transnational hyper-reality when he undertook the killings, it is his nation-state that has had to deal with the trauma and shame in the long term. Woodward and Brown & Rutherford, meanwhile, show that it remains the tendency of public broadcast media to uphold the raison d’être of the nation-state at the same time as embracing change. Woodward’s feature article (which reports on the AHRC-sponsored “Tuning In” project which has researched the BBC World Service) shows how the representation of national and diasporic “voices” from around the world, either in opposition to or in dialogue with the BBC’s own reporting, is key to the way in which the Commission has changed and modernised in recent times; however, she is also clear that many of the objectives that defined the service in its early days—such as its commitment to a distinctly “English” brand of education—still remain. Similarly, Brown & Rutherford’s article on the innovative Australian ABC children’s television series, My Place (which has combined traditional broadcasting with online, interactive websites) may be seen to be positively promoting the Australian nation by making visible its commitment to multiculturalism. Both articles nevertheless reveal the extent to which these public service broadcasters have recognised the need to respond to their nations’ changing demographics and, in particular, the fact that “diaspora” is a concept that refers not only to their English and Australian audiences abroad but also to their now manifestly multicultural audiences at home. When it comes to commercial satellite television, however, the relationship between broadcasting and national and global politics is rather harder to pin down. Subramanian exposes a complex interplay of national and global interests through her analysis of the Malayalee “reality television” series, Idea Star Singer. Exported globally to the Indian diaspora, the show is shamelessly exploitative in the way in which it combines residual and emergent ideologies (i.e. nostalgia for a traditional Keralayan way of life vs aspirational “western lifestyles”) in pursuit of its (massive) audience ratings. Further, while the ISS series is ostensibly a g/local phenomenon (the export of Kerala to the rest of the world rather than “India” per se), Subramanian passionately laments all the progressive national initiatives (most notably, the campaign for “women’s rights”) that the show is happy to ignore: an illustration of one of the negative consequences of globalisation predicted by Beck (31) noted at the start of this editorial. Harb, meanwhile, reflects upon a rather different set of political concerns with regards to commercial satellite broadcasting in her account of the role of Al-Jazeera and Al Arabiya in the recent (2011) Arab revolutions. Despite Al-Jazeera’s reputation for “two-sided” news coverage, recent events have exposed its complicity with the Qatari government; further, the uprisings have revealed the speed with which social media—in particular Facebook and Twitter—are replacing broadcast media. It is now possible for “the people” to bypass both governments and news corporations (public and private) in relaying the news. Taken together, then, what our articles would seem to indicate is that, while the power of the nation-state has notionally been transcended via a range of new networking practices, this has yet to undermine its material power in any guaranteed way (witness recent counter-insurgencies in Libya, Bahrain, and Syria).True, the Internet may be used to facilitate transnational “actions” against the nation-state (individual or collective) through a variety of non-violent or violent actions, but nation-states around the world, and especially in Western Europe, are currently wielding immense power over their subjects through aggressive “austerity measures” which have the capacity to severely compromise the freedom and agency of the citizens concerned through widespread unemployment and cuts in social welfare provision. This said, several of our articles provide evidence that Appadurai’s more utopian prognoses are also taking shape. Alongside the troubling possibility that globalisation, and the technologies that support it, is effectively eroding “difference” (be this national or individual), there are the ever-increasing (and widely reported) instances of how digital technology is actively supporting local communities and actions around the world in ways that bypass the state. These range from the relatively modest collective action, “My Estonia”, featured in Pikner’s article, to the ways in which the Libyan diaspora in Manchester have made use of social media to publicise and support public protests in Tripoli (Harb). In other words, there is compelling material evidence that the heterogeneity that Appadurai predicted and hoped for has come to pass through the people’s active participation in (and partial ownership of) media practices. Citizens are now able to “interfere” in the representation of their lives as never before and, through the digital revolution, communicate with one another in ways that circumvent state-controlled broadcasting. We are therefore pleased to present the articles that follow as a lively, interdisciplinary and international “state-of-the-art” commentary on how the ongoing revolution in media and communication is responding to, and bringing into being, the processes and practices of globalisation predicted by Appadurai, Beck, Bauman, and others in the 1990s. The articles also speak to the changing nature of the world’s “diasporas” during this fifteen year time frame (1996-2011) and, we trust, will activate further debate (following Cohen) on the conceptual tensions that now manifestly exist between “virtual” and “material” diasporas and also between the “transnational” diasporas whose objective is to transcend the nation-state altogether and those that deploy social media for specifically local or national/ist ends. Acknowledgements With thanks to the Arts and Humanities Research Council (UK) for their generous funding of the “Moving Manchester” project (2006-10). Special thanks to Dr Kate Horsley (Lancaster University) for her invaluable assistance as ‘Web Editor’ in the production of this special issue (we could not have managed without you!) and also to Gail Ferguson (our copy-editor) for her expertise in the preparation of the final typescript. References Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalisation. 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Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture. London: Sage, 1992. Urry, John. Sociology beyond Societies. London: Routledge, 1999. Williams, Raymond. Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France. Berkeley: U of California P, 1982.