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1
Uchaev, Anton N., Elena I. Demidova et Natalia A. Uchaeva. « The Prime Minister of Canada William Lyon Mackenzie King’s Perception of the USSR during World War II : 1939–45 ». Herald of an archivist, no 2 (2021) : 593–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2021-2-593-602.
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The article analyzes the specificity of the Canadian Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King’s attitude to the Soviet Union during the Second World War. The study analyzes the frequency of the Prime Minister referencing the USSR in his diary from September 1, 1939 to September 2, 1945, as well as his reaction to a number of the most significant events of the Second World War associated with the Soviet Union: the German attack on the USSR, the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Canada, the battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, the victory over Germany. In the course of work, both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive method, comparative method) and special methods (historical-chronological and content analysis) have been used to study the materials of the diary. The use of the historical-chronological method is due to the need to correlate information from the diary with the overall historical picture of the studied period, and the use of content analysis helps to create a more reliable picture of Canadian Prime Minister’s perception of the Soviet participation in World War II. The article has made allowances for the fact that Mackenzie King sought to create his own positive image in his diaries, planning their posthumous publication. But, since the USSR was not a key topic for the Prime Minister (as evidenced by keywords statistics), it can be stated that the leader of the Canadian liberals was quite frank, at least as frank as a person who, in his lifetime, was known as an extremely cautious politician could be. It is clear, that King was well aware of the significance of the events on the Eastern Front. But throughout the war he retained both a negatively neutral attitude towards the USSR (due to its communist nature) and his perception of the Soviet Union as part of Asia and thus a step below the Anglo-Saxon world, which had a higher level of culture and moral principles. The objective reality, i.e. absence of hostilities in Canada, its maneuvering between Great Britain and the United States, and priority of economic and domestic policy for King, explains that a lesser part of his attention was paid to the events in the USSR in comparison with processes associated with England and the United States.
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Poretskova, E. A. « Great Britain and the Maastricht Treaty on European Union (1992) ». Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no 2 (2012) : 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-2-101-103.
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The article describes the ratification of Maastricht treaty on European Union by British parliament. Particular attention is paid to the role of Prime Minister John Major in the framing of a treaty and its acceptance in the context of escalated intraparty and interparty relations.
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Loury, Glenn C. « The Black Man Who One Day May Become Prime Minister of Great Britain ». Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, no 43 (2004) : 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4133540.
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Nadeau, Richard, Richard G. Niemi et Timothy Amato. « Prospective and Comparative or Retrospective and Individual ? Party Leaders and Party Support in Great Britain ». British Journal of Political Science 26, no 2 (avril 1996) : 245–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000442.
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We argue that voters' assessments of party leaders are comparative and prospective rather than individual and retrospective. Therefore, a prospective leadership-comparison evaluation should outperform a leader-approval, retrospective indicator as a determinant of government and party popularity. Using data from 1984–92, a popularity function that includes a variety of economic and political components, and several dependent variables, we test this hypothesis by comparing the performance of a ‘best prime minister’ question and the more usual ‘approval’ questions about party leaders. We find that the former gives consistently better results than the latter.
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Mikheiev, Andrii. « The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s ». Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no 1 (2021) : 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.
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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.
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Markovich, Slobodan. « Activities of Father Nikolai Velimirovich in Great Britain during the Great War ». Balcanica, no 48 (2017) : 143–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748143m.
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Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.
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Oats, Lynne, et Pauline Sadler. « POLITICAL SUPPRESSION OR REVENUE RAISING ? TAXING NEWSPAPERS DURING THE FRENCH REVOLUTIONARY WAR ». Accounting Historians Journal 31, no 1 (1 juin 2004) : 93–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.31.1.93.
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In 1797 the Prime Minister of Great Britain announced a substantial increase in the stamp duty on newspapers. This increase, and indeed the tax itself, has been variously represented as an attack on press freedom and an act of suppression of the working classes. This paper reconsiders these representations by reference to primary sources and concludes that the increases in stamp duty were part of a revenue raising exercise in which taxes on a number of luxury items were increased, including newspapers which were not at the time viewed as being necessities.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh. « NEW PRIORITIES OF GREAT BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY DURING TONY BLAIR’S PREMIERSHIP ». European Historical Studies, no 24 (2023) : 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2023.24.4.
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The article analyzes the state and perspectives for the further investigation of the foreign policy of the Prime Minister Tony Blair (1997–2007). It is noted that the attention to the problem is caused both by Great Britain’s support of Ukraine in resisting russian full-scale invasion, and by the high level of activity of T. Blair and his Institute for Global Change, which are actively engaged in the development of concepts regarding a new vision of the place of post-Brexit Great Britain in the world. At the same time, they support Ukraine, actively analyze the importance and impact of russia’s war against Ukraine on the international world and security situation. The work outlines the traditional and new investigations of foreign historians who multifacetedly have scrutinized and continue to research the problems of the foreign policy of Great Britain during the prime ministership of Tony Blair. The formed scientific discourse on the relations of Great Britain with the USA and the EU countries, the problem of Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq war is highlighted. This discourse is marked by a reassessment of observed events, the formation of non-conventional approaches to problems, which is of particular interest and provides prospects for further research. Ukrainian historians continue to research issues of Great Britain’s foreign policy. Emphasis in works devoted to T. Blair’s foreign policy is usually placed on issues of Great Britain’s relations with the USA and the EU, Great Britain’s participation in the Iraq War and a number of military conflicts. The urgent need to form a scientific discourse, systematic, active scientific discussion at conferences and round tables is stressed. The author reveals the aspects of the British foreign policy which have to be investigated in the Ukrainian historiography: the cooperation with the Latin American countries (economic and political motives and interests, for instance, his visit to the states of the region, he was the first British Prime Minister who visited Argentina since the Falklands War), Blair`s interest in the time of his premiership towards the African countries (the creation of the Commission for Africa in 2004) and, especially, his lobbying of the initiatives during his heading in the G8. The article emphasizes the active use of a number of tools of public diplomacy, mass media by T. Blair, his understanding of the world’s globalization trends, and active support of these trends through economic, political and other levers. Moreover, the aspects for the further investigation are mentioned and characterized.
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Kolmakov, M. A. « BRITISH PRIME MINISTER FIGHT ROBERT WALPOLE WITH THE OPPOSITION IN THE 20S OF THE XVIII CENTURY. » Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 07, no 02 (30 juin 2023) : 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2023-07-02-79-90.
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Robert Walpole was first elected to Parliament in 1701. At the beginning of his political career he worked in many parliamentary committees. In 1721 Walpole becomes the first Prime Minister of Great Britain. During the remainder of George I's reign, Walpole's influence steadily increased in the upper echelons of power. At this time, the principles of Walpole's interaction with the British crown, parliament and government were laid as part of the internal political struggle. The politician gradually consolidates his power at the government level, developing a new internal model of the state structure, which consisted in strengthening the power of the Whig group through a system of political control over the opposition in parliament and the ministry. The main goal of Walpole's domestic policy was to have MPs and ministers work in the interests of the Hanoverian dynasty, thereby distributing finances among their opponents in the Whig faction. In such realities, the political power of the opposition gradually decreased, and Walpole's influence over the king, parliament and ministries gradually increased. As a result, Walpole kept Parliament and the ministry on his side by supporting the Hanoverian dynasty, including through the introduction of low export duties and a reduction in the public debt. The activity of Robert Walpole was a reflection of the domestic policy of Great Britain in the 20s of the XVIII century, which showed the trends and moods that existed in the country.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe et Olga Shumilo. « Margaret Thatcher and the EU ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 11-2 (1 novembre 2020) : 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Troitino, David Ramiro, Tanel Kerikmäe et Olga Shumilo. « Margaret Thatcher and the EU ». OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no 11-2 (1 novembre 2020) : 154–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi45.
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The article highlights the key points of Margaret Thatcher’s activities in the context of relations with the European Community (later the European Union) as Prime Minister of Great Britain. The authors describe the stages of Thatcher’s formation as a politician, the circumstances that shaped her relations with the leaders of France and Germany, and the prerequisites for reaching compromises in the economic and political spheres. The article analyzes Thatcher’s position on the Single European act, as well as the reasons for the geopolitical miscalculation regarding the document’s further role in European integration. The Prime Minister’s opinion on the potential of forming European defense within the framework of the concept of intergovernmentalism and its place in the system of relations between the EU and the United States is studied.
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Mudure, Mihaela. « Princess Elizabeth Bibesco : A Novelist of the 1920s ». Revista Canaria de Estudios Ingleses, no 84 (2022) : 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.recaesin.2022.84.09.
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Princess Elizabeth Bibesco (1897-1945) was the daughter of Sir Herbert Henry Asquith, Prime Minister of Great Britain between 1908 and 1916, and wife of Prince Antoine Bibesco (1878-1951). During the 1920s Bibesco published two novels The Fir and the Palm and There Is No Return which include her into the same spiritual family as the literary impressionists of the time. Critics did not pay too much attention to this novelist of the 1920s who holds, however, a singular place in the literary life of the time. This paper is a close reading of Bibesco’s novels from the 1920 which proves her indebtedness to modernism and literary impressionism.
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Mokhtari, Fariborz. « Iran's 1953 Coup : Revisiting Mosaddeq ». Bustan : The Middle East Book Review 7, no 2 (1 décembre 2016) : 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.7.2.113.
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Abstract A coup d'état ended Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq's government in Iran on August 19, 1953. The United States and Great Britain were undeniably involved, but the country's internal dynamics may have been even more crucial. The notion that foreign agents subverted Iran and its elected government entirely through their paid operators is not an accurate assessment. This brief account of postwar Iranian politics serves as an important context for events that took place during Mosaddeq's premiership, and perhaps makes the search for those culpable for the coup less important than coming to terms with the continued tension between nationalist-modernism and religious-traditionalism in Iran.
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Devlin, Carol A. « The Eucharistic Procession of 1908 : The Dilemma of the Liberal Government ». Church History 63, no 3 (septembre 1994) : 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167537.
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In September 1908 the British Prime Minister, H. H. Asquith, offended Roman Catholics by cancelling the procession of the Blessed Sacrament, which was to have been the climax of the 1908 international Eucharistic Congress. This incident illustrates the persistence of religious extremism as a disruptive force in British politics and the muddled manner in which Asquith's government dealt with crises. As early as 1900 social and economic issues had become the dominant focus of British politics, and Great Britain had established a reputation for religious toleration. In spite of the growing trend toward secularism, militant Protestants continued to agitate against Catholicism by resurrecting archaic laws restricting Catholic rituals.
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Jenkins, Jan. « Lawlor, Churchill And The Politics Of War, 1940-1941 ». Teaching History : A Journal of Methods 20, no 2 (1 septembre 1995) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.20.2.103.
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The first ten months of Winston Churchill's wartime leadership of Great Britain, from May 1940 1o March 1941, are frequently portrayed as a heroic prologue to the Allied war effort, a period in which Churchill having replaced Neville Chamberlain as prime minister, soothed all internal political discord, boldly directed Britain's solitary war against Germany, and came to the forefront as a man of destiny. In Churchill and the Politics of War, 1940-1941, Sheila Lawlor has set these months apart from their traditional context in order to reveal that, contrary to the orthodox historical view, the Churchill government was no freer of conflicting interests, factionalism, and vacillation than the preceding governments.
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Fry, Michael. « Political Change in Britain, August 1914 to December 1916 : Lloyd George Replaces Asquith : the Issues Underlying the Drama ». Historical Journal 31, no 3 (septembre 1988) : 609–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00023517.
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On 7 December 1916 David Lloyd George became prime minister, leading the second coalition government of the war. No archival sources of significance remain to be consulted to help explain how and why the particular composition of the new government emerged. A great deal has been written on the first years of the war, from many perspectives, but a satisfactory political history of Asquith's two administrations remains to be crafted. A sustained narrative, set in the appropriate context, which relates the political significance of the issues to the drama of politics, to the way individuals lose office and governments fall, which establishes trends, and measures cumulative effects is still unwritten.
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Zaznaev, Oleg I. « DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT IN PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEMS. INNOVATIONS IN THE LEGISLATION AND POLITICAL PRACTICE ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no 3 (2023) : 122–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2023-3-122-137.
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The institution of parliamentary dissolution is necessary to resolve the conflict between the parliament and the government. The dissolution of parliament results from a vote no confidence to the government, as well as it happens in cases prescribed by law. One of the most common options is the dissolution at the initiative of the prime minister to create advantages for the ruling party in early elections. The article highlights new trends in the development of the institution of parliament dissolution. One of them is the rarer use of dissolution to overcome the crisis in the relationship between the branches of government. The author argues that parliament dissolution is gradually turning from an institution of subjective discretion of the prime minister and government into a legal way to resolve deadlocks in the political process. This goal is served by the constitutional and legal restrictions on dissolution, which are widespread in the legislation of many parliamentary countries. The author notes that today there is a constitutionalization of the dissolution institute with the simultaneous depoliticization of that institution, namely, the narrowing of the freedom of choice of actors, primarily the prime minister. At the same time, in contemporary parliamentary systems, there is a different amount of dissolution legislative restrictions. The author analyzes such a kind of restriction on dissolution as the introduction of a fixed date for elections to the parliaments of Great Britain and Canada. The article claims that in practice this restriction does not lead to the weakening of the prime minister’s power of dissolution. It is concluded that despite innovations in the development of the parliamentary dissolution institution, the parliamentary system remains flexible, making it possible to use dissolution as a mechanism for resolving political differences
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Gao, Jie. « Compromise and Defence : Great Britain and the Burma Road Crisis ». China and Asia 3, no 1 (29 septembre 2021) : 5–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2589465x-030102.
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Abstract China and Britain both found themselves in extremely precarious situations by the early summer of 1940, when Japan demanded that Britain close the Burma Road, a vital overland supply route for Chinese forces fighting against Japanese aggression. The British had just seen all of their continental European allies fall like dominoes to Hitler’s forces over the span of a few weeks, while China was fighting a losing defensive war against Japan with minimal outside support. China desperately needed to maintain its overland supply line to the British Empire, the Burma Road, but Britain feared that the very existence of this conduit of war materiel would provoke a Japanese attack on vulnerable British colonies in the Far East. American policy on Japanese aggression was ambiguous at this point and neither Britain nor China could realistically expect help from Washington in the short term. As a result, Britain signed a one-sided confidential memorandum to close the Burma Road to buy time and shore up its East Asian position to the extent that it was able. This deal, a lesser-studied counterpart to Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement policy in Europe, compromised the Chinese war effort against Japan, paved the way for the Japanese conquest of Southeast Asia, and ultimately failed to prevent Britain’s defeat in East Asia. Recognizing that this temporary concession would not moderate Japanese behavior, Britain reopened the Burma Road three months later. This paper examines the vital role of the Burma Road in the Chinese war effort in 1940 and why Japan demanded that London close it, then explores the factors that led to Britain’s unavoidable capitulation on the issue and subsequent reversal three months later, along with the consequences for the Allied war effort in the Far East.
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فيصل عبد الوهــــــــــــــــــاب, رغد. « بريطانيا دراسة في الأوضاع السياسية والاقتصادية الداخلية 1964-1970 ». Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no 29 (16 janvier 2018) : 194–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss29.151.
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Britain has a great political and economic weight among the European nations. This importance increased since the end of World War II for several reasons in this period. In fact the field of research and according to many historians is the richest in historical writings. This study deals with the political and economic situation in Britain. A study of historical period between (1964- 1970) is an attempt to discuss these developments of an era, since it did not take the appropriate position in academic studies, this study is to fill part of this void. The British labor party took control from 1964 to 1970, which represents an important era under Harold Wilson. Britain went through a political and economic setbacks under the Conservative Party which to withdraw from the cabinet and by 1964 he became the Labor Party’s prime minister. .Things did not go as planned by the organizers of power in Britain and the economic crisis worsened for over six years,
which had already been the focus of a test for politicians in Britain .This forced the Labor Party to loose elections in 1970 and the Conservatives regained power again.
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Lutsenko, N. « EVOLUTION OF SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN US AND UK DURING DONALD TRUMP`S ADMINISTRATION ». Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no 149 (2021) : 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.149.8.
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An article is an attempt to study «special relationships» between the United States and Great Britain. The author mentioned that the presidential elections in the USA and the fact that Donald Trump became a new president reflected on the relationships between the United States and Great Britain. The attention is given to the role of personality in states’ relationships. The article illustrates that Donald Trump`s populism in his speeches played a negative role for making stable relationships with the UK. More specifically, Donald Trump's criticism of London's mayor Sadiq Khan, Scotland Yard evocated a negative social reaction in Great Britain. As shown in the article, the citizens of the United Kingdom were shocked by Donald Trump`s islamophobia and his Facebook post of the far-right organization «Britain first». Indeed, it was the reason for massive protests during Donald Trump's official visit to the United Kingdom in 2018. The reference should be made to the fact that in 2016 the UK citizens decided to leave European Union. Despite the fact that Donald Trump approved this decision he criticized British prime-minister Theresa May for soft Brexit. As shown in the article contrary to the strong criticism of the British government Donald Trump visited Great Britain three times during his presidential term. These official trips were directed on normalization of Anglo-American relationships. Queen Elizabeth twice met Donald Trump and they both mentioned that special relationships are important for their countries. Research has shown that during Boris Johnson’s premiership US-UK relations became stronger. This factor is due to close Trump`s and Johnson's political views. The article illustrates that the United States and Great Britain still have special relationships. Countries have strong intelligence, military and nuclear cooperation. Both the US and the UK are still key economical partners and they are interested in safety relationships.
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O'Driscoll, Mervyn. « Explosive Challenge : Diplomatic Triangles, the United Nations, and the Problem of French Nuclear Testing, 1959–1960 ». Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no 1 (janvier 2009) : 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.28.
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France's first nuclear tests in Algeria in 1960 occurred at a critical moment in the Cold War. The United States, Great Britain, and the USSR had suspended their tests in 1958 and had been holding test ban talks in Geneva. British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan faced a vociferous anti-nuclear movement at home and wanted to foster East-West détente. The U.S. State Department wished to prevent Soviet propaganda in the Third World, including the newly independent African and Asian states that strongly opposed French testing. Nonetheless, both Britain and the United States adopted a sympathetic stance toward France in the run-up to the first test in February 1960. Macmillan hoped to move Britain into the European Economic Community and therefore wanted to avoid antagonizing France, whose support for British membership would be crucial. Macmillan also wanted France's backing for a four-power summit to try to achieve East-West détente. Similarly, the United States did not want to alienate France, a key member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
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Abdelrehim, Neveen. « Rethinking “Oil Nationalism” ». International Journal of Signs and Semiotic Systems 4, no 2 (juillet 2015) : 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsss.2015070103.
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In the early twentieth century, Great Britain began a new wave of imperialism, focusing on areas in the Middle East strategic to enhance their trade. Iran was one of the countries in which Britain gained enormous power and influence. This power was derived from its control of Iranian oil resources, through the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). After many years of AIOC producing oil in Iran with Iranian Government support, a wave of economic nationalism led to the nationalization of AIOC in 1951 by the Iranian Prime Minister Musaddiq. The nationalization of the AIOC angered the British and seemed part of a growing pattern of pressure on their interests culminating in wresting Musaddiq from the control of the oil industry. As a result, in considering the above effects, by using AIOC as a case study, a textual analysis of the Chairman's Statement to Shareholders is conducted and the validity of the Statements is reappraised with reference to historical evidence.
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Evans, Rachel. « Leopard in kitten heels : The politics of Theresa May’s sartorial choices ». Clothing Cultures 6, no 2 (1 juin 2019) : 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cc_00012_1.
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This article discusses the clothing choices of Theresa May as a female Member of Parliament (MP) and as the second woman prime minister of Great Britain. A Conservative MP since 1997 with a conservative background growing up a Vicar’s daughter and grammar school education, Mrs May’s sartorial choices have evolved to conform with an understanding of female MP’s as proxy men and to reflect British national dress as defined by tradition. However, within this conservative persona, a discordant note is struck by her choice of shoes. Not always neutral, in this article, her choice of fabric is examined as a form of ‘everyday resistance’. Compromised as these choices are, her choice of leopard print kitten heels is suggested as a form of subaltern resistance.
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Morgan, Kenneth O. « England, Britain and the Audit of War (The Prothero Lecture) ». Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 7 (décembre 1997) : 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679273.
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THE award of the Booker Prize for 1995 to Pat Barker'sGhost Roaddid more than pay tribute to the latest powerful novel in the author's ‘Regeneration Cycle’. It also emphasised once again how much the historical and cultural consciousness of twentieth-century Britain is dominated by images of war. With the obvious exception of Northern Ireland, Great Britain has been an unusually peaceful and stable country in a century marked by revolution and upheaval. Yet our national experience has been shaped, almost obsessed, by two world wars in a way true of few, if any, other countries. Memories of 1914 and 1939 tower over us like Lutyens's massive monument at Thiepval. The war leaders, David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, are commonly thought of as our two greatest prime ministers in modern times (though another, more recent, prime minister, victorious in the Falklands, still has her champions). Armistice day, Remembrance Sunday and the wearing of poppies retain their potency as all-powerful national symbols of sacrifice. The British Legion remains an influential pressure group. The eightieth anniversary of the battle of the Somme in July 1996 emphasised anew the enduring impact of the tragedies of the first world war. More generally, the fiftieth anniversaries of VE Day and VJ Day the previous year were nationwide ceremonies of remembrance for the sacrifices of the second. Almost every episode in current history, especially where Europe is involved, is commonly linked with memories of earlier conflict. Even the 1996 crisis in Anglo-German relations, such as it was, arising from ‘mad cow disease’ evoked comparison with 1939.
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Rofe, J. Simon, et Alan Tomlinson. « STRENUOUS COMPETITION ON THE FIELD OF PLAY, DIPLOMACY OFF IT : THE 1908 LONDON OLYMPICS, THEODORE ROOSEVELT AND ARTHUR BALFOUR, AND TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no 1 (janvier 2016) : 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781415000614.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Olympic sporting context of 1908, with its tension between nationalistic competition and high-minded amateurism, provides insight as well into the transatlantic relationship between Great Britain and the United States during the presidency of Theodore Roosevelt and in the years following the prime ministerial tenure of Britain's Arthur Balfour. The article explores this relationship through two high-profile sports events—the 1908 London Olympic Games and its predecessor games in St. Louis in 1904—to consider how governing political and social networks in the two countries viewed themselves and one another and related to one another. The positions and values of U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Arthur Balfour are reevaluated in this context. The article concludes that the 1908 Olympics in many ways typified Anglo-American relations during the opening decade of the twentieth century. Strenuous competition between the two nations was accepted by both parties as a means to achieve a measure of superiority over the other for the broader audience in each nation and also across the globe.
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. « The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945 ». Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no 44 (15 décembre 2021) : 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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Abera, Communist G. « English-Ethiopian Relations : from the Establishment of the First Consulate to the War between the Two Countries (1848-1868) ». IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no 2 (218) (23 juin 2023) : 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-2-44-50.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ethiopia's international relations with Great Britain obtained their modern form under Tewodros II. It happened during his reign when the British representative office and its diplomatic mission in Ethiopia were opened. The United Kingdom was the first country to open its consulate in Ethiopia in 1848. For the British, Palmerston's opening of the consulate in Ethiopia in 1848 was a very important undertaking. However, this event was doomed to failure, as the political situation in the UK and Ethiopia made the effec-tive trade relations between them impossible. The English-Ethiopian policy of 1848-1868 can be considered as a kind of triumph of Foreign Ministers Palmerston, Russell and Prime Minister Stanley. At the same time, Emperor Tewodros of Ethiopia was very wary of the true motives of the British. The absence of an immediate response from Queen Victoria to his letter in 1862, which contained a request for military supplies, and Britain's general preference for Ethiopian neighbors did not contribute to the warm attitude of the Emperor of Ethiopia to the British consulate. Subsequently, this led to an open conflict between the two countries.
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Kovalev, I., et T. Nazaruk. « The Main Trends in the Development of the UK Party-Political System after the 2019 General Parliamentary Elections ». Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no 1 (2023) : 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2023-1-76-86.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The 2019 general parliamentary elections in the UK took place in the context of a prolonged socio-political crisis: it was the second early election in three years, which is extremely atypical for Britain. Elections were held after resignation of T. May, who after several attempts failed to get support for her draft Agreement on Britain's withdrawal from the EU in the House of Commons and decided to leave the post of prime minister and leader of the Conservatives. Shortly after the victory of the Tories, the exit of the country from the EU, which was the main stumbling block in political discourse for three whole years, was finally completed by the new Tory leader B. Johnson. Then it seemed that the main contradictions had been overcome, but the coronavirus pandemic became another test of strength for the country's political system, and B. Johnson himself fell into a series of scandals that led not only to a declining trust in the prime minister, but to his resignation. Against the backdrop of instability in the political life of the country, the role of regional parties has also changed, which, as forces of opposition pressure, have a significant impact on the domestic political agenda. This article examines features of the development of the UK party-political system on the eve and after the 2019 general parliamentary elections. First of all, attention is paid to analyzing the election results, to the study of B. Johnson's policy in a period of crisis, the assessment of the approaches of the Labour Party under K. Starmer, and the analysis of the transforming role of regional parties in the country. The article also highlights the factors in the development of the modern party-political system in Great Britain. The main conclusion of the article is that despite the deep and prolonged political crisis in the country, the system remains stable and, moreover, the Conservative Party manages to maintain its dominance in these circumstances.
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DRECIN, Mihai D. « FREEMASONRY AND THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE (JANUARY 1919 – JUNE 1920) ». Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology 12, no 2 (2020) : 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.56082/annalsarscihist.2020.2.21.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Romanian delegation - headed by Prime Minister Ion I.C. Brătianu - accompanied by other well-known Romanian figures who were not part of the delegation, but represented the Romanian elite who had emigrated to the French capital, attended the Paris Peace Conference and recognised that the political decisions concerning the future borders of the nations emerging from the former Austrian-Hungarian Empire were made by the Roman Catholic Church, the Freemasonry and the Jewish Youth Organisation. These were the institutions behind the political decisions made by the political leaders of France (Georges Clémenceau), Great Britain (Sir David Lloyd George), the United States of America (Woodrow Wilson), and Italy (Vittorio Emanuele Orlando). When, after a conflict with the then French Prime Minister, who was failing to observe the provisions of the August 1916 Treaty concluded between Romania and the Triple Entente, Ion I.C. Brătianu left Paris, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod became his successor as head of the Romanian delegation. The Transylvanian political leader and some of his close associates would also become members of the Ernest Renan Masonic lodge in Paris, on 4 August 1919. The decision was made by Alexandru Vaida-Voevod after extensive consultations with Ion I.C. Brătianu, who had returned to Bucharest by then, and Iuliu Maniu, the Chairman of the Ruling Council in Sibiu. The masonic involvement of the Romanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference was proof of the diplomatic abilities of its members as well as of the perfect cooperation with the local political decisionmakers, with the purpose of adjusting to the then current international context to the benefit of the country’s national interests. After Romania and Hungary signed the Treaty of Trianon (4 July 1920) whose clauses were favourable to Romania, the Romanian freemasons would leave their Masonic lodges in the coming years.
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V. Nasakina, Svitlana, Natalia M. Kolisnichenko, Inna I. Rohalska-Yakubova et Nataliya I. Chepelyuk. « Rhetoric Strategies in the Presidents` Speeches : Ukrainian versus English ». Arab World English Journal, no 3 (15 novembre 2020) : 330–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awej/elt3.27.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article focuses on the prominent stylistic devices of the language, gives their definitions, and examines the effectiveness of their use in the political speeches of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the Presidents of Ukraine, and the President of the United States of America. It studies the rhetorical strategies that help the speakers to achieve the desired goal effectively, and add persuasiveness to the addresses. The article aims to reveal the similar tendencies in rhetorical speeches used by the political leaders. The research method, which includes two stages, has been presented. The first stage consisted of material collection. The second stage consisted of two sub-stages of the study and included the description, and the systematization of the obtained data. The significance of the research lies in the fact that the similar traits in political speeches in different countries have been defined. The further studying of the political speeches of the political elites can enable to deepen the knowledge about rhetorical strategies in the sociolinguistic aspect.
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Cavell, Janice. « Suez and After : Canada and British Policy in the Middle East, 1956–1960 ». Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no 1 (17 juin 2008) : 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018258ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The Suez crisis is generally considered to be a decisive turning-point in Canada’s relations with Great Britain. Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent and Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester Pearson refused to support Britain’s military action in Egypt, choosing instead to work through the United Nations for a resolution of the conflict. It seemed that Canada was repudiating a subservient role and declaring its final independence from the mother country. However, the documentary record shows that Canadian politicians and diplomats were in fact eager to work for what they believed to be Britain’s good. In their view, Britain had temporarily lost sight of its own, and the western world’s, best interests. During the years immediately after Suez, support for British policies was a priority of Canadian diplomats, most notably Arnold Smith, Canada’s ambassador to Egypt from 1958 to 1960. Smith played an important role in the resumption of diplomatic relations between Britain and Egypt. Drawing on previously unused documents in the files of the Department of External Affairs, this paper outlines Canadian views of, and Canada’s relationship to, British policy in the Middle East during and after Suez. It demonstrates that a “colony to nation” framework is inadequate for the study of the Anglo-Canadian relationship in the years following World War II. Instead, the broader context of Cold War politics must be taken into consideration. The paper also shows that despite the surface differences between Liberal and Conservative foreign policy, there were strong elements of continuity between the St. Laurent and Diefenbaker governments.
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Burachok, Liliia, et Mariia Demkiv. « Elizabeth II ― forming and becoming of personality ». History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no 56 (30 décembre 2022) : 114–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2022.56.114-120.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The monarchy is the oldest governing institution in Great Britain; called the British Monarchy or the Monarchy of Great Britain. It is one of the oldest European monarchies, as well as the most famous. Queen Elizabeth II is the head of state from 1952; she is also a symbol of stability and the main figure in Great Britain. Researching the stages becoming personality of queen, we see how formed her strong, unshakable character through the prism of historical events with which Elizabeth II managed to adapt to present and remain a national symbol for the Britishs. The epoch of Elizabeth II ruling (especially from the end of ХХ to beginning of XXI century) is an important period in British history. It is time for serious reforms in country and also for major changes on global: the collapse of the socialist system in Central and Eastern Europe, the collapse of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the end of the Cold War, unification of Germany, disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. During the queen's reign and her life in general, many important events took place. Her Majesty has also been involved in numerous changes to the monarchy, from becoming Queen at the age of twenty-five to traveling the world more than any other monarch before her. Elizabeth II managed to unite the countries of former British colonies and create Concord of nations, that she heads by now. Analysing activity of Her Majesty, it is possible to notice that Elizabeth ІІ supports conservatism, for example, she gives preference to classic style, old books and other things like that. However, at the same time, modernity makes Queen to get used also to new realities, such as radio, television and internet. The Queen is supposed to be impartial, but she is still the head of the executive, legislature and judiciary, as well as the role of Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and Supreme Governor of the Church of England. Elizabeth II symbolizes the sovereignty of the state and her carries out only ceremonial functions in Great Britain and in the countries of Concord, mainly carrying out only official visits, since a leading role in political life of Great Britain is played by Prime Minister. Meantime a queen cares about representativity of her country and propagandizes such values, as following and unity, supports good relationships with foreign leaders out of politics. It seems that the reign of Elizabeth II, due to the individuality of the queen and the length of her reign, may go down in history as the "New Elizabethan Era".
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Khakhalkina, E. V. « “HOW GRAND IS OUR DESIGN FOR EUROPE?” : INTEGRATION PLANS OF THE GREAT BRITAIN IN THE LATE OF 1950S ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(49) (28 août 2016) : 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-58-68.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country’s membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.
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Gilbert, Bentley B. « Pacifist to Interventionist : David Lloyd George in 1911 and 1914. was Belgium an Issue ? » Historical Journal 28, no 4 (décembre 1985) : 863–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00005100.
Texte intégralRésumé :
David Lloyd George's behaviour in the crucial week between 27 July and 3 August 1914 has commanded much scholarship and more speculation. Nearly every member of Prime Minister Herbert Asquith's Liberal cabinet, including the chancellor of the exchequer himself, has told the story of those agonizing days, by memoir, diary or letter. Yet Lloyd George's part in Britain's decision to declare war upon Germany on 4 August remains unclear; indeed it is less clear now than it seemed to be half a century ago. How could the ‘Pro-Boer’ of the days of the South African war, who had been the object of any number of dangerous personal assaults for his treasonable speeches, the enemy of the dreadnoughts, the slasher of naval estimates, indeed the man who most recently declared at the Mansion House and had asserted again in the House of Commons only six days later – the last coming on the day of the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia – that powerful commercial influences in Germany and Britain were drawing the two nations so close that great arms were unnecessary, how could such a man become the supporter of intervention in a continental war on behalf of France?
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Magadeev, Iskander. « The “French factor” and the dynamics of the Chanak crisis (September–October 1922) ». Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva : istoriia i sovremennost, no 1 (2022) : 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016116-4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The centenary of the Chanak crisis, which played significant role in the development of the Kemalist revolution and in the international transformations in the Asia Minor and the Near East, stimulates to analyse its underresearched aspects. The article aims to demonstrate the role of the “French factor” during the crisis. This “factor” is conceived as the actions of the French diplomacy, but also as their perception by the other international actors in September–October 1922. The author bases his conclusions on the evidence taken from the published French diplomatic documents and the archival materials of the French Ministry’s of the armed forces historical services. The documents taken from the National archives of the Great Britain were used in order to analyse the Anglo-French relations. The author concludes that the impact of the “French factor” during the crisis was ambivalent. At the one hand, R. Poincaré, French Prime Minister and Minister for foreign affairs, who aimed to exclude the growth of the Chanak crisis into the war and to make Paris the mediator between the British and the Kemalists, achieved some results and contributed to Ankara’s consent to the armistice negotiations. At the other hand, the desire of Poincaré to “sit on two chairs” and to develop the friendly relations with both Ankara and London was difficult to realise. By taking clearer though confrontational position, M. Kemal and British Secretary of State for foreign affairs G. Curzon gained more than Poincaré who hoped to effectuate more subtle diplomatic maneuvering.
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Khesin, Yefim S. « The Impact of the Brexit on the Living Standards and Quality of Life in Britain ». Level of Life of the Population of the Regions of Russia 16, no 2 (2020) : 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/lsprr/2020.16.2.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Object of the Study. Living standards and quality of life of the population in Great Britain. The Subject of the Study. The Brexit. The Purpose of the Study is exposing the impact of the Brexit on the living standards and quality of life in the country. The Main Provisions of the Article. Following a June 2016 referendum on continued European Union membership in which 52% voted to leave and 48% voted to stay the UK government announced the country's withdrawal from the EC (Brexit). In March 2017 it formally began the withdrawal process. The withdrawal was delayed by deadlock in the UK parliament. Having failed to get her agreement with the EC approved, Theresa May resigned as Prime Minister in July 2019 and was succeeded by Boris Johnson, an active supporter of the Brexit. An early general election was then held on 12 December. The Conservatives won a large majority. As a result, the parliament ratified the withdrawal agreement, and the UK formally left the EU on 31 January 2020. This began a transition period that is set to end on 31 December 2020, during which the UK and EU will negotiate their future relationship. The first round of negotiations between London and Brussels began in March 2020. The author investigates the consequences of the withdrawal of Great Britain from the EC on the living standards and quality of life, economic situation, labour market, social policy of the government. in this country. It analyzes on the impact of the Brexit on the major elements of human capital: education, science, health, living conditions, ecology. It found that short-term forecasts of what would happen immediately after the Brexit referendum were too pessimistic. Nowadays it is very difficult to give an accurate estimate of the future effect of the Brexit on cost of living in Great Britain – many essential issues in the relations between the UK and the EC remain open. Besides, the coronavirus crisis and lockdown measures may cause the grave damage to growth and jobs. Much evidence shows that in the medium- and long-term leaving the European Union damage the British economy and thus reduce the UK's real per-capita income level and may adversely affect jobs and earnings, income and wealth, life expectancy, education and skills, academic research, health status, environmental quality and subjective well-being in the UK. Finally, the author analyses the impact on the economic and social life in Great Britain of different Brexit scenarios after the end of the transition period. The consequences will differ sharply depending on whether the UK does a Soft or Hard (no deal) Brexit.
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McCulloch, Tony. « A royal visit revisited : Mackenzie King and the British royal visit to the USA, June 1939 ». British Journal of Canadian Studies 36, no 1 (11 mars 2024) : 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bjcs.2024.5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In June 1939 King George VI and Queen Elizabeth were on a tour of Canada that included a brief visit to the United States. The timing of this visit proved to be fortuitous from the British point of view as it came soon after the controversial Munich agreement in September 1938, which ceded the Czech Sudetenland to Germany, and the subsequent occupation of the remainder of the Czech state by German troops in March 1939 – both of which had damaged Britain’s image in America. The royal visit to the USA was a great public-relations success, as was the visit to Canada, and its significance for relations between Britain, Canada, and the United States has been discussed by a number of historians from all three countries. However, very little attention has been paid to the key role of the Canadian prime minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King, regarding the American phase of the royal visit. Indeed, a recent film about the Royal Visit and the weekend spent by the king and queen at President Franklin Roosevelt’s family home in upstate New York omitted any mention of Mackenzie King, despite the fact that he was their official escort. This article seeks to fill this gap by assessing Mackenzie King’s involvement in the origins and conduct of the royal visit. It also reflects upon what the royal visit reveals about Canada’s relations with Britain and the United States on the eve of the war and, in particular, Mackenzie King’s relationship with President Franklin Roosevelt and his contribution to the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’.
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Dankova, N. S., et E. V. Krekhtunova. « Speech Impact in Political Discourse in Context of COVID-19 Pandemic (Speeches of B. Johnson and D. Biden) ». Nauchnyi dialog 11, no 4 (19 mai 2022) : 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-4-203-217.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article is devoted to the study of pragmalinguistic means of political discourse. The material was transcriptions of speeches by British Prime Minister B. Johnson and US President D. Biden, published on the official websites of the governments of Great Britain and the United States. The authors set themselves the task of studying communication tactics that update the main directions of policy regarding COVID-19. The relevance of the work is due to the constructivist approach to the language. Political discourse is one of the ways to actualize power and control in society. The analysis revealed two groups of tactics that affect social consciousness and behavior: tactics of negative representation and tactics of positive representation. The tactics of negative representation of the pandemic include the following: emphasizing the threat, modeling a negative scenario, attracting negative experience. Positive representations are created through the use of tactics such as highlighting achievements, modeling a positive scenario, solidarity, appeals to duty, persuasion and appeal. It is shown that the linguistic means of updating the identified tactics have a targeted impact on the emotional sphere and on the consciousness of citizens, being a strong argument in favor of vaccination. The analysis carried out contributes to the understanding of the discursive mechanisms of influence on the mass consciousness.
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Попова, Татьяна Георгиевна, et Ксения Александровна Кокорина. « VERBAL-SEMANTIC LEVEL OF THE LANGUAGE PERSONALITY OF TERESA MEI (BASED ON THE PUBLIC SPEECHES) ». Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия : Филология, no 4(67) (24 novembre 2020) : 137–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtfilol/2020.4.137.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Статья представляет собой исследование языковой личности Терезы Мей на вербально-семантическом уровне. Материалом анализа послужили публичные выступления политика в должности премьер-министра Великобритании в период с 2016 по 2019 гг. Авторы статьи делают вывод о том, что основу вербально-семантического уровня языковой личности Терезы Мей составляет нейтральная общеупотребительная лексика. На основании проведенного анализа было выявлено, что вербально-семантический уровень политика характеризуется обилием общеполитической лексики тематики Brexit. В статье также подчеркивается, что в своих политических выступлениях Тереза Мей активно использует военную терминологию, эмоционально-оценочную лексику и лексические повторы. The article represents a study of the language personality of Theresa May at the verbal-semantic level in the modern political discourse. The material of the study is based on the public speaking material of Theresa May as Prime Minister of Great Britain from 2016 to 2019. It has been established that the basis of the verbal-semantic level of the language personality of Teresa May represents neutral vocabulary. According to the analysis, it was revealed that the verbal-semantic level is characterized by the presence of political vocabulary, which includes political terms, references, lexical units related to the Brexit theme. In addition, the distinctive features are the use of military terminology, emotionally-evaluative vocabulary, means of expressing confidence and lexical repetitions
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Крупеня, Ірина. « MALAYSIA : MAIN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES ». КОНСЕНСУС, no 3 (2023) : 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2023-03/037-050.
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The article examines the main priorities of Malaysia’s foreign policy and bilateral relations between Malaysia and Ukraine. It was established that in the first years of independence, the foreign policy of Malaysia was mainly in the wake of the foreign policy of the former Great Britain. It was emphasized that the foreign policy of Malaysia underwent the greatest fundamental changes during the rule of M. Mohammad, who served as prime minister twice (1981–2003), (2018–2021). It was established that the main priorities of Malaysia’s foreign policy were pragmatism, guaranteeing political stability, readiness for modernization, creating a favourable investment climate, regional cooperation with ASEAN partners and strengthening relations with Muslim countries. Malaysia’s current foreign policy priorities are determined by such key factors as its strategic location in the PSA, the country’s positioning as a trading nation, as well as its unique demographics. The article also analyses the current state of interstate relations (political, trade-economic, humanitarian, etc.) between Ukraine and Malaysia and the possibilities of their further development. It has been established that there are many opportunities for further development of mutually beneficial bilateral trade and sectoral cooperation. The position of Malaysia regarding the war of aggression of the russian federation against Ukraine was separately investigated.
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Dufanets, M. М., et I. D. Karamysheva. « STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF THE MEANS OF EXPRESSING PERSUASION IN THE SPEECHES OF THE PRIME MINISTER OF GREAT BRITAIN BORIS JOHNSON DURING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR 2022 ». "Scientific notes of V. I. Vernadsky Taurida National University", Series : "Philology. Journalism" 1, no 5 (2022) : 164–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2710-4656/2022.5.1/28.
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Borisov, A. Y. « Diplomatic History of the Great Patriotic War and the New World Order ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 3(42) (28 juin 2015) : 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-9-20.
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From ancient times, war was called "the creator of all things". And winners created the postwar world order. The article reveals the backstage, the diplomatic history of the Great Patriotic War, which make the picture of the main events of the war, that culminated in victory May 1945 in the capital of the defeated Third Reich, complete. The decisive role of the Soviet Union and its armed forces in the defeat of Nazi Germany and its allies was the strong foundation on which to build the strategy and tactics of Soviet diplomacy during the war. It was implemented in the course of negotiations with the Western Allies - the United States and Britain, led by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill. World history teaches, large and small wars have been fought on Earth for centuries for specific political interests. In this context, the Second World War has been a shining example not only to curb the aggressor states, the liberation of peoples from the Nazi tyranny, but also an attempt by the victor to organize a new, better postwar world order to guarantee a durable and lasting peace based on the cooperation of the allied states. But the allies in the war did not become allies in the organization of the postwar world. Their collaboration briefly survived the end of hostilities and was overshadowed start turning to the Cold War. It was largely due to the US desire to realize their material advantages to the detriment of the Soviet Union after the war and build a system that would be a one-sided expression of the interests of Washington. Americans, especially after the death of President Roosevelt, and during his successor Truman understood international cooperation as an assertion of its global leadership while ignoring the interests of the Soviet Union, which bore the brunt of the war.
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LUTSENKO, Roman. « SOCIAL AND POLITICAL NATIONALLY-BIASED VOCABULARY IN PRESENT-DAY BRITISH POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF DIFEERENT VIDEOGENRES ». Folia Philologica, no 2 (2021) : 17–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/folia.philologica/2021/2/2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Social and political nationally-biased vocabulary plays an important role in shaping the cultural paradigm of each country as it relates to various aspects of human activity and embodies the view of events in the history of the country from the point of view of politicians, as well as experts in certain fields. The presence of a large number of social and political nationally-biased vocabulary determines the genre specifics of their construction in mass media. It preconditions the relevance of the social and political nationally-biased vocabulary of Great Britain studies in the context of video genres diversity, among which are debates, political shows, and video interviews. In the discourse under consideration meaning making takes place in integration of different semiotic modes. In particular, verbal – scripts of original video interviews, political shows, and debates, where socio-political nationally-biased vocabulary functions. In turn, visual mode is represented by static and dynamic visual images. The former include photos, diagrams, graphs, etc. Dynamic images embrace change of visual images in videos. Both static and dynamic images accompany verbal representation of nationally-biased vocabulary. Kinesic semiotic mode is manifested via gestures, facial expressions of participants in original video interviews, political shows, and debates. An auditory mode is represented by a melody that accompanies the verbal representation of nationally-biased vocabulary. The aim of the article is to identify the nature and types of social and political nationally-biased vocabulary in present-day British political discourse of various video genres. The concept of "social and political nationally-biased vocabulary" is defined, the classification of social and political nationallybiased vocabulary from the standpoint of multimodality theory is specified. The article reveals specific features of the use of social and political nationally-biased vocabulary by the representatives of British political elite. The paper analyzes several excerpts from the interviews with Edward Heath, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in 1970-1974 on Thames Television and the current Prime Minister Boris Johnson on BBC. A comparative analysis of the interviewer's methods of interaction with the guest of the TV program is performed. It has been proved that non-verbal communication plays an important role in present-day political discourse.
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Ognjenović, Svjetlana R. « SATIRICAL REPRESENTATION OF CAPITALIST VALUES IN CARYL CHURCHILL’S PLAY SERIOUS MONEY ». Lipar 83 (2024) : 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lipar83.043o.
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The anti-utopia presented in Caryl Churchill’s play Serious Money functions as a mirror-image of Great Britain from the 1980s when its Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher unleashed the forces of capitalist anarchy and relieved the citizens of any moral and social responsibility. İn this play, featuring the brokers from London stock exchange, Churchill dramatizes the hedonistic world of insanely rich and immoral people who in their pursuit of profit and ways to increase their corporate and financial empires follow the precepts of selfish opportunism and ignore all social scruples. Using theatrical devices to achieve an alienating effect and prevent the identification of viewers with the characters and the presented material, such as the use of songs and especially the text written in verse, Churchill puts emphasis on the critical observation and consideration of this play, whose political efficiency is sometimes questioned. However, this satirical portrayal of commercial totalitarianism should not be taken as politically restricted because Churchill’s political attack functions, not through the politics of utopia, but effective criticism which aims at the very center of the system. Through material criticism of this anti-utopian world in which neoliberal ethical laws are exposed as pitiful values worthy of hooligans, yobs, and parasites, Churchill actually breaks down the trajectory of capitalist reform and calls into question the entire system of capitalist economy.
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Hovhannisyan, Lilit. « Cilicia in the Documents of the U.S. State Department in 1919−1920 ». Ցեղասպանագիտական հանդես 10, no 1 (20 mai 2022) : 40–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/jgs.0027.
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The diplomatic documents from the U.S. Department of State stored at the National Archives of the USA in Washington and Republic of Armenia in Yerevan, which were officially published in volumes by the U.S. Government yet in 1931-1947, contain remarkable material on Cilicia. They throw light upon the negotiations between the leaders of the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy and delegations representing those countries at the 1919-1920 Paris International Peace Conference on political status and borders of Cilicia, establishment of a mandate for it, withdrawal of British troops from the region, occupation of Cilicia and Syria by French troops. The documents of the State Department reveal the contradictions between the Great Powers on the above-mentioned issues, describe their interests in the region. Records for the meetings of the Council of Ten of February 4, Council of Four of March 20, May 14, 21, 31 and Council of Five of July 18, August 25, 1919 are valuable from this point of view. The “Scheme for settlement in the Turkish Empire” of May 21, 1919, reflects the position of the Prime Minister of Great Britain D. Lloyd George on Cilicia. The U.S. President W. Wilson’s approaches concerning Cilicia are reflected in reports of the U.S. Commissioners in Turkey C. Crane and H. King of August 28, 1919, and the chief of the military mission to Armenia General J. Harbord of October 16, 1919. The difficulty of the Turkish border demarcation through Cilicia is presented in a note issued by the Allied Supreme Council on April 26, 1920, to U.S. Secretary of State B. Colby. The U.S. State Department diplomatic documents confirm that the Allies were practically not interested in resolving the issue of ensuring the security of Cilicia and its Armenian population. Based on the 1916 Sykes-Picot Anglo-French secret agreement, the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres provided for the transference of the mandate of Cilicia to France. It became the beginning of handing over the land to the Kemalist Turkey. Thus France, seeking to receive its state debt from Turkey, became an accomplice to the new genocide of Cilicia Armenians.
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Kosman, Marceli. « Droga na Downing Street. Uwagi nad karierę polityczną Margaret Thatcher ». Przegląd Politologiczny, no 2 (2 novembre 2018) : 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.2.6.
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The road of Margaret Thatcher (born in 1925) to her political career and winning the tell- ing nickname of the ‘Iron Lady’ has commonly been described as exceptional in the recent history of the Old Continent. The first woman to head a great European democracy, she served as Prime Minister three times, winning general elections and heading the government of Great Britain for eleven years (1979-1990). This was a record-breaking result in the history of the UK, which she managed, surrounded by a team of consummate coworkers whom she clearly dominated. Thatcher is included in a small circle of the most outstanding statespeople in her country, in particular compared to Winston Churchill. Despite not having aristocratic origins, she won the highest office in the government of Her Majesty Elizabeth II thanks to her talent, diligent work, ambition, and experience gath- ered in the positions she successively held. Her career in the Conservative Party lasted many years. Her vision of transformations in the political system of the state was based on her own experience and the advice of devoted workers, who she selected using her intuition. Her hus- band, Denis Thatcher, played an important role by her side, yet he always remained in the background, providing support and playing the role of a reasonable private advisor. The author emphasizes the high political culture of Margaret Thatcher and her circle, and he also underlines Polish elements in her policy. He pays a lot of attention to her excellent memoires as a source for politological studies, and to a review of the latest movie about the ‘Iron Lady’.
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Latysh, Yurii. « Jeremy Corbin and the left turn of the Labour Party ». European Historical Studies, no 11 (2018) : 148–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2018.11.148-169.
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The article touches upon the ideological and political transformation of the Labor Party of Great Britain after the defeat in the 2015 parliamentary elections. The struggle between the supporters of Anthony Blair’s policy (“New Labour”) and “hard left” ended with an unexpected victory by veteran of Labour, Leftist Socialist Jeremy Corbin, despite the resistance of the Blairist establishment and media criticism. No less unexpected was the relative success of the Labour Party in the early 2017 parliamentary elections. The importance of the conceptual and the theoretical understanding of the “Left turn” of the Labor Party and the West in general, where the left-wing representatives (B. Sanders, J. Corbin, J.-L. Mélenchon) had achieved remarkable success in the elections, has been underlined. The article deals with the political biography of the leader of the Labour Party, his views on domestic and foreign policy. The course of the election campaign, the peculiarities of its coverage in the media, the reasons for the fall of conservative popularity and the rise of the Labour ratings have been highlighted. The Labour Party Manifesto 2017 “For the many, not the few”, which became the most left program since 1983, has been analyzed. As a result of the election, the Conservative and Unionist Party lost the majority in the House of Commons. It was a moral triumph of Jeremy Corbin over the “New Labour” which increased his chances of becoming Prime Minister in the future.
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Bateman, Bradley W. « There are Many Alternatives : Margaret Thatcher in the History of Economic Thought ». Journal of the History of Economic Thought 24, no 3 (septembre 2002) : 307–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/104277102200004758.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The last twenty-five years of the twentieth century were freighted with important moments for historians of economic thought: the collapse of the Keynesian consensus, the rise (and fall) of monetarism, the collapse of the former Soviet Union and the other Marxist-Leninist states in central and eastern Europe, the rise of neo-liberalism, and arguments over the possible emergence of a “New Economy” following the internet investment boom at the end of the 1990s. Each of these moments will require its own history as we slowly move away from the tumult of the times and begin to weigh them for their own significance. But several of the moments have a common iconic face in Margaret Thatcher, the Prime Minister of Great Britain from 1979 to 1990. Few other individuals so readily embody the sense of the times. Thatcher's election—a full year and a half before Ronald Reagan's—marks for many people the moment when Keynesian policies finally and irretrievably lost their legitimacy. Likewise, the timing of her election, just two months before Paul Volcker's selection as the chair of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors in the United States, also means that for many people Thatcher's is the public face of monetarism's ascendancy. Finally, there is probably no one person whose name is so clearly associated with the rise of free market thinking and neo-liberalism during the end of the twentieth century.
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Kornilov, A. A., N. S. Lobanova et A. I. Egorov. « British Parliament as Center for Making Foreign Policy Decisions during Syrian Crisis (2011—2015) ». Nauchnyi dialog 12, no 2 (1 avril 2023) : 363–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-2-363-384.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The activities of the British Parliament to regulate the foreign policy of the United Kingdom towards Syria during the reign of Prime Minister D. Cameron are analyzed. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the strengthening of the role of Parliament, which occurred during the acute phase of the Syrian crisis, significantly affects current trends in British foreign policy. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that for the first time the Syrian crisis is considered as a factor that contributed to the consistent strengthening of the role of parliament as a center for making foreign policy decisions. Attention is paid to the role of parliamentary committees in determining the UK’s policy on the Syrian track. The documents of the British Parliament are being studied in order to identify the position of parliamentarians in relation to the government course. The evolution of the British Middle East policy during the active phase of the Syrian crisis is analyzed. It is proved that Parliament had a corrective influence on the foreign policy of Great Britain, which is confirmed by the appearance during this period of significant functions, both in the House of Commons and in parliamentary committees. It is noted that the government sought to enlist the support of the parliament to ensure the legitimacy of the supply of weapons to the Syrian opposition and the conduct of a military operation in Syria.
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Samoilova, Olha. « The process of British integration with European Union ». Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no 2 (29 mai 2017) : 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2017-02-161-170.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The relations with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland are of the great importance for the European Union as well as for the United Kingdom, since the latter is dependent on the EU policies to some extent. As British nation has formally started the process of leaving the organization, it is important to investigate the process that led to the current state of affairs. To understand the current problem between sides, the history and process of establishing the relations should be studied. The problems appearing throughout the time still remain unresolved and prove the mutual interdependence and importance of their addressing for both the United Kingdom and the European Union. The article researches the main stages of British integration with the EU and their influence on the international relations within the European community. Since the first failed application to join the EEC in 1961 and later accession in 1973, the UK managed to occupy the leading position in the European Community with a number of beneficial rights. However, within the state the European integration provoked conflicts, i.e. between those who believe that Britain's future lies with Europe and those who believe it does not. In 1980-s the UK politicians stressed that the state paid a lot more into the EC budget than other members due to its relative lack of farms. The situation was worsened by J. Delors’ policy towards a more federal Europe and a single currency. T. Blair’s government was more European in its outlook than its predecessor, as he actively advocated the expansion of the European Union. However, Blair’s desire to get closer with the US dissatisfied Europeans. In 2011 D. Cameron became the first UK prime minister to veto a EU treaty. After winning reelection in May 2015, D. Cameron started the process of renegotiating the UK-EU relationship, putting on the list such issues as changes in migrant welfare payments, financial safeguards and easier ways for Britain to block EU regulations. On 23 June 2016 UK voters, inspired by Cameron, elected to withdraw from the European Union. The consequences of Brexit caused serious challenges the UK has to overcome in the nearest future.