Articles de revues : « Presidents' writings »

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Cotter, Cédric. « The role of experience and the place of history in the writings of ICRC presidents ». International Review of the Red Cross 101, n^o 910 (avril 2019) : 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383119000456.

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AbstractPresidents of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) occupy a special position: they are not only direct witnesses to the march of history, but they also participate in it given their prominent role in the humanitarian sphere. This dual status becomes particularly salient when they write about the organization they run. By reviewing the published writings of ICRC presidents, this article analyzes how these individuals combine their personal experience with the organization's history, and the role this history plays in their writing.

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May, Glenn Anthony. « Father Frank Lynch and the Shaping of Philippine Social Science ». Itinerario 22, n^o 3 (novembre 1998) : 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009621.

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Although the United States granted the Philippines formal independence in 1946, American influence in the former colony did not disappear overnight. In the decades following independence, American policymakers continued to play key roles in Philippine politics; American businessmen, presidents, legislators, and bureaucrats and US-based international money lending agencies continued to have a considerable impact on the Philippine economy; and American popular culture continued to penetrate Philippine society and culture (as it did elsewhere). But perhaps no sector of Philippine society was as profoundly influenced by Americans as the academic one, and no subdivision of the Philippine academy bore the American imprint as visibly as Philippine social science. This paper examines the academic career, writings, institution-building efforts, and scholarly agenda of the US-born scholar who arguably had the greatest impact on post-war Philip- pine social science: Father Frank Lynch, a Jesuit professor of anthropology and sociology at Ateneo de Manila University.

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Thompson, Kenneth W. « The Literature of Decline ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 3 (mars 1989) : 303–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1989.tb00225.x.

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This article compares reflections from four sources on the state of the American democracy in the international community (The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, by Paul Kennedy; 1999: Victory Without War, by Richard Nixon; “Communism at Bay,”The Economist; Long Cycles in World Politics, by George Modelski) within the framework of the 1980s, which was portrayed by leaders as “an era of good feelings.” Yet drastically different positions on American rise or decline are propounded by historians and officeholders, former presidents and scholars, journalists and aspiring candidates for political office. These four writings reveal the complexity of the analysis of the American decline. Yet, it is crucial for leaders to maintain public devotion to their nation, not through passion, but rather, in the words of Abraham Lincoln, through “the solid quarry of sober reason,”. America's capacity to preserve a strong and healthy resilience, the author concludes, is the exceptional value it continues to offer the world.

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Piątkowska, Monika, et Jerzy Kosiewicz. « Monika Piątkowska as a Researcher in Sport Sciences and Sport Management ». Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 75, n^o 1 (1 octobre 2017) : 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pcssr-2017-0023.

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AbstractThis is the fifth article of the cycle of portraits of the members of the Editorial Board and Editorial Advisory Board of the journal Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research. These members are social scientists who research the issue of sport. Among them, there are many world-class professors, rectors, and deans of excellent universities, founders, presidents, and secretaries-general of continental and international scientific societies and editors of high-scoring journals related to social sciences focusing on sport. The idea of presenting portraits of individual editors of our writings has already gained recognition in the Far East. Editor-in-Chief Young Lee of the International Journal of Eastern Sports & Physical Education has decided to introduce Corner of Editors, which will also present all members of the Editorial Board.The biography we present here in this volume of our journal refers to a Polish scholar, educationist, and manager, Monika Piątkowska, Deputy Editor of our Journal and Head of the Department of Organization and History of Sport at the Josef Pilsudski University of Physical Education.

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Schneider, Robert C., et Jerzy Kosiewicz. « Robert Charles Schneider as a Proud Director of one of the First and Finest Higher Education Sport Management Programs in USA and World ». Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 76, n^o 1 (1 décembre 2017) : 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pcssr-2017-0030.

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AbstractThis is the sixth article of the cycle of portraits of the members of the Editorial Board and Editorial Advisory Board of the journal Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research. These members are social scientists who research the issue of sport. Among them, there are many world-class professors, rectors, and deans of excellent universities, founders, presidents, and secretaries-general of continental and international scientific societies and editors of high-scoring journals related to social sciences focusing on sport. The idea of presenting portraits of individual editors of our writings has already gained recognition in the Far East. Editor-in-Chief Young Lee of the International Journal of Eastern Sports & Physical Education has decided to introduce Corner of Editors, which will also present all members of the Editorial Board.I would like to inform also that our Journal entitled Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research has been included into the base Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI), which is a part Web of Science (WoS). The Clarivate Analytics is the base that patronizes activity of the ESCI and WoS, and continue activity of Thomson Reuters.The biography we present here in this volume of our journal refers to a scholar from USA, educationist, and manager, Robert Charles Schneider.

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Mooney, T. Brian, et Damini Roy. « Politeness and Pietas as Annexed to the Virtue of Justice ». Dialogue and Universalism 30, n^o 1 (2020) : 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du20203013.

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“Politeness” appears to be connected to a quite disparate set of related concepts, including but not limited to, “manners,” “etiquette,” “agreeableness,” “respect” and even “piety.” While in the East politeness considered as an important social virtue is present (and even central) in the theoretical and practical expressions of the Confucian, Taoist and Buddhist traditions, (indeed politeness has been viewed in these traditions as central to proper education) it has not featured prominently in philosophical discussion in the West. American presidents Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin and George Washington all devoted discussion to politeness within the broader ambit of manners and etiquette, as too did Erasmus, Edmund Burke and Ralph Waldo Emerson but on the whole sustained philosophical engagement with the topic has been lacking in the West. The richest source for philosophical investigation is perhaps afforded by the centrality of the concept of respect in Immanuel Kant.However in this paper we will instead draw on the writings of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas to defend the centrality of “politeness” as an important and valuable moral virtue. Starting with an analysis of the broader Aristotelian arguments on the virtues associated with “agreeableness,” namely, friendliness, truthfulness and wit I will argue that “politeness” should be thought of as an important moral virtue attached to social intercourse (and by extension the vice of impoliteness). I then move to identify an even broader and more important account of politeness, drawing on the work of Aquinas, as intimately connected to the notion of pietas (piety) as a fundamental part of the virtue of justice.

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Sutiyoso, Bambang. « Kewenangan Mahkamah Konstitusi dalam Pemakzulan Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden di Indonesia ». Jurnal Konstitusi 7, n^o 1 (20 mai 2016) : 091. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk716.

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The idea of impeachment (pemakzulan) towards the incumbent president of Indonesia surfaces recently. This could be the cause of two main grounds. First, regarding the ongoing investigation process of the Century Bank case. In the beginning, the presumption charges merely towards the monetary policy officials and the concerning president’s assistants, but during the further investigations, a number of political parties, in not so vigorously manner pointed the charges to the incumbent presidents because of the indication of responsibility toward the bailout process of Century Bank. Second, the idea of presidential impeachment got its nudge when the Constitutional Court also declaring that its components are ready in processing the impeachment petition, after it has surfaced the Constitutional Court Rule (Peraturan Mahkamah Konstitusi) No. 21/PMK/2009 on the Guidelines in Judicial Procedures in Hearing the Parliamentary Petition in Violation Charges Towards President of the Republic and/or Vice President of the Republic. Third, Presidential and / or Vice Presidential Impeachments has already been occurred in the history of Indonesian nation, namely towards past Indonesian Presidents such as Sukarno, Suharto and KH. Abdurrahman Wahid.This writing attempts to discuss issues regarding presidential impeachment in Indonesia, such as the power of the Constitutional Court in impeachment process, the legal grounds of impeachments, reasons for impeachments and the procedural mechanism of impeachment. Constitutionally, the procedures and mechanism of presidential and / or vice presidential impeachment has been regulated comprehensively in the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, specifically in Article 7 B, Article 24 (2), and Article 24 C of the 1945 Constitution after the Third Amendment. Based on these regulations, impeachment is not a simple process, but requires a long process and involving a number of high state institutions, namely People’s Representative Council (DPR), The Constitutional Court, and People Consultative Assembly (MPR). The involvement of the Constitutional Court in the impeachment process can be related toward historical experiences and as a logical consequence of the constitutional transformation of Indonesia. Beside that, the idea of presidential and / or vice presidential impeachment should not be based merely on political motivation, but should also have the reasonable legal grounds and rationale.

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Rottinghaus, Brandon. « What Predicts Trends in the White House Mail ? » American Politics Research 40, n^o 2 (13 septembre 2011) : 205–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x11419244.

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There is voluminous survey evidence identifying which, when, and how individuals contact elected officials, but there is less evidence by way of external validation. The goal in this exploratory article is to investigate and extend the empirical trends in letter writing to the chief executive to validate the causes of political letter writing. Using a longitudinal series of heretofore unutilized data spanning 1953 to 1984 collected at individual presidential archives from President Eisenhower to President Reagan, the author tests competing theories about the causes of political letter writing during the modern presidential era. The findings reveal that exogenous events have the strongest effect, followed by presidential mobilization through speeches. Public approval has mixed effects but is strongest when those individuals most likely to participate approve of the president. These findings can help inform us about trends in participation and the evolving role of the public presidency.

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Mayer, Don, et Adam Sulkowski. « The U.S. Constitution’s Emoluments Clauses : How History, Behavioral Psychology, and the Framers’ Understanding of Corruption All Require an End to President Trump’s Conflicts of Interest ». British Journal of American Legal Studies 7, n^o 2 (31 décembre 2018) : 257–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2018-0010.

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Abstract The two Emoluments Clauses in the U.S. Constitution forbid federal officials from accepting “any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatsoever” from foreign or domestic governments. President Donald Trump’s business interests generate numerous opportunities to use public office for his personal benefit. This article examines the history of the Emoluments Clauses and the Framers’ conception of corruption. The conflicts of interest alleged in pending emoluments lawsuits against President Trump would not be allowable in the private sector, and various plaintiffs argue that the Emoluments Clauses apply to all public officials, including the President. The President’s lawyers have claimed he is exempt from the application of these clauses and have raised numerous procedural objections, such as challenging who might have” standing” to bring a lawsuit to compel his compliance with the clauses. Out of three cases filed in 2017, one has been dismissed, while two judges have recognized that the plaintiffs have standing. In each lawsuit, the President’s lawyers insist on a conception of corruption that is quid pro quo, where only bargained for exchanges count as corruption. While the Emoluments Clauses require public officials to get Congressional permission before receiving such benefits, the President’s position is that Congress must first demand an accounting of any personal benefits, rather than the burden being on the President to ask permission. Thus far, two courts have rejected that approach, and as of this writing, further appeals can be expected.

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Arianto, Aris, Afif Hasbullah et Sholihan Sholihan. « MAKNA PERSETUJUAN BERSAMA DPR DAN PRESIDEN DALAM PEMBENTUKAN UNDANG-UNDANG ». MIMBAR YUSTITIA 3, n^o 1 (25 juin 2019) : 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/mimbar.v3i1.1843.

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The establishment of the Act must be approved by the President as stated in Article 20 of the 1945 Constitution paragraph (2). Interesting when Indonesia uses a presidential system with the separation of powers. However, in the formation of the Act involving the President. Article 20 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution confirms the necessity of mutual agreement in the discussion and ratification of the Law. However, there are other assertions, namely that in Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution, even without the President's signature, the Act can still be promulgated within 30 days of the Draft Law being discussed. Things like that can't just happen without a reason. Therefore, the writing of this study will look for the meaning of the agreement between the DPR and the President in the formation of the Law and how the legal politics of Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution. The writing of this study is focused on researching and searching for the meaning of mutual agreement and focusing on legal politics from Article 20 paragraph 5 of the 1945 Constitution. The research method in this writing is normative juridical. The results of the research can be concluded that the meaning of the joint agreement between the DPR and the President in the establishment of the Law is an agreement in determining the policy in the form of a Law which is a reflection of the principle of checks and balances. Legal politics Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution is an affirmation of Article 20 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution or can be called an affirmation of collective agreement. The establishment of the Act must be approved by the President as stated in Article 20 of the 1945 Constitution paragraph (2). Interesting when Indonesia uses a presidential system with the separation of powers. However, in the formation of the Act involving the President. Article 20 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution confirms the necessity of mutual agreement in the discussion and ratification of the Law. However, there are other assertions, namely that in Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution, even without the President's signature, the Act can still be promulgated within 30 days of the Draft Law being discussed. Things like that can't just happen without a reason. Therefore, the writing of this study will look for the meaning of the agreement between the DPR and the President in the formation of the Law and how the legal politics of Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution. The writing of this study is focused on researching and searching for the meaning of mutual agreement and focusing on legal politics from Article 20 paragraph 5 of the 1945 Constitution. The research method in this writing is normative juridical. The results of the research can be concluded that the meaning of the joint agreement between the DPR and the President in the establishment of the Law is an agreement in determining the policy in the form of a Law which is a reflection of the principle of checks and balances. Legal politics Article 20 paragraph (5) of the 1945 Constitution is an affirmation of Article 20 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution or can be called an affirmation of collective agreement.

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Iswahyudi. « Towards Remediation of Indonesian New Fine Arts ». Britain International of Linguistics Arts and Education (BIoLAE) Journal 2, n^o 3 (12 novembre 2020) : 797–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biolae.v2i3.332.

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Modern Indonesian painting mainly developed from the situation of the Dutch East Indies and Mooi-Indie art that was dominant at that time. The independence of the Republic of Indonesia became a very important milestone in the development of modern Indonesian painting. This is inseparable from the occurrence of a high dynamics and change through various political regimes in power starting from the leadership of Sukarno, Suharto and subsequent presidents. Each of these political regimes also played an important role in the development of modern art that occurred so as to bring out its own characteristics. Until the early 1990s, talking about art was something that seemed synonymous with painting. Although works of art with a combination of mediums have been included in exhibitions since the 1970s, but works in the form of paintings are still very dominant, even in some writings on art the imaginary boundary between painting and other art is discussed explicitly, but the term "Painting" is usually interchangeable with the term "fine art". The development of art that has become increasingly hybrid has helped to shape the climate and new audience, affirming real ideas that are at odds with painting that has already been established. Being different from established art knowledge, hybrid art agents become newcomers who find a place in the struggle in the realm of Indonesian art. Western characters which are an important consideration for painters become subject to change in the fourth phase. This change is caused by a variety of things, including the emphasis on the use of traditional forms, symbolic and decorative, because as a reaction to the political situation. Since 1942-1965, Indonesians have produced more figurative art. The pioneers in this field are artists who when abroad are like in the United States, Europe, and Japan already acquainted with traditional non-Western art in the arena of modern and international circuits.

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Sarfati, Liora, et Guy Shababo. « The Writing on the Wall : Affective Politicization of the Sewŏl Disaster on Facebook ». Korean Studies 47, n^o 1 (2023) : 214–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2023.a908623.

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Abstract: In 2014, the South Korean ferry, Sewŏl, sank. In sinking, it took with it 304 lives, as well as initiated broad public dissent that lasted several years. In this study, we investigate how online social media users employed and manipulated the emotions toward this disaster for political purposes. By the utilization of digital humanities methodologies (i.e., topic modeling and frequencies) on the data collected from selected Facebook accounts, we compared different strategies of online engagement with the intersection between mass death commemoration and political activism. In particular, we explored the delegitimization of President Pak Kŭn-hye, her impeachment, and the resultant elections in 2017. Quantitative and qualitative analysis revealed that different social actors manipulated their audience's emotions through posts on their Facebook walls in a manner that politicized the more personal mournful discourse. These social actors associated the disaster with the president's ineptness, especially after her corruption was revealed in the November 2016 scandal. From that point onward, the online memorialization of the Sewŏl's victims became a weapon in the broader efforts to oust the president and to change the political system.

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Adair, Jennifer. « Democratic Utopias : The Argentine Transition to Democracy through Letters, 1983–1989 ». Americas 72, n^o 2 (avril 2015) : 221–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2015.2.

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On May 1, 1989, María, a high school teacher from Buenos Aires, wrote a letter to President Raúl Alfonsín as he began his final months in office. The country was in the midst of a hyperinflation crisis and elections were set for just two weeks away. Earlier in the day, María had heard the president's last address to the congress, and she felt compelled to write him. “My friend,” she began, as she recounted how she and her husband, an adjunct university instructor, had worked hard over two decades of marriage, weathering continuous financial difficulties and the sensation of “always having to start over.” María emphasized that she had no political affiliations that would cloud her judgment, lest the president think she was writing to ask for political favors.

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Grinevičiūtė, Agnė. « Representation of President Valdas Adamkus in the US and UK press (1998–2012) ». Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 4 (1 janvier 2011) : 133–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2011.4.1786.

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This article aims to review the representation of former Lithuanian president Valdas Adamkus in a number of US and UK online publications between 1998 and 2011. To achieve this, the following topics are discussed: political communication with the authorities and the press, writing tendencies in individual essays and main topics related to the president. Additionally, a list of all used publications is provided alongside the findings.This type of study has never been done before. It is significant as it portrays the representation of President Valdas Adamkus in the most important publications in the world during a crucial time, when Lithuania was seeking recognition in the international arena, i.e. aiming to join NATO and the EU. The practical part of this work evaluates the President’s position on various topics, and theoretical consequences that his views might have caused Lithuania. Additionally, it assesses how the aforementioned publications portrayed not just Valdas Adamkus, but also our country, since the image of the head of state is often identified with the image of his or her country. The research results have revealed that selected publications provided their audience with very limited information about the Lithuanian President. His portrayal appears fairly shallow and incomplete, focusing mainly on his personality. However, they highlight the President’s aspiration to join NATO and the EU. As expected, the portrayal of the Lithuanian leader differs in various publications.This article consists of the following: an introduction, subsections on political communication, the meaning and importance of political image and the media as a key participant in political communication. Since this article focuses on Valdas Adamkus, a brief summary of his biography, work and achievements will be provided. Systemised research results will be discussed in the practical part of this article. Research findings and bibliography will be presented in the end. Keywords: reflection, image, presentation, periodic literature, political communication, president, representation, foreign policy.

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Ar Rasyid, Mahendra Harun. « Perlindungan Hukum bagi Pekerja Outsourcing pada Perusahaan BUMN Terkait Visi Misi Presiden Jokowi ». Jurist-Diction 5, n^o 1 (31 janvier 2022) : 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jd.v5i1.32725.

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AbstractThe use of outsourcing workers in this era of globalization is increasingly carried out by companies, including the State-Owned Enterprise (BUMN) company. In the use of outsourced workers, BUMN companies must pay attention to the welfare of these workers, moreover, there is a vision and mission of President Jokowi to eliminate the use of outsourced workers at BUMN companies because it causes a lot of harm to outsourced workers. However, in reality, there are still many BUMN companies that do not carry out President Jokowi's vision and mission. The purpose of this paper is to find out and understand the legal protection for outsourced workers in BUMN companies related to President Jokowi's vision and mission. The type of research used in the writing of this article is Normative Juridical Research, where this article uses the literature materials of legislation as a source of research.Keywords: Legal Protection; Outsourcing Workers; BUMN Companie; Vision Mission of President JokowiAbstrakPenggunaan pekerja outsourcing pada era globalisasi ini semakin banyak dilakukan oleh perusahaan–perusahaan, tidak terkecuali perusahaan Badan Usaha Milik Negara (BUMN). Dalam penggunaan pekerja outsourcing tersebut perusahaan BUMN harus memperhatikan kesejahteraan dari para pekerja tersebut, apalagi terdapat visi misi Presiden Jokowi untuk menghapuskan penggunaan pekerja outsourcing pada perusahaan BUMN dikarenakan hal tersebut banyak merugikan pekerja outsourcing. Namun, pada kenyataannya masih banyak terdapat perusahaan BUMN yang tidak menjalankan visi misi Presiden Jokowi tersebut. Adapun tujuan dari penulisan ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan memahami perlindungan hukum bagi pekerja outsourcing pada perusahaan BUMN terkait visi misi Presiden Jokowi. Tipe penelitian yang digunakan dalam penulisan artikel ini adalah tipe Penelitian Yuridis Normatif, dimana artikel penelitian ini menggunakan bahan-bahan kepustakaan peraturan perundang-undangan sebagai sumber penelitiannya.Kata Kunci: Perlindungan Hukum; Pekerja Outsourcing; Perusahaan BUMN; Visi Misi Presiden Jokowi.

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Abdullah, Farhad Hassan, et Hawre Hasan Hama. « The nature of the political system in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq ». Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, n^o 3 (29 avril 2019) : 300–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119844599.

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The Kurdistan region of Iraq has a substantial number of the customary signs of political system, including the various main branches of the state institutions such as executive, courts, and assembly. Since 1991, the Region has established as certain political system that adheres to a commonly acknowledged type of system of government. Some contend that the political system in the region is a presidential system, however with parliament having had the ability to vote the President in or out for quite a while. Political division, explicitly between the political parties, has ended up being a veritable obstruction to the political advancement and strength of the Region and to concocting a bound together type of political system. The region has suffered from lack of constitution; this has caused political conflicts over the law of the presidency of the region and the ways of electing the President. Therefore, when Barzani's presidency term ended in August 2015, the political parties except the KDP attempted to amend the presidential law and make another law to elect the president inside the parliament until writing the constitution for the Region in which the political parties can agree on the form of the political system and the way of electing the President. This article contends that there is a connection between the nature and structure of the political parties and the political systems that have been proposed as a ruling model for the region. The article also concludes by identifying potential systems of government available to the KRI and the potential consequences of each.

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Chadwick, Jocelyn A. « Writing Speaks ». Council Chronicle 27, n^o 2 (1 décembre 2017) : 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/cc201729385.

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Shishelina, Lyubov. « THE INSTITUTION OF THE PRESIDENT IN HUNGARY IN CONTEXT OF 2022 ELECTION ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 27, n^o 3 (30 juin 2022) : 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran320226269.

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In the spring of 2022, elections of the country’s President and the State Assembly were held in Hungary, as well as the process of forming a new government was launched. As in other parliamentary republics, the post of President in this situation seems rather ceremonial and not too significant, however, in the modern history of Hungary, the President has more than once played the role of the supreme arbiter and the real leader of the nation. This is due to the peculiarity of the Hungarian electoral system, when the term of office of the President is five years, and the State Assembly is 4 years, as a result of which the branches of government have repeatedly represented different political forces, allowing to resolve the main contradictions in the corridors of power without bringing discord to the streets. It also strengthened the democratic political system in the country, constantly reminding voters of freedom of choice, views, opinions. A special mark in the history of the country was left by the presidents of the first, most difficult years of transition, who had not only to cooperate with opponents from parliament. In their service, they managed to invest the creative potential, beliefs and principles achieved by some in writing, by others in science. The current President of Hungary, Katalin Novák, not yet possessing the above qualities, but being undoubtedly a comprehensively well-educated person, became the first woman in this post in Hungarian history, as well as the youngest president of the country. She expressed the main principles and tasks of her upcoming ministry at the highest state post in her ceremonial speech on May 14, focusing not only on long-term prospects, but also on the current international moment.

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Rohman, M. Najibur. « THE PRESIDENT’S AUTHORITY IN THE APPOINTMENT, TRANSFER, AND DISMISSAL OF CIVIL SERVANTS IN DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA ». Journal Philosophy of Law 2, n^o 1 (20 novembre 2021) : 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35973/jpl.v2i1.2587.

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The purpose of writing this article is to analyze the president’s authority in the appointment, transfer, and dismissal of Civil Servants after the issuance of Government Regulation Number 17 of 2020 concerning Amendments to Government Regulation Number 11 of 2017 concerning Management of Civil Servants. In this latest policy, the president is stated to withdraw the delegation of authority if the bureaucracy is not run based on a system of merit and professionalism. This policy has sparked debate because the change is seen as an attempt to dominate and hegemony of the government over the bureaucracy through the creation of undemocratic laws. There are fears that the bureaucracy will become a political tool that will keep it from its primary public servant goal. This research is part of normative legal research (normative research) or doctrinal legal research with a statutory, case, and conceptual approach. The study findings show that constitutionally the president’s authority to withdraw the delegation of authority in the appointment, transfer, and dismissal of civil servants has indeed been based on the provisions of the law where the president is the holder of government power. Still, with this regulatory change, presidential power has become more dominant. It opens up opportunities for conflict of interest to intensify in the administration of the bureaucracy so that it is not in line with democratic values.

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Li, Stephanie, et Gordon Hutner. « Introduction : Writing the Presidency ». American Literary History 24, n^o 3 (21 juin 2012) : 419–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajs029.

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Hussein, Wisam Jamal. « THE REPERCUSSIONS OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN CRISIS ON THE FUTURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM ». American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 06, n^o 05 (21 mai 2024) : 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue05-05.

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Beginning with Ukraine's announcement on February 24th that Moscow would start a military operation in its territory, this study examines the current crisis in Ukraine from the perspectives of its causes and the consequences it will have on the future of the current international system. Moscow took a step to raise world concern and fear on February 24th when Kyiv announced that Moscow had begun military operations with a ground invasion of its lands. The previous day, the presidents of Donetsk and Luhansk had asked the Russian president to intervene and protect them from Ukrainian forces. Russia and NATO have been exchanging remarks and threats for some time, and now a confrontation in Ukraine is a distinct possibility. Following this unexpected move, there were analyses and guesses regarding the future of the international system and, by extension, the entire planet. Considering Russia's history of nuclear threats, including the most recent remark by the Russian president that alerts the country's nuclear deterrent forces, this is particularly true. As of this writing, the situation has not been resolved, and it occasionally shows signs of quiet before escalating again

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Williams, John Delane. « The State of Continuing Qualitative Research on the Kennedy Assassination ». Journal of Scientific Exploration 36, n^o 4 (11 février 2023) : 657–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31275/20222669.

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Followers of the Warren Commission’s findings continue to accept Lee Harvey Oswald as the assassin of President Kennedy. Deniers of the Warren Commission’s findings take a contrary view. Herein, the view is that Oswald had involvement with the assassination--- but that involvement was an attempt to stop the assassination. Oswald’s life is explored, focusing on his military service in Japan until his own death on November 24, 1963. Particular emphasis is placed on the writings Ernst Titovets (Oswald’s time in Russia); Judyth Baker (the summer of 1963 in New Orleans); Dick Russell’s writing of the experiences of Richard Case Nagell (in Atsugi Japan, 1957; and in Mexico City, New Orleans and El Paso, 1963); and Douglas Horne, on the medical evidence in the assassination. These writers correct the record of Oswald’s life. Baker shows Oswald’s continuing relations with Jack Ruby and David Ferrie, persons that were supposedly not known to Oswald. Baker clearly points out Oswald’s involvement in the project that aimed to eliminate Fidel Castro with a bio-weapon (a fast acting cancer). Russell shows the importance of Richard Case Nagell with Oswald. Horne elucidates the many missteps in the medical evidence in JFK’s autopsy. During Lyndon Johnson’s presidency (in 1965), a law was passed naming all materials involved in the JFK assassination were owned by the federal government. Christopher Fulton was the only person convicted under this statute, sentenced to 8 ½ years in prison, This occurred March 19, 1999.

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Neely, Mark E. « The Presidents Politics Made ». Journal of Policy History 8, n^o 2 (avril 1996) : 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005133.

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At one time, political science greatly influenced the writing of American history. Pioneers of “the new political history” brought critical elections theory, roll-call analysis, the idea of party systems, and a model of ethno-cultural voting to bear on the Jacksonian era, the problem of the coming of the Civil War, Gilded Age politics, and Progressivism in ways that permanently altered interpretation. The influence of political science is not very great now. Political history itself shriveled before the New Social History. Massive energies were applied to writing the history of people who could not vote during most or all of the nineteenth century. The old political models soon had a nonbehaviorist rival, born and bred within the discipline of history itself, the idea of a persistent and transforming “republican ideology,” first and most powerfully described by Bernard Bailyn in 1967. Even within political history, the old models of voting behavior borrowed from political science left an implausible and unsatisfying gulf between voting and platform, political behavior and belief, practice and ideology. The disciplines turned inward again.

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Goularte, Rodrigo Da Silva. « A “fonte da felicidade” : a instrução pública na província do Espírito Santo (1833-1844) / The source of hapiness : public instruction in the province of Espírito Santo (1833-1844) ». Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação 2, n^o 6 (8 mai 2019) : 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rhhe.v2i6.63669.

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Nos relatórios dos presidentes de província do Espírito Santo de 1833 a 1844, a instrução pública aparece junto da religião como pilar para a civilização, esta última carregada de sentidos como “hábitos polidos e apropriados”, “bom governo” e catolicismo. Isso se dava em virtude dessas autoridades escreverem em um contexto intelectual herdeiro do iluminismo lusitano, marcado por limitações ao cartesianismo e pela valorização da religião católica. Em alguns desses relatórios também estão registrados dados relativos ao quantitativo de alunos nas aulas de primeiras letras (ensino primário) e maiores (ensino secundário), além das remunerações dos professores. Esses dados foram contrastados com os discursos dos presidentes de província com objetivo de se comparar as ideias dessas autoridades sobre a instrução pública, referenciadas nos elementos do iluminismo português herdados pela intelectualidade brasileira nas primeiras décadas do século XIX, com a prática de seus governos para com a condução da instrução pública na província do Espírito Santo.* * *In reports of the presidents of the Espírito Santo province, from 1833 to 1844, public instruction appears with religion as a pillar for civiliza-tion, charged with meanings such as "polite and proper habits," "good gov-ernment," and Catholicism. This was due to the authorities writing in an in-tellectual context heir to the Lusitanian Enlightenment, marked by limita-tions to Cartesianism and valuation of the Catholic religion. Some of these reports also record data on the number of students in first-grade (primary) and higher classes (secondary), in addition to teachers' salaries. These data were contrasted with speeches of the provincial presidents in order to com-pare the ideas of these authorities on public education, referenced in the ele-ments of Portuguese enlightenment, inherited by Brazilian intelligentsia in the first decades of the nineteenth century, with the practice of their govern-ments towards the conduct of public instruction in the province of Espírito Santo.

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Wilson, Janice. « President's Letter ». Australasian Psychiatry 5, n^o 6 (décembre 1997) : 297–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/10398569709082291.

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I am writing this letter shortly after my first General Council meeting as President, held in mid-October. From my point of view this was a most productive meeting, the outcome of which should position us to meet more effectively some of the challenges before us in both our countries.

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Annesley, Claire, et Susan Franceschet. « Gender and the Executive Branch ». Politics & ; Gender 11, n^o 04 (décembre 2015) : 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000446.

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The executive branch of government constitutes the pinnacle of political power. In principle, presidents and prime ministers, along with their cabinets, set the policy agenda, debate, and deliberate policy initiatives; introduce legislation; and oversee the implementation of public policies. Executives are the most visible political actors, representing the public “face” of government. Until very recently, executives were also the most masculinized of political institutions, with women absent entirely from the position of prime minister or president until the 1960s, and, at least until the last decade, holding only a small number of posts in cabinet. Yet one of the most striking global trends in recent years is the growing number of women elected to the post of prime minister or president: at the time of writing there are 12 countries where a woman occupies the top political office. A growing number of women are also being appointed cabinet ministers and, in some cases, to some of the most traditionally masculine posts. It is common today to define “parity” cabinets as those where women hold between 40% and 60% of ministerial portfolios. With that definition, countries as different as Spain, Bolivia, Sweden, and South Africa have had gender parity in cabinet. What is more, women's presence in cabinet is now a firmly established norm. Among the first questions raised by commentators after a newly elected president or prime minister announces her cabinet are, how many women were appointed? To which portfolios were they assigned?

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YMERI, Eriklenta. « Presidents in Parliamentary Democracies ». Jus & ; Justicia 17, n^o 1 (2023) : 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/fpsd1338.

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Management and administration of a state are important functions to ensure security, protection, and shape environments where peoples of a country live. Depending on the context, various institutional design options have served as basis for governing a country. In democratic societies, three main institutional design options for a country’s governance are observed. The first institutional design option is Parliamentarism, where main officials mandate originates from an electoral system. The second is Presidentialism, where citizens can select directly by the vote the Parliamentarian/ Congressman and the President through different election processes. The third is Semipresidentialism, where there is more integration of the different branches, and the executive and legislative aren’t so strictly separated. This abstract gives a snapshot in the current year, about the main powers of the Presidents across Europe, by analyzing the exercising of power of the Presidents that is at an extent is influenced by the election procedure, whether the President derives from the election of the members of the Parliament or by electoral vote of the citizens (https://crsreports.congress.gov). This article provides an overview of the features of the key institutional design options in a country’s governance, with a view on the role and merits of Presidents versus types of institutional designs. At the same time, it contributes to raising consciousness about reforms needed in the current governance system, and setting priorities for choosing the institutional rules. The research method used for the purposes of writing of this article, is secondary research. This has involved review of various external sources from a variety of channels. Format sources reviewed have included published datasets, reports, articles, other. The analytical framework covers the following data sets: political systems, regime types, economic freedom, government defense integrity, freedom in the world, corruption perception index. The results indicate for a potential correlational relationship between the governance institutional design and level of development of a country. Data gathered shows that presidentialism and semipresidentialism are prevailing governance systems. But parliamentarians countries, tend to perform better in national sectoral assessments. Presidentialism or semipresidentialism countries, perform lower and, usually poor, in what is assessed as quality governance, and democratic regimes.

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Forbes, Amy. « Courageous women in media : Marcos and censorship in the Philippines ». Pacific Journalism Review 21, n^o 1 (1 mai 2015) : 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i1.157.

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When Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos declared Martial Law in 1972, press freedom became the first casualty in the country that once boasted of being the ‘freest in Asia’. Printing presses, newspaper offices, television and radio stations were raided and padlocked. Marcos was especially fearful of the press and ordered the arrest of journalists whom he charged with conspiring with the ‘Left’. Pressured into lifting martial law after nearly 10 years, Marcos continued to censor the media, often demanding publishers to sack journalists whose writing he disapproved of. Ironically, he used the same ‘subversive writings’ as proof to Western observers that freedom of the press was alive and well under his dictatorship. This article looks at the writings of three female journalists from the Bulletin Today. The author examines the work of Arlene Babst, Ninez Cacho-Olivares, and Melinda de Jesus and how they traversed the dictator’s fickle, sometimes volatile, reception of their writing. Interviewed is Ninez Cacho-Olivare, who used humour and fairy tales in her popular column to criticise Marcos, his wife, Imelda, and even the military that would occasionally ‘invite’ her for questioning. She explains an unwritten code of conduct between Marcos and female journalists that served to shield them from total political repression.

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Simamora, Jumadal, et Udi Rusadi. « Pertarungan Makna Atas Pernyataan Cawe-Cawe Presiden Jokowi Mengenai Pemilu 2024 di Media Indonesia ». Da'watuna : Journal of Communication and Islamic Broadcasting 4, n^o 1 (28 août 2023) : 489–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.47467/dawatuna.v4i2.4933.

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The mass media has an important role as a means to reach a wide audience that can influence public opinion in society. Therefore, the media is a social institution that is contested to obtain and win power. Text is a form of ideological practice, language, writing and choice of words that are understood to carry ideological meanings that are used to win public support. In a meeting with the editors-in-chief of mass media and content creators, President Jokowi stated that he would participate in the 2024 elections to ensure that the elections take place safely and smoothly. President Jokowi's statement that he will chat in the 2024 Presidential Election has received pros and cons and has been interpreted differently by the public. The purpose of this study is to find out how the battle for meaning is being carried out by Media Indonesia regarding the statements of President Jokowi's cawe in the 2024 election in the headline news. This study uses a critical paradigm using a political economy media approach. The method used is Halliday's social discourse analysis method which is based on three concepts, namely, the field of discourse, the involvement of discourse and the mode of discourse. Based on the analysis carried out, in its reporting, Media Indonesia chose sources who were dominant against President Jokowi's cawe-cawe statements. Cawe-cawe is interpreted as the President's non-neutrality in the 2024 presidential election, a setback to democracy and as scaring the people. Keywords: Battle of Meaning, Cawe-cawe, 2024 Election, Media Indonesia.

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Cottle, Emily M., et Jason M. Roberts. « Nomination Struggles in the Post-nuclear Senate ». Forum 19, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2021) : 649–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2022-2038.

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Abstract Three times in the last decade Senate majorities have re-interpreted the rules of the Senate to limit the ability of Senate minorities to obstruct presidential nominees. Each of these invocations of the so called nuclear option have either reduced the threshold of votes needed to invoke cloture on a nominee or shortened the amount of post-cloture debate on nominees. In the current Senate, cloture can be invoked on nominees with a simple majority vote and most nominees are subject to only two hours of post-cloture debate. Despite these re-interpretations of the Senate’s rules, presidents are still struggling to secure confirmation for many of their nominees. As of this writing, fewer than 40% of President Biden’s nominations have secured confirmation, and more than 140 who have cleared committee are awaiting floor action in the Senate. We explore the factors that are inhibiting the confirmation process and discuss potential changes in the process that could expedite the confirmation of executive nominations.

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Kostina, Anastasia. « “Documentary Filmmaking Is an Absolute Delight” ». Film Quarterly 77, n^o 3 (2024) : 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2024.77.3.79.

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Vitaly Mansky is an internationally recognized documentary filmmaker whose writings, films, and programming practice have actively shaped the Russian documentary scene since the early 1990s. As a filmmaker, he has directed over thirty documentary productions that impress in their thematic scope and stylistic diversity. As the president of the ArtDocFest film festival, Mansky gave hundreds of independent filmmakers an opportunity to reach a broader audience. As a public figure, he has been vigorously promoting documentary cinema in his speeches and writing. In this interview with Film Quarterly, Mansky speaks about his path to documentary filmmaking, thoughts on documentary film form, the past and the future of Russian documentary cinema, his work as a curator and programmer, and his most recent documentary The Eastern Front (2023).

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Agustian, Rio Armanda. « DESAIN OTONOMI DAERAH DALAM KERANGKA PENEGASAN SISTEM PEMERINTAHAN PRESIDENSIAL ». PROGRESIF : Jurnal Hukum 12, n^o 2 (3 mai 2019) : 2159–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/progresif.v12i2.978.

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This research is entitled “Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems Affirmation:. This research is motivated by the decentralization of Indonesia which has unsymmetrical, because of the existence of specific nd special regions, further more in terms of the presedential government system there is a problem in the development of its subsystems up to regional government. Thus, understanding is needed to understand th reality and redesign of regional autonomy in regional head elections, specific and special regions, and in order to reaffirm the presidential government system in an effort to build relations between the president and regional heads. As for the method used in making this writing is a juridical method normative or doctrinal. Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems, By Rio Armanda Agustian. Abstract this research is entitled Design Of Regional Autonomy In The Affirmative Framewok Of Presidential Government Systems Affirmation. This research is motivated by the decentralization of Indonesia which has symmetricity, namely the existence of special and special regions, then if viewed from the presidential government system there is a problem in the development of its subsystems to regional government. Thus, understanding is needed to nderstand the reality and redesign of regional autonomy in regional head elections, special and special regions and in order to reaffirm the presidential government system in an effort to built relations between the president and regional heads. As for the method used in making this writing is a juridical method normative or doctrinal, because the data search is done by reviewing local government law and legislation related., and the data also related to the privilege and specificity of the region. The results of this study is themiddle solution to solve the problem can also be done by direct appointment of the governor by the president, although this is very unpopular and very risky politically, but if it starts with rational reasons, surely the people in the area will accept, and of course with a low cost as well. The direct appointment is very necessary for the president so that relations with the governor as an extension of president’s hand will be stronger.

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Arifianto, Yonatan Alex, Valentina Dwi Kuntari et Lena Anjarsari Sembiring. « Penghinaan terhadap Presiden dan Pemerintahan ». KARDIA : Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Kristiani 1, n^o 2 (17 août 2023) : 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.69932/kardia.v1i2.14.

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Abstract: Insulting the president and officials in today's digital freedom era is truly ironic, therefore the purpose of writing this article is so that God's people can understand and be mature in acting regarding insults to the president and government officials. Using descriptive qualitative methods with a literature study approach, it can be concluded that God's true people must understand the definition and essence of insult in terminology. So that Christianity can provide a paradigm for freedom of expression in the digital era. So that God's people see and understand everything to use their mouths and fingers in comments, it is very embarrassing to insult the leadership of this nation. Because contempt in the theological study of the Christian Faith is very clear against all things against that humiliation. Of course, this basis carries the role of God's people in actualizing a wise opinion regarding insulting the President and the Government. Abstrak: Tujuan penulisan artikel ini supaya umat Tuhan dapat memahami dan dewasa dalam bertindak terkait penghinaan terhadap presiden dan jajaran pemerintahan. Menggunakan metode kualitatif deskritif dengan pendekatan studi literature, maka dapat disimpulkan bahwa sejatinya umat Tuhan harus memahami definisi dan hakikat dari penghinaan dalam terminologi. Supaya kekristenan dapat memberikan paradigma tentang kebebasan berpendapat di era digital dari sudut pandang Teologis etis. Sehingga umat Tuhan melihat dan memahami segala hal untuk mempergunakan mulut maupun jari dalam berkomentar Agar berhati-hati agar tidak menghina pemimpin bangsa, dan lebih kepada mengkritisi kebijakannya dalam konteks pejabat publik. Sebab hal itu sangat memalukan bila menghina pimpinan bangsa ini. Sebab penghinaan dalam kajian Teologis Iman Kristen sangat jelas menenatang segala hal terhadap penghinaan itu. Tentunya dasar ini membawa peran umat Tuhan dalam mengaktualisasi sikap berpendapat yang bijak terkait penghinaan kepada Presiden dan Pemerintahan.

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Adriana, Tasha Regina. « Diplomasi Publik Korea Selatan sebagai Kekuatan Menengah di Bawah Kepresidenan Moon Jae In ». Jurnal Sentris 2, n^o 2 (19 août 2020) : 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v2i2.4165.72-78.

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In 2016, the people of South Korea jointly voiced their anger after the corruption committed by Park Geun-Hye and her aide was revealed. National Assembly then voted to impeach Park Geun-Hye, resulting her departure from her post on March 10, 2017. Subsequently, Moon Jae-In succeeded her position as president in May 2017. A year in the office, his administration saw how the scandal that involved the previous president could bring an adverse impact on South Korea's image and as well as jeopardize its position as a middle power. Under the presidency of Moon Jae-In, South Korea moves to use soft power and public diplomacy as a strategy to restore its image. This paper will discuss the strategy of Moon Jae-In’s administration in using both soft power and public diplomacy to maintain its position as a middle power. Public diplomacy approach will be used to analyze how Moon Jae-In strategizes. At the end of the writing, there will be conclusions that discuss how the strategy has gradually brought an impact on South Korea in the eyes of the world.

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Fathiya, Yaumil, Ujang Saefullah et Rojudin Rojudin. « Analisis Wacana Tayangan Mata Najwa di Trans7 ». Annaba : Jurnal Ilmu Jurnalistik 2, n^o 2 (26 octobre 2021) : 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/annaba.v2i2.605.

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Mata Najwa mengangkat sebuah isu yang hangat diperbincangkan oleh publik yaitu Kartu Kuning Jokowi. Aksi kartu kuning yang dilakukan oleh Zaadith Taqwa kepada Presiden RI mengundang polemik pro dan kontra dikalangan komunitas media Mahasiswa Indonesia. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana mahasiswa memandang tayangan talkshow Mata Najwa dilihat dari berbagai aspek tematik, skematik, semantik dan kognisi sosial. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan analisis wacana yang berdasarkan teori Teun A. van Djik dan teori belajar sosial (belajar observasi) Bandura. Hasil penelitian struktur tematik aksi Kartu Kuning Jokowi didasari permasalahan 3 point yang belum dituntaskan oleh Presiden RI dan Pemerintah. Kedua, struktur skematik telah memenuhi unsur pokok kaidah penulisan berita. Ketiga, struktur semantik menekankan pesan kepada masyarakat dan mahasiswa untuk ikut andil dalam pengawasan kinerja pemerintahan dan keempat, kognisi sosial digunakan untuk memandang tokoh Presiden RI, Pemerintah dan perwakilan ke 5 Mahasiswa berdasarkan skema person, skema peran dan skema peristiwa Mata Najwa raised an issue that was warmly discussed by the public, namely the Jokowi Yellow Card. The yellow card action carried out by Zaadith Taqwa to the President of Indonesia invited pro and contra polemic among the Indonesian Student media community. The purpose of this study was to find out how students view the Mata Najwa talk show viewed from various thematic, schematic, semantic and social cognition aspects. By using a qualitative approach and discourse analysis based on the theories of Teun A. van Djik and Bandura's social learning theory (learning observation). The results of the research on the thematic structure of the action of the Jokowi Yellow Card are based on 3-point problems that have not been resolved by the President of Indonesia and the Government. Second, the schematic structure has fulfilled the basic elements of the rules of news writing. Third, the semantic structure emphasizes the message to the public and students to take part in supervising government performance and fourth, social cognition is used to view the figures of the Indonesian President, Government and representatives of the 5 Students based on person schemes, role schemes and event schemes.

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Aziz Fauzi, Eerwin Salpa Riansi et Dwi Kurniasih. « Expressive Action on Meme in Instagram Towards The Election of President and Vice President 2019 ». Aksis : Jurnal Pendidikan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia 4, n^o 2 (12 décembre 2020) : 252–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/aksis.040202.

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This study aims to classify expressive speech acts through writing and images in memes on Instagram towards PILPRES 2019, as well as analyzing the form of expressive speech acts in the writing and images of memes on Instagram towards PILPRES 2019. The method used in this research is qualitative descriptive method. The data in this study are in the form of writing in memes on Instagram. Data collection techniques in this study were carried out using literature study techniques, note taking techniques, and documentation techniques. The results showed expressive speech found in memes on Instagram towards PILPRES (Presidential Election) in 2019, the results of the research found the forms of Expressive Speech Actions (Giving Love), Expressive Speech Actions (Insulting), Expressive Speech Actions (Praising), Expressive Speech Actions (Blaming) and Expressive Actions (Mocking). In addition, language has the following functions, expressive functions, directive functions, aesthetic functions, physical functions, informational functions. This function is used to express language into memes.

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Tinshe, Sonia, et Junaidi Junaidi. « WHO ARE AMERICANS ? ANALYSIS OF OBAMA AND TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON IMMIGRATION ». Celtic : A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature and Linguistics 6, n^o 2 (26 décembre 2019) : 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/celtic.v6i2.9947.

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Immigration has been a crucial discussion in the American politics ever since the nation was still writing its constitution. Seeing how immigrants have shaped the American society, it is important to see how they are perceived, as minorities, by significant political figures, such as the president. The objective of this paper is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump’s political speeches about immigration, as well as its relevance to the political discourse and social context in America. Five political speeches from Obama (2009-2014), as well as two political speeches from Trump (2016-2017) are analyzed, as the primary data, using Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly Fairclough’s (1993) three-dimensional framework. The finding shows that Obama’s and Trump’s ideology on immigration is related with their idea of the immigrant’s identity in American society. It is shown through their word choice, such as pejorative adjective, and the theme related with the issue of immigration. Seen from the political discourse, the speeches are showing perceived superiority that the presidents have over immigrants. Moreover, from the social perspective, it dehumanizes and reduces the identity of immigrants.

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Tinshe, Sonia, et Junaidi Junaidi. « WHO ARE AMERICANS ? ANALYSIS OF OBAMA AND TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON IMMIGRATION ». Celtic : A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature, & ; Linguistics 6, n^o 2 (26 décembre 2019) : 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/celticumm.vol6.no2.73-87.

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Immigration has been a crucial discussion in the American politics ever since the nation was still writing its constitution. Seeing how immigrants have shaped the American society, it is important to see how they are perceived, as minorities, by significant political figures, such as the president. The objective of this paper is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump’s political speeches about immigration, as well as its relevance to the political discourse and social context in America. Five political speeches from Obama (2009-2014), as well as two political speeches from Trump (2016-2017) are analyzed, as the primary data, using Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly Fairclough’s (1993) three-dimensional framework. The finding shows that Obama’s and Trump’s ideology on immigration is related with their idea of the immigrant’s identity in American society. It is shown through their word choice, such as pejorative adjective, and the theme related with the issue of immigration. Seen from the political discourse, the speeches are showing perceived superiority that the presidents have over immigrants. Moreover, from the social perspective, it dehumanizes and reduces the identity of immigrants.

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Mitchell, Russ. « President's Message ». Journal of System Safety 56, n^o 3 (1 avril 2021) : 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.56094/jss.v56i3.13.

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While, at this writing, I will be serving as your president for several more months, due to the frequency and publication process this will be my last message in JSS as president. By way of confession, I am always late to the publisher with my content, but this article in particular has been hard to write. I want you to know it has been a pleasure to serve you and the industry. I wish I had been able to get more done (sometimes I don’t get as much done as I probably should). So, I suppose this letter is an apology that I wasn’t more effective, a “thank you” for allowing me to continue to serve you, and a recognition for the growth we have made in the last couple of years. We, the ISSS, have changed on a number of fronts within the last two years.

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Smith, Tad. « President's Page ». Leading Edge 39, n^o 6 (juin 2020) : 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/tle39060374.1.

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I am writing this column in early April, but I am cautiously optimistic that by the time it goes to press in late May, we will be through the worst of the COVID-19 crisis (or at least well on our way to recovery). Hopefully, oil prices also will have rebounded, and life will have returned to normal. More likely, we will be developing a sense of what our “new normal” looks like. I suspect the way we live, work, engage with others, and relax will be changed forever. As I write this, though, nearly all major cities are under some sort of shelter-in-place order, all schools and many businesses are closed, and a large part of our economy is under extreme duress. And as you are painfully aware, oil prices have plummeted in recent weeks due to the combined impacts of a drop in demand, gross oversupply, and the geopolitical landscape.

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Maru, Mister Gidion, Gin Gin Gustine, Slamet Setiawan, Julio Juniver Tadete et Tirza Kumajas. « Interpreting repetition expressions in the writing of Trump’s addresses during the Covid-19 pandemic ». Indonesian Journal of Applied Linguistics 12, n^o 3 (31 janvier 2023) : 708–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijal.v12i3.49511.

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The emergence of the Covid-19 pandemic has driven a world crisis that requires world leaders to respond by voicing their policies and solutions. The political addresses serve to be the path for these purposes. This creates the need for effective rhetorical strategies or forms used by leaders, particularly presidents, to address the current issues which are not commonly beheld. This study shares the result of the inquiry on the use of repetition in President Donald Trump’s speeches during the Covid-19 Pandemic in America. The study attempts to interpret the type of repetition found in the speeches and their general meaning implications. As a textual study, this research gained data from three speeches of Trump specifically addressing the issue of the Covid-19 pandemic delivered during his attempt to handle the emergence and spread of the Coronavirus in the U.S. since in American literature, an address is also viewed as a literary work, this study deployed Goffman’s frame analysis which is also regarded as double hermeneutic for the analysis process. The findings, then, designate that Trump, in his addresses, applied seven types of repetition; from anaphora to root repetition. Further, the study found that anaphora serves to be the most used repetition, which means the main rhetorical instrument in the addresses. In terms of meaning implications, the repetitions apparently imply the reawakening of the jeremiad structure in the address and the affirmation of the American sense of greatness and role in the world. The findings of this inquiry are hoped to add more theoretical constructions and strategies for rhetoric texts for both crisis and socio-political communication contexts. Its practical contribution goes toward defining and exemplifying language expressions and functions in communicative text writing.

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Kraut, Alan M. « John Higham's Critique of His Own Work ». Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 11, n^o 2 (avril 2012) : 276–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781412000084.

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In April 2002, the Immigration and Ethnic History Society (IEHS) made its first lifetime achievement award. It was my honor to be president of the IEHS at that time, and I can recall the pleasure and unanimity of board members in designating John Higham the first recipient of that honor. It was a special pleasure for me to notify John and to present the award to him because over the years John had become both a personal friend and a powerful intellectual influence. When I called him at his home in Baltimore, he accepted with delight but as always with the soft-spoken graciousness that was his way. We chatted about the fact that initially he had not defined himself as an immigration scholar, yet in 1967, more than a decade after the publication of Strangers in the Land had found himself one of the founding members of what was then called the Immigration History Society and later one of its presidents. As we often did, we also talked about our hometown, New York. John had grown up in Queens, while I had grown up in the South Bronx. On many occasions we discussed how our New York roots had lured us into thinking and writing about immigration and ethnicity.

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McDermott, Rose. « Arms Control and the First Reagan Administration : Belief-Systems and Policy Choices ». Journal of Cold War Studies 4, n^o 4 (octobre 2002) : 29–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970260209509.

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More than a thousand radio addresses drafted by Ronald Reagan in the 1970s, between his terms as governor of California and president of the United States, were recently published. These addresses, along with related writings from 1951 to 1985, reveal longstanding, consistent beliefs about a wide variety of topics in international relations and foreign policy. In particular, the writings presage specific arms control policies that were implemented in Reagan's first term as president. This article reassesses some of these policies in light of the newly released addresses. The article draws on experimental psychology to discuss a specific judgmental bias, availability, which makes particular beliefs more accessible, and then examines the five specific beliefs that influenced Reagan in his approach to arms control negotiations. In each case the article shows how these beliefs affected policy outcomes and choices.

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Ramirez, Ricardo. « PRESIDENT’S PAGE ». Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery 38, n^o 1 (4 juin 2023) : 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.32412/pjohns.v38i1.2125.

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Greetings to all! Congratulations for another successful publication of the Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery. This year marks the 42nd publication and I would like to commend the editorial team, spearheaded by Dr. José Florencio F. Lapeña Jr., and all the authors for their hard work and outstanding performance in this journal. As we transition to a new normal after the pandemic, we cannot deny that it has brought changes into our lives including the way we approach research. But why do we even need to conduct research? We faced seemingly insurmountable limitations and obstacles during the past 3 years and coming up with a research topic and writing a research paper should have been the last thing on our minds, yet we continued. We continued to further our knowledge about the topics that we know and love. We continued to seek answers to the questions that we had. And finally, we continued to encourage and motivate the younger generation to be inquisitive and to keep the love of learning burning. The PJOHNS embodies the passion and the drive to learn more about ORL-HNS. The various case studies, descriptive researches, and analytical researches present in this journal, represent the commitment of the editor-in-chief and editorial staff, and the dedication of the authors to our field. I hope that everyone that reads this journal will find it helpful in furthering their knowledge about the field of ORL-HNS. As you go through the pages of this journal, I hope it ignites your thirst for knowledge once again and renews your passion in Otorhinolaryngology. Enjoy reading!

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Bridge, Dave. « Fantasy Presidents : A Game That Makes Research More Exciting ». PS : Political Science & ; Politics 48, n^o 04 (octobre 2015) : 621–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096515000876.

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ABSTRACTUsing the core principles of fantasy sports, I propose the notion of using fantasy drafts in political science classrooms. I begin by introducing the basic concept of fantasy leagues. Then I describe an original 30-minute game in which students draft US presidents and “compete” against one another along a number of dimensions. Next, I present possible writing assignments related to the game. The conclusion discusses the contributions of “Fantasy Presidents”—namely, it offers interesting essay prompts and informed discussions, and it encourages students to take the initiative in their own learning.

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Alderson, Derek. « Getting it ‘write’ first time ». Bulletin of the Royal College of Surgeons of England 99, n^o 8 (septembre 2017) : 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/rcsbull.2017.x253.

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Garcia, Antero, Amber Maria Levinson et Emma Carene Gargroetzi. « “Dear Future President of the United States” : Analyzing Youth Civic Writing Within the 2016 Letters to the Next President Project ». American Educational Research Journal 57, n^o 3 (27 août 2019) : 1159–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831219870129.

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This article investigates the civic writing practices of more than 11,000 students writing letters to the next president in the lead up to the 2016 U.S. election. We analyze how letter topics are associated with socioeconomic factors and reveal that 43 topics—including ones prevalent among students such as immigration, guns, and school costs—were significantly associated with socioeconomic and racial majority indicators. Furthermore, we conducted a qualitative analysis of the kinds of arguments and evidence developed in letters from five schools serving predominantly lower income students and/or students of color in different regions of the country. Student arguments and types of evidence used were site dependent, suggesting the importance of teacher instruction. This analysis expands previous conceptions of youth civic learning.

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KIDD, COLIN. « THE WARREN COMMISSION AND THE DONS : AN ANGLO-AMERICAN MICROHISTORY ». Modern Intellectual History 8, n^o 2 (28 juillet 2011) : 411–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000242.

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Distortion in intellectual history is not a direct function of distance from the present. The recent past can create its own problems of perspective. The assassination of President John F. Kennedy is a case in point. Is the controversy surrounding the assassination a worthy subject for an intellectual historian? After all, there is now little serious debate as to what happened in Dallas on 22 November 1963. Mainstream historians regard the case as closed, an issue settled by the exhaustive and fair-minded deliberations of the Warren Commission, whose report, issued in the autumn of 1964, concluded that a lone gunman, Lee Harvey Oswald, a sad and unsettled individual from a dysfunctional background, had killed the president. However, as we know, the topic remains, almost half a century later, a matter of huge fascination, but only outside the gates of the academy. The study of Kennedy's assassination is now best known to academics as a counterculture, which grossly caricatures the best practices of the academy and where extravagant theories tend to trump sound scholarship, plausibility and common sense. Indeed, this disjunction between the obsessions of amateur historians, known as buffs, and the reluctance of academic historians to lose caste by exploring subjects such as the Kennedy assassination which the wider public—but only the wider public—seems to find worthy of further research and explanation is, as Professor W. D. Rubinstein notes, an interesting sociological and historiographical phenomenon in its own right. Writing in 1994, Max Holland, the journalist and intelligence historian, noted that the history of the Kennedy era was “bifurcated”. For academic historian writing on the Kennedy presidency the assassination is “treated as a footnote or afterthought if it is addressed at all”, while “very few of the more than 450 books and tens of thousands of articles that compose the vast assassination literature published since 1964 have been written by historians.”

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Saifulloh, Putra Perdana Ahmad. « GAGASAN KEWAJIBAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI DALAM MEMBERIKAN FATWA PENCABUTAN KEWARGANEGARAAN UNTUK WARGA NEGARA INDONESIA MANTAN ANGGOTA ISIS ». VARIA HUKUM 5, n^o 2 (25 juillet 2023) : 124–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/vh.v5i2.28560.

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AbstractAccording to Article 23 Paragraph (1), Letter d of the Citizenship Law, Indonesian citizens lose their citizenship status for several reasons, namely it is wrong to become a foreign soldier without prior permission from the President. This is reinforced by the regulation in PP No. 2 of 2007, the revocation was carried out by the president must go through a legal process. The legal process referred to is not the litigation process, but the HAN process, namely the Menkumham examines, after being reviewed it is feasible to revoke the status of the former ISIS member's Indonesian citizen, then the Menkumham submits it to the President, and continues with the issuance of a Presidential Decree. However, there is a problem, if the Government complies with the positive law regarding the revocation of the status of Indonesian citizens. Ex-members of ISIS seem undemocratic, because it is only based on a Presidential Decree issued based on the recommendations of the Ministry of Law and Human Rights. For this reason, the author is interested in writing about the revocation of the status of Indonesian citizens who are former members of ISIS which is in accordance with the concept of a democratic rule of law, but also prioritizes effectiveness and time efficiency. The author considers that the revocation of the status of Indonesian citizens who are ex-ISIS members by the government is something that is logical for now, but the government before revoking the status of Indonesian citizens who are ex-ISIS members must ask for consideration from the Constitutional Court as a bodyguard, and interpreters of Pancasila and the Constitution through the revision of the Constitutional Court Law and the Citizenship Law. AbstrakMenurut Pasal 23 Ayat (1), Huruf d UU Kewarganegaraan, WNI kehilangan status kewarganegaraannya dengan beberapa alasan, yaitu salah menjadi tentara asing tanpa izin terlebih dahulu dari Presiden. Hal ini diperkuat oleh pengaturan dalam PP No.2 Tahun 2007, pencabutan itu dilakukan oleh presiden harus melalui proses hukum. Proses Hukum yang dimaksud bukan Proses Litigasi, akan tetapi Proses HAN, yakni Menkumham memeriksa, setelah dikaji layak untuk dicabut status WNI Mantan Anggota ISIS ini, selanjutnya Menkumham menyerahkan ke Presiden, dan dilanjutkan dengan dikeluarkan Keppres. Akan tetapi ada problematik, jika Pemerintah tunduk pada hukum positif tentang pencabutan status WNI Mantan Anggota ISIS terkesan tidak demokratis, karena hanya berdasarkan Kepres yang dikeluarkan berdasarkan Rekomendasi Kemenekumham. Untuk itulah Penulis tertarik untuk menulis tentang pencabutan status WNI Mantan Anggota ISIS yang sesuai dengan konsep Negara hukum yang demokratis, tetapi juga mengedepankan efektivitas, dan efisiensi waktu. Penulis menilai pencabutan status WNI Mantan Anggota ISIS oleh Pemerintah adalah sesuatu yang logis untuk saat ini, akan tetapi Pemerintah sebelum mencabut status WNI Mantan Anggota ISIS harus meminta pertimbangan dari MK sebagai pengawal, dan penafsir Pancasila dan Konstitusi melalui Revisi UU MK dan UU Kewarganegaraan.

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Weber, Cynthia. « Representing Debt : Peruvian Presidents Belaunde's and Garcia's Reading/Writing of Peruvian Debt ». International Studies Quarterly 34, n^o 3 (septembre 1990) : 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600575.

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