Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Power resources – government policy – united states »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Sommaire
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Power resources – government policy – united states ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Power resources – government policy – united states"
1
Hibbs, Douglas A., et Christopher Dennis. « Income Distribution in the United States ». American Political Science Review 82, no 2 (juin 1988) : 467–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957396.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Political action has affected postwar income distribution in the United States mainly through policy-induced variations in macroeconomic activity and government transfer benefits in proportion to total income. We present a small dynamic model of the connections among the partisan balance of power, macroeconomic fluctuations, transfer spending trends, and income distribution outcomes. The model is based on the premise that the parties have different distributional goals, and it is designed to identify how shifts in party control of the presidency and the strength of the parties in Congress have affected the distribution of after-tax, after-transfer income by influencing cyclical economic performance and the flow of resources to transfer programs. We therefore extend the “partisan theory” of macroeconomic policy to the domain of income distribution outcomes.
2
WOLL, CORNELIA. « Leading the Dance ? Power and Political Resources of Business Lobbyists ». Journal of Public Policy 27, no 1 (18 janvier 2007) : 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x07000633.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Studies of lobbying try to determine the influence and power of non-governmental actors on public policy. Although influence is very difficult to measure empirically, many continue to push for better research design to solve the problem. Through case studies of business-government relations in the United States and the European Union, this article argues that the difficulties with power and influence concern not only their operationalisation, but they also reflect conceptual confusions. Trying to determine the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ of a policy issue can be misleading, since power also structures apparently harmonious exchange relationships. The perceived success of business lobbying in the cases studied depended on the governments' receptiveness to their demands, which in turn depended on strategic advantages they saw for themselves in international negotiations. Even when business appears to lead the dance, it is more promising to look at resource distribution and the interdependence of both sides, instead of assuming the domination of business power over policy outcomes.
3
Cohen, Benjamin J. « International debt and linkage strategies : some foreign-policy implications for the United States ». International Organization 39, no 4 (1985) : 699–727. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027077.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The global debt problem influences the foreign-policy capabilities of the United States through its impact on the government's “linkage strategies” in foreign affairs. In some circumstances policy makers are forced to make connections between different policy instruments or issues that might not otherwise have been felt necessary; in others, opportunities for connections are created that might not otherwise have been felt possible. The Polish debt crisis of 1981–82, the Latin American debt crisis of 1982–83, and the IMF quota increase in 1983 are suggestive in this regard. Linkage strategies bred by the debt issue are more apt to be successful when the interest shared by the United States with other countries in avoiding default is reinforced by other shared economic or political interests. They will also be more successful to the extent that the government can supplement its own power resources by relating bank decisions to foreign-policy considerations. Power in such situations, however, is a wasting asset, even when employed indirectly through the intermediation of the IMF.
4
Franko, William W., Nathan J. Kelly et Christopher Witko. « Class Bias in Voter Turnout, Representation, and Income Inequality ». Perspectives on Politics 14, no 2 (juin 2016) : 351–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716000062.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The mass franchise led to more responsive government and a more equitable distribution of resources in the United States and other democracies. Recently in America, however, voter participation has been low and increasingly biased toward the wealthy. We investigate whether this electoral “class bias” shapes government ideology, the substance of economic policy, and distributional outcomes, thereby shedding light on both the old question of whether who votes matters and the newer question of how politics has contributed to growing income inequality. Because both lower and upper income groups try to use their resources to mobilize their supporters and demobilize their opponents, we argue that variation in class bias in turnout is a good indicator of the balance of power between upper and lower income groups. And because lower income voters favor more liberal governments and economic policies we expect that less class bias will be associated with these outcomes and a more equal income distribution. Our analysis of data from the U.S. states confirms that class bias matters for these outcomes.
5
THOMPSON, DREW. « The Rise of Xi Jinping and China’s New Era : Implications for the United States and Taiwan ». Issues & ; Studies 56, no 01 (mars 2020) : 2040004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400044.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Xi Jinping’s rise to power has heralded a new foreign policy that is more assertive and uncompromising toward China’s neighbors, the United States, and the rest of the world. This change presents challenges for the United States and Taiwan in particular which must be addressed with a sense of urgency due to Xi Jinping’s ambitious objectives and his firm grip on the levers of power which increase the likelihood that the Communist Party and government of China will seek to achieve them without delay. This paper reviews changes to Chinese foreign policy in the Xi Jinping era and argues how the modernization of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) over time has increased the threat to Taiwan, with concurrent risks for the United States. Taiwan and the US can address the challenge presented by China by strengthening their relationship to adapt to the new era under Xi Jinping’s leadership. According to CIA (2018), China’s economy now stands at approximately US$12 trillion, second only to the United States (CIA [2018]. World fact book). Unlike in 1978, China’s economy today is dependent on access to globally sourced raw materials, and access to overseas consumer markets for its industrial and consumer goods. This dependency on overseas markets has increased China’s global presence and interests, driving the need to protect them. The Chinese Government’s now ample resources have been allocated to both hard and soft power means toward this purpose. The PLA has greatly benefitted from economic development and the expansion of the Chinese economy, transforming from a backward institution focused on private-sector moneymaking into the sharpest tool of China’s power and influence. Since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, China’s foreign policy and strategy have undergone a dramatic shift away from Deng Xiaoping’s focus on increasing domestic productivity and avoiding potentially costly overseas entanglements. The confluence of accumulated national wealth, diplomatic, economic, and military power, and the will to use those levers of power, has dramatic implications for the United States and China’s neighbors. A more assertive China, confident in its wealth, power, and international status, is increasingly unafraid of overt competition with its neighbors and the United States, unwilling to back down or compromise in the face of disputes. This dynamic has resulted in a new paradigm in the Indo-Pacific region that is unlike previous challenges of the past 40 years. The shift in China’s foreign policy and the PLA’s modernization threaten to challenge the credibility of US security assurances and alliances in the region, making the cultivation and strengthening of the US–Taiwan relationship, and the network of US bilateral alliances in the region an urgent imperative.
6
Grafström, Jonas. « An Anatomy of Failure : China's Wind Power Development ». Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 24, no 2 (29 juillet 2021) : 317–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35297/qjae.010096.
Texte intégralRésumé :
China is currently the world’s largest installer of wind power. However, with twice the installed wind capacity compared to the United States in 2015, the Chinese produce less power. The question is: Why is this the case? This article shows that Chinese grid connectivity is low, Chinese firms have few international patents, and that export is low even though production capacity far exceeds domestic production needs. Using the tools of Austrian economics, China’s wind power development from 1980 to 2016 is documented and analyzed from three angles: (a) planning and knowledge problems, (b) unproductive entrepreneurship, and (c) bureaucracy and government policy. From a theoretical standpoint, both a planning problem and an entrepreneurial problem are evident where governmental policies create misallocation of resources and a hampering of technological development.
7
Clark, J. R., et Dwight R. Lee. « SUPPRESSING LIBERTY, CENSORING INFORMATION, WASTING RESOURCES, AND CALLING IT GOOD FOR THE ENVIRONMENT ». Social Philosophy and Policy 26, no 2 (24 juin 2009) : 272–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052509090244.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper considers prevailing environmental policy in the United States with the emphasis on liberty, markets, utilizing information, entrepreneurial discovery, and the economic analysis of political decisions (public choice). The general discussion is illustrated by the concern over global warming and policies for addressing this concern. The political incentives to confront environmental problems directly with mandates, restrictions, and subsidies ignore the power of liberty and market incentives to solve problems by fostering an impressive network of information transfer, increasing innovation, and expanding prosperity. Indeed, most environmental policies systematically suppress liberty, censor the communication of information, and retard innovation and prosperity, with the result that they provide less environmental quality at greater cost than is possible. While such flawed policies might be justified in cases where pollution problems pose clear, serious, and immediate threats, we argue this is not true of global warming, and the most effective response to concerns over carbon emissions may be limiting the discretionary power of government to take direct action and rely on the indirect effects of liberty and market incentives to move us beyond the petroleum age more quickly and efficiently than will result from the direct action of government.
8
Han, Yuzhe, Yuting Teng et Zilin Xiao. « Comparison And Analysis of The Photovoltaic Industry Between China and the US ». Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 23 (29 décembre 2023) : 423–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/qtyvva18.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Nowadays, the world is increasingly recognizing the limitations of non-renewable energy resources such as oil and fossil fuels. The continued reliance on these finite resources poses a significant risk of energy shortage in the future. As a result, there is a growing emphasis on promoting renewable energy sources like wind energy, solar energy, and other non-polluting alternatives. In this article, the focus is on the development of the photovoltaic (PV) industry in China and the United States, with a specific emphasis on photovoltaic energy. The aim of this study is to analyze and compare the current state of the PV industry in both countries, taking into account various factors such as PV power generation, installed PV capacity, and policy support. By conducting a comprehensive assessment of these aspects, the research findings reveal that the PV industry in China has experienced remarkable growth and has surpassed the United States in terms of competitiveness. China has emerged as a global leader in the PV industry, with significant advancements in technology and manufacturing capabilities. The country's PV power generation has witnessed substantial expansion, contributing significantly to its renewable energy targets. Moreover, China's installed PV capacity has experienced rapid growth, supported by favorable government policies and incentives that have stimulated investment and innovation in the sector. In contrast, the United States, while still a prominent player in the PV industry, has faced certain challenges in keeping pace with China's progress.
9
Kerich, Henry. « Sustainable Health Equity ». Journal of Management Research 10, no 3 (16 juillet 2018) : 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jmr.v10i3.13323.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Sustainable Health Equity (SHE) is a progressive national initiative that promotes the health of individual citizens and communities by modifying socio economic and environmental factors that correspond to social determinants of health. The sustainable health equity focuses on modalities to engage policy actors, stakeholders and decision makers to conceptualize an actionable public health policy. The collaborative national initiative is multifaceted which is principally to provide consistent health care that does not vary according to demographics like gender, age, ethnicity, socioeconomic and geographical location. Cultural congruent and universal health care are the pillars to health equity in the United States. The Stakeholders include government, researchers, civil societies, health care professionals, providers and the public. An actionable SHE policy will advance public confidence in the executive, judiciary, legislators and public officials. Multidisciplinary and multilevel engagement is essential in addressing health disparity in the United States. Strategies to foster political power, create awareness, advocate for high-quality health care progress evidence- based practices, research and equal allocation of material and resources. SHE prospective is inherent with the secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services unequivocal resonance in public service, and exemplary leadership.
10
Pratiwi, Fadhila Inas, Irfa Puspitasari, Indah Hikmawati et Harvian Bagus. « Global Maritime Fulcrum : Indonesia’s Middle Power Strategy Between Belt And Road Initiatives (BRI) and Free-Open Indo Pacific (FOIP) ». Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 15, no 3 (17 septembre 2021) : 30–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a150302.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this article is to correlate Indonesia’s global maritime fulcrum (GMF) as Indonesia’s middle power strategy to its responseto the two geopolitical strategies of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) of China and the Free andOpen Indo-Pacific (FOIP) of the Quad (the United States, India, Japan and Australia). This article used the process-tracing method to examine the information sourced from journal articles, news media outlets, government press releases and other resources. The article unfolds in four sections. The first explains the background of why the global maritime fulcrum was chosen as Indonesia’s middle power strategy response tothe BRI and FOIP. The second explains how Indonesia usesthe GMF as its middle power strategy. The third part explores how the middle power strategy through the GMF policy responds tothe BRI. The last part elaborates on Indonesia’s strategy when responding to the FOIP. It concludes that it is prevalent that Indonesia usesthe GMF as its middle power strategy when responding to the BRI and FOIP.
Thèses sur le sujet "Power resources – government policy – united states"
1
Feinman, David Eric. « Divided government and congressional foreign policy a case study of the post-World War II era in American government ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4891.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this research is to analyze the relationship between the executive and legislative branches of American federal government, during periods within which these two branches are led by different political parties, to discover whether the legislative branch attempts to independently legislate and enact foreign policy by using "the power of the purse" to either appropriate in support of or refuse to appropriate in opposition to military engagement abroad. The methodology for this research includes the analysis and comparison of certain variables, including public opinion, budgetary constraints, and the relative majority of the party that holds power in one or both chambers, and the ways these variables may impact the behavior of the legislative branch in this regard. It also includes the analysis of appropriations requests made by the legislative branch for funding military engagement in rejection of requests from the executive branch for all military engagements that occurred during periods of divided government from 1946 through 2009.ID: 029809199; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-112).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
2
Bradley, Dorotha Myers. « A policy approach to federalism cases of public lands and water policy / ». Diss., The University of Arizona, 1986. http://etd.library.arizona.edu/etd/GetFileServlet?file=file:///data1/pdf/etd/azu_e9791_1986_347_sip1_w.pdf&type=application/pdf.
Texte intégral
3
Jarvis, David Seiler. « Accountability Models in Policy Design : Understanding the Explanatory Power of the Four Major Accountability Models in Policy Tool Choices ». PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1798.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the study of government accountability, there have long been arguments about which model is superior. These arguments, which are largely made by those in the performance and political accountability camps, state that their particular model is the best, and indeed only legitimate approach to ensuring accountable government. At the same time, there is growing research in policy tools but little in how accountability models and policy tools are linked in policy design.
This study makes use of the context provided by the critical cases of the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). With such large sums of money in play at a time of serious economic downturn and mounting federal deficits, government clearly has a responsibility to ensure accountability so that the public can be assured not only that its funds are being spent properly but also more generally, that accountability as well as policy tool choice is in the minds of officials as they formulate, adopt and implement public policy.
The intent of this study is to present an argument in two main areas using the critical case studies of TARP and ARRA. First, that no one accountability model fully explains most policy tool choices in TARP or ARRA and that the use of multiple models is superior. Second, that we can link policy tool choices and accountability models in policy design. The standards used to establish what models explain what tool choices are in the models themselves. Each policy is explored individually in a chapter, and the lessons and results of this study are then presented in the final chapter.
The data presented in this study indicate that a single-model approach may explain a few, but not most and certainly not all, policy tool choices in TARP and ARRA. Indeed, a multiple model approach proves superior to a single-model approach in all but a few instances. As for the connections between policy tools and accountability models, the data presented in this study show that they were strongly impacted by the policy formulation process itself, specifically the way in which the policy problem was framed and the speed with which it was undertaken.
4
Ndzuta, Akhona Amanda. « South African Festivals in the United States : An Expression of Policies, Power and Networks ». The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1554903391508711.
Texte intégral
5
Melendez, Jaysen. « Scratching the surface expectations of USAFRICOM / ». Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491226.
Texte intégral
6
Charney, Sean S. « The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 a case study of the tailored use of instruments of national power / ». Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490816.
Texte intégral
7
Yoshioka, Takayuki. « Representational roles of nonprofit organizations in policy advocacy ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3898.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)This research explores what roles nonprofits play in political representation by applying the concept of the representational role to nonprofits. The representational role consists of representational focus and style. Representational focus shows those whom nonprofits aim to serve: members, constituents, or the general public. Representational style denotes the ways nonprofits advocate for their focal groups: the delegation, trusteeship, and educational styles. The survey and regression analysis results demonstrate that nonprofits serving their members are most likely to convey their members’ voices directly to policy makers: the delegation style. In contrast, nonprofits advocating for their constituents are likely to pursue what they independently identify as the interests of their constituents: the trusteeship style. Finally, nonprofits speaking for the general public are most likely to work toward educating the general public: the educational style. These results suggest that nonprofits play different roles in political representation, depending on the types of their focal groups.
8
Maxey, Hannah L. « Understanding the Influence of State Policy Environment on Dental Service Availability, Access, and Oral Health in America's Underserved Communities ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5993.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Oral health is crucial to overall health and a focus of the U.S. Health Center program, which provides preventive dental services in medically underserved communities. Dental hygiene is an oral health profession whose practice is focused on dental disease prevention and oral health promotion. Variations in the practice and regulation of dental hygiene has been demonstrated to influence access to dental care at a state level; restrictive policies are associated lower rates of access to care. Understanding whether and to what extent policy variations affect availability and access to dental care and the oral health of medically underserved communities served by grantees of the U.S. Health Center program is the focus of this study. This longitudinal study examines dental service utilization at 1,135 health center grantees that received community health center funding from 2004 to 2011. The Dental Hygiene Professional Practice Index (DHPPI) was used as an indicator of the state policy environment. The influence of grantee and state level characteristics are also considered. Mixed effects models were used to account for correlations introduced by the multiple hierarchical structure of the data. Key findings of this study demonstrate that state policy environment is a predictor of the availability and access to dental care and the oral health status of medically underserved communities that received care at a grantee of the U.S. Health Center program. Grantees located in states with highly restrictive policy environments were 73% less likely to deliver dental services and, those that do, provided care to 7% fewer patients than those grantees located in states with the most supportive policy environments. Population’s served by grantees from the most restrictive states received less preventive care and had greater restorative and emergency dental care needs. State policy environment is a predictor of availability and access to dental care and the oral health status of medically underserved communities. This study has important implications for policy at the federal, state, and local levels. Findings demonstrate the need for policy and advocacy efforts at all levels, especially within states with restrictive policy environments.
9
bin, Salam Najmus Sakib. « Is there still a Southwest effect ? » Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1957/29774.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The US airline industry is going through a period of consolidation through mergers between leading airlines. A number of recent mergers have been approved by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice (DOJ) based on the presence of Southwest Airlines in merger-affected markets. In doing so, the DOJ makes a key assumption that Southwest is unresponsive to the reduced competition when its competitors merge. We find that Southwest raised fares more in markets where Delta/Northwest and US/America-West used to operate jointly between 2005-2010. However, Southwest's fares either decreased or rose by less if facing direct or adjacent competition from a low-cost carrier (LCC). Furthermore, Southwest is now merging with AirTran Airways, its biggest LCC competitor. This implies that the DOJ should not rely on Southwest Airlines as a post-merger deterrent to fare increases.Graduation date: 2012
Livres sur le sujet "Power resources – government policy – united states"
1
Clarke, Jeanne Nienaber. Staking out the terrain : Power and performance among natural resource agencies. 2e éd. Albany : State University of New York Press, 1996.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
Markaz al-Imārāt lil-Dirāsāt wa-al-Buḥūth al-Istirātījīyah et Energy Conference (12th : 2006 : Abū Ẓaby, United Arab Emirates), dir. China, India and the United States : Competition for energy resources. Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates : The Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Richardson, Bill. Leading by Example. New York : John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., 2008.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
United States. Congress. House. Committee on Energy and Commerce. Subcommittee on Energy Conservation and Power. Lake Tuscaloosa : Hearing before the Subcommittee on Energy Conservation and Power of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, House of Representatives, Ninety-ninth Congress, second session, July 29, 1986. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1987.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
United States. Congress. House. Committee on Energy and Commerce. Subcommittee on Energy Conservation and Power. Lake Tuscaloosa : Hearing before the Subcommittee on Energy Conservation and Power of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, House of Representatives, Ninety-ninth Congress, second session, July 29, 1986. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1987.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
United States. Congress. House. Committee on Energy and Commerce. Subcommittee on Energy Conservation and Power. Lake Tuscaloosa : Hearing before the Subcommittee on Energy Conservation and Power of the Committee on Energy and Commerce, House of Representatives, Ninety-ninth Congress, second session, July 29, 1986. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1987.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Energy and Natural Resources. Subcommittee on Energy. Nuclear power generation in the United States : Hearing before the Subcommittee on Energy of the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, United States Senate, One Hundred Eighth Congress, second session, to receive testimony regarding new nuclear power generation in the United States, March 4, 2004. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 2004.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
Resources, United States Congress Senate Committee on Energy and Natural. FERC electric utility restructure : Hearing before the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, first session ... May 10, 1995. Washington : U.S. G.P.O., 1995.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Energy, U. S. Dept of. Strategic plan : Strength through science, powering the 21st century. Washington, D.C : The Dept, 2000.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
U.S. Dept. of Energy. Strategic plan : Providing America with energy security, national security, environmental quality, science leadership. Washington, DC : U.S. Dept. of Energy, 1997.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Power resources – government policy – united states"
1
Kahn, Lauren A. « Risky Incrementalism : Defense AI in the United States ». Dans Contributions to Security and Defence Studies, 39–61. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-58649-1_2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe United States remains the world’s preeminent military and technological power. Over the last decade, the United States has increasingly viewed artificial intelligence (AI) proficiency as a vital U.S. interest and mechanism for assuring U.S. military and economic power, recognizing its potential as a force multiplier. As a result, the United States is actively implementing AI across its defense and armed services, with notable applications in Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance (ISR), Cyber, Autonomous Systems, Command and Control, Disaster Relief, and Logistics. The United States government is generally well-placed to leverage defense AI and AI-enabled systems. However, various bureaucratic, organizational, and procedural hurdles have slowed down progress on defense AI adoption and technology-based innovation such that the Department of Defense has yet to successfully, on a broad scale, translate commercial AI developments into real military capabilities. The U.S. Department of Defense suffers from a complex acquisition process and a widespread shortfall of data, STEM, and AI talent and training. Organizations working on AI and AI-related technologies and projects are often siloed, separated not only from each other but also from necessary data and other resources, and there exists within the department a culture that favors tried-and-true methods and systems, sometimes trending towards Luddism. In the last few years, however, the Defense Department has made substantial headway on some of these challenges, restructuring its approach to defense AI. However, whether these new AI efforts will be sufficient to allow the U.S. to make up for time lost remains to be seen.
2
Warziniack, Travis, Robert G. Haight, Denys Yemshanov, Jenny L. Apriesnig, Thomas P. Holmes, Amanda M. Countryman, John D. Rothlisberger et Christopher Haberland. « Economics of Invasive Species ». Dans Invasive Species in Forests and Rangelands of the United States, 305–20. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-45367-1_14.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractWhile the subset of introduced species that become invasive is small, the damages caused by that subset and the costs of controlling them can be substantial. This chapter takes an in-depth look at the economic damages non-native species cause, methods economists often use to measure those damages, and tools used to assess invasive species policies. Ecological damages are covered in other chapters of this book. To put the problem in perspective, Federal agencies reported spending more than half a billion dollars per year in 1999 and 2000 for activities related to invasive species ($513.9 million in 1999 and $631.5 million in 2000 (U.S. GAO 2000)). Approximately half of these expenses were spent on prevention. Several states also spend considerable resources on managing non-native species; for example, Florida spent $127.6 million on invasive species activities in 2000 (U.S. GAO 2000), and the Great Lakes states spend about $20 million each year to control sea lamprey (Petromyzon marinus) (Kinnunen 2015). Costs to government may not be the same as actual damages, which generally fall disproportionately on a few economic sectors and households. For example, the impact of the 2002 outbreak of West Nile virus exceeded $4 million in damages to the equine industries in Colorado and Nebraska alone (USDA APHIS 2003) and more than $20 million in public health damages in Louisiana (Zohrabian et al. 2004). Zebra mussels (Dreissena polymorpha) cause $300–$500 million annually in damages to power plants, water systems, and industrial water intakes in the Great Lakes region (Great Lakes Commission 2012) and are expected to cause $64 million annually in damages should they or quagga mussels (Dreissena bugensis) spread to the Columbia River basin (Warziniack et al. 2011).
3
de Werd, Marc. « “Sentimento do Mundo” – On the Endless Battle for a Justice System ». Dans Rule of Law in Europe, 13–18. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-61265-7_3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractIn the summer of 1787, New Yorkers were about to ratify a constitution for the US. In a series of 85 essays written by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison between October 1787 and May 1788 urged New Yorkers to ratify the proposed United States Constitution, which was drafted in Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. The essays (commonly referred to as the Federalist Papers) were published anonymously, under the pen name “Publius,” in various New York state newspapers of the time. On May 28, 1788, Alexander Hamilton published Federalist 78, titled “The Judicial Department.” In this famous essay, he offered a powerful defense of judicial review. Hamilton argued that only a federal judge could guarantee constitutional rights and provide an effective check on state power. At the same time, Hamilton had to convince his political opponents that the unelected judiciary would never dominate the other branches of government. Drawing on the ideas of Montesquieu, he deliberately portrayed the judiciary as “the least dangerous branch of government”. A branch that is inherently weak because it can control neither the country’s financial resources nor the army.
4
Damm, Jens. « China and Germany After the 2021 Election : Between Continuity and Increasing Confrontation ». Dans China-US Competition, 159–90. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15389-1_7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThis chapter presents and analyses various official statements, 2021 election programmes and party manifestos, media reports as well as public hearings with regard to the changing view of China in the German public discourse. While the importance of economic interests is still the overarching topic in German-Chinese relations (China has been Germany`s most important trading partner since 2015), there has been a shift towards a more critical stance with regard to human rights issues in recent years. Germany was also the driving force behind the Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) with China, which the EU signed in December 2020 under Germany’s presidency of the EU Council but so far never ratified.After the formation of a new SPD led government under chancellor Olaf Scholz, the two smaller coalition partners, the Alliance 90/The Greens, and the FDP, are said to have a much more critical view of China’s human rights issues. In particular, the new German foreign Minister, Annalena Baerbock has publicly vowed to change Germany’s China policy. While Germany has remained within the hedging zone a shift from “economic pragmatism” to “soft balancing” can be observed, most noticeably in political terms: in particular, the new foreign minister Annalena Baerbock stresses the necessity for a closer cooperation both with the United States, but also a common policy of the EU towards China. Thus Germany, and the EU in general, seems to have shifted from “economic pragmatism” to “dominance denial” since the new government came into power, and the war in Ukraine has led to an even closer alliance of Germany, with the EU and the United States.
5
Lambert, Laurent A., et Moosa Elayah. « Conclusions ». Dans The Post-American Middle East, 247–66. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29912-4_10.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractDuring the two decades of the US War on Terror, the indicators of peace, stability, and security have markedly deteriorated in nearly two-thirds of the countries of the broad Middle East region, wherein American foreign policy has become particularly resented, as expressed in various survey polls. The United States had never fought for so long a war (and legally, the War on Terror is still continuing), and the political structures of the Middle East never had been so fundamentally challenged—and in a few countries, destroyed—since World War I and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire a century ago. The War on Terror, as such or under different names, has been characterized by grand policy claims, the actual destabilization of dozens of countries, the widespread use of torture, the endemic corruption of tribal and government elites, the polarization of inter-state relations across the Middle East, counter-productive policies of drone bombings with frequent collateral civilian victims, and large-scale migrations across and from a region that will need decades to reconstruct itself and heal from the trauma. Building upon the previous nine chapters, this final section presents our conclusions as to why the WoT failed so badly in the region and why the role of the United States has sharply declined in importance there, having identified four main reasons. Finally, we explain that the long-announced regional withdrawal of the United States has disappointed traditional partners. Tellingly, Egypt, Israel, and the Gulf monarchies have decided in 2022 to not abide by the US sanctions against Russia in order not to antagonize an international power that has become particularly influential in Syria, Iran, and the broad region, at a time when Washington seems to be losing always more ground to what it has officially called in its strategic doctrine “near-peer competitors”, i.e., Russia and China.
6
Zillman, Donald, et Anthony Moffa. « Power Politics ». Dans Net Zero and Natural Resources Law, 319–34. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/9780198925033.003.0020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract This chapter explores various legal implications of US domestic and foreign policy for the net zero transition and how the increasingly polarized politics of climate change—in the United States and globally—limit domestic, regional, and global solidarity for the clean energy transition. To the maximum extent possible, governments must facilitate solidarity across ideological lines in the push to achieve a net zero world. The path to net zero in the United States depends in large part on domestic politics and who holds governmental power. Consequently, effective legal practice—counselling green businesses, securing tax credits, etc—requires an appreciation of the political system and the current state of partisan politics. This chapter sets out the political landscape in detail, with a particular focus on the impact of such power politics on climate policy and the net zero transition in the United States and beyond. It then offers some concrete areas of legal practice and lessons on the opportunities, challenges, and ways forward in balancing net zero with broader domestic and foreign policy objectives, especially those relating to sustainability, energy security, and energy justice.
7
Hakelberg, Lukas. « Power in International Tax Politics ». Dans The Hypocritical Hegemon, 25–48. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748011.003.0002.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter develops a theory of power in international tax politics. This theory identifies market size and regulatory capacity as the decisive resources enabling governments to issue credible threats and inducements with a view toward making other governments do what they would not otherwise do. A lack of regulatory capacity explains why the European Union has not wielded the same power in negotiations over global tax policy as the United States despite the EU's similarly sized internal market. In fact, taxation remains an exclusive member state competence. Therefore, the European Commission has no administrative authority to impose penalties on third states or foreign firms not complying with tax good governance standards applicable within the union. At the same time, the principle of nondiscrimination enshrined in EU law prevents individual EU countries from passing sanctions against other member states abetting tax evasion and avoidance. Because of the lack of regulatory centralization in the EU, the US can act as a hegemon in international tax politics. Accordingly, US preferences determined by domestic politics decisively shape the content of global tax policy. The preferences of other governments merely affect the US administration's enforcement strategy.
8
Perkins, John H. « The Rockefeller Foundation in Mexico : The New International Politics of Plant Breeding, 1941-1945 ». Dans Geopolitics and the Green Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195110135.003.0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Events during World War I and in the years between the two world wars demonstrated that agricultural production was essential for the security of individual nations. No country could afford to neglect its food supply if it wished to maintain its status as a major military power. In addition, pressures from technically sophisticated farmers and industrialists, both interested in efficient agricultural production, solidified the use of scientific research in reforming the agricultural economy. Underlying the drive for both military power and efficient agricultural production was a powerful vision of the nation-state as an industrial economy in which all natural resources, including agriculture, were marshaled by the rational control of modern science. Both people and nature were subservient to the imperatives of power and rationalism in the new scheme of things. What was largely missing from the pre-1939 vision, however, was a sense of how nations might interact to address issues of industrialization and agricultural modernization. By 1939 industrial states like the United Kingdom and the United States developed a sense of how individually they should manage their industrial and agricultural resources, and the British government certainly had a clear sense of how the Indian economy should be controlled. Outside of the realms of direct imperialism, however, industrial countries had only vague notions about how to use scientific and economic policy to foster their aims internationally. Furthermore, no country had any profound sense, incorporated into policy, that rich and powerful countries should assist the poor countries to achieve a better standard of living for humanitarian reasons. Aside from imperialism, therefore, in 1939 no analytical framework existed to see how agricultural science and technology and modernization of agriculture fit into the overall scheme of international relations and power. Perhaps the only exception to this situation was a small program of the Rockefeller Foundation in China. In 1924 the International Education Board of the Rockefeller Foundation began to assist the University of Nanking with wheat improvement, economic issues, and other projects. In addition, during the 1920s, the foundation supported medical reform in China.
9
Angel, Shlomo. « Dwelling Units and Living Space ». Dans Housing Policy Matters A Global Analysis, 259–68. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195137156.003.0020.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The most basic perception of the adequacy of housing is that there be an adequate number of dwellings to house the entire population. This perception is rather simplistic, of course, because it does not contain any information about adequacy in terms of quality, crowding, affordability, location, or tenure choice. Whitehead [1991], for example, remarked that when the Conservative government came to power in the United Kingdom in 1979, “[I]t rejected this wider approach to evaluating housing need. In evidence to the Select Committee on Environment, the Secretary of State started by stressing the ‘largest crude surplus of houses over households that we have ever had in this country’ (House of Commons, 1981) as justification for cutting the amount of public resources allocated to housing” [879]. Crude measures are often advanced in support of crude policies. Still, precisely because such measures are often used in policy discussions, they merit a more detailed analysis.
10
Hochschild, Jennifer L., et Nathan Scovronick. « What Americans Want from Public Schools ». Dans American Dream and Public Schools. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195152784.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AMERICANS CONTINUE TO FOLLOW the advice of Benjamin Franklin in making “the proper education of youth” the most important American social policy. Public education uses more resources and involves more people than any other government program for social welfare. It is the main activity of local governments and the largest single expenditure of almost all state governments. Education is the American answer to the European welfare state, to massive waves of immigration, and to demands for the abolition of subordination based on race, class, or gender. Although public schools in the United States are expected to accomplish a lot for their students, underlying all of these tasks is the goal of creating the conditions needed for people to believe in and pursue the ideology of the American dream. Our understanding of the American dream is the common one, described by President Clinton this way: “The American dream that we were all raised on is a simple but powerful one—if you work hard and play by the rules you should be given a chance to go as far as your God-given ability will take you.” The dream is the unwritten promise that all residents of the United States have a reasonable chance to achieve success through their own efforts, talents, and hard work. Success is most often defined in material terms, but everyone gets to decide what it is for himself or herself. The first man to walk across Antarctica talks about this idea in the same way as people who make their first million: “The only limit to achievement,” he said, “is the limit you place on your own dreams. Let your vision be guided by hope, your path be adventurous, and the power of your thoughts be directed toward the betterment of tomorrow.” The American dream is a brilliant ideological invention, although, as we shall see, in practice it leaves much to be desired. Its power depends partly on the way it balances individual and collective responsibilities. The role of the government is to make the pursuit of success possible for everyone. This implies strict and complete nondiscrimination, universal education to provide the means for pursuing success, and protection for virtually all views of success, regardless of how many people endorse them.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Power resources – government policy – united states"
1
Davydenko, Nadiia, Svitlana Boiko, Alina Вuriak et Inna Demianenko. « Development of rural areas through fiscal decentralization ». Dans 22nd International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2021”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2021.55.010.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The ratification of the European Charter of Local Self-Government and the adoption of the Concept of the Reform of Local Self-Government and the Territorial Organization of Power in Ukraine in April, 2014 laid the groundwork for the approval of fiscal decentralization and the creation of fiscal frameworks for the development of rural areas. One of the defining conditions of fiscal decentralization is the provision of the local government with financial resources in an amount sufficient to perform their tasks for development of rural areas. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to study the peculiarities of rural development of Ukraine in terms of fiscal decentralization, identify the main problems, and present an argument for the directions towards enhancing the positive impact of fiscal decentralization on the social and economic development of rural areas. The methodological basis of the article is general scientific and special methods of research, in particular: economic and statistical; analysis and synthesis; tabular and graphical. The conducted research has made it possible to establish that the implementation of fiscal decentralization has resulted in greater interest of village council in increasing revenues to local budgets by transferring the right to receive more tax revenues and non-tax revenues, finding contingency local budgets, improving the efficiency of tax administration and fees. The study gives grounds for proposing approaches to increase the effectiveness of fiscal decentralization in the context of rural development, including expanding of the list of taxes and fees in budget revenues of united territorial community (e.g. corporate income tax, personal income tax, environmental tax); improving the mechanism for providing local budgets with inter-budget transfers from the State Budget of Ukraine; optimization of budget expenditures under the condition that a guaranteed and affordable level of public services is provided; increasing the accountability of local governments in order to prevent corruption; involvement of the population in active participation in development policy of rural areas.
2
Allison, Edith. « United States Experience Regulating Unconventional Oil and Gas Development ». Dans SPE/AAPG Africa Energy and Technology Conference. SPE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/afrc-2573582-ms.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT In the midst of aggressive anti-drilling campaigns by environmental organizations and well-publicized complaints by citizens unaccustomed to oil and gas operations, rigorous studies of unconventional oil and gas development show that there are no widespread or systemic impacts on drinking water resources in the United States. In addition, air pollution and greenhouse gas emissions have significantly declined with the growth in natural gas production and its use in power generation. Furthermore, induced seismicity from subsurface waste disposal has plummeted in response to industry initiatives and new regulations. This record of environmental protection reflects the fact that U.S. hydraulic fracturing, like other oil and gas operations, is highly regulated by the states. In addition, air emissions, operations on federal lands, and subsurface injection are subject to federal regulation. Academic and government researchers have documented that chemicals and gas produced by hydraulic fracturing are not contaminating drinking water. However, as an added complication, methane occurs naturally in drinking water aquifers in some producing areas. In 2015, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) completed a four-year study of potential aquifer contamination from hydraulic fracturing and associated industry operations. The report found some impacts on drinking water including contamination of drinking water wells; however, the number of cases was small compared to the number of wells hydraulically fractured. The scientific peer-review and public critique of the study, which continues after more than a year, may recommend additional research. The emotionally charged, anti-fracking campaigns provided important lessons to U.S. operators: pre-drilling, baseline data on water and air quality are essential to answering public concerns; infrastructure issues such as increased truck traffic on small, local roads are important to residents; and the initial failure to disclose the composition of hydraulic fracturing fluid intensified public concern.
3
Hoffenson, Steven, et Marcin Wisniowski. « An Electricity Grid As an Agent-Based Market System : Exploring the Effects of Policy on Sustainability ». Dans ASME 2018 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2018-86031.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Electricity generation is a major source of air pollution, contributing to nearly one-third of the total greenhouse gas emissions in the United States. As with most goods, production must keep up with the projected consumer demand, and the industry is subject to government regulations at the federal, state, and local levels. This study models the New Jersey electric grid as a market system, using agent-based modeling to represent individual consumers and power companies making utility-maximizing decisions. Each consumer agent is prescribed a unique value function that includes factors such as income, energy intensity, and environmental sensitivity, and they are able to make decisions about how much energy they use and whether they opt into a renewable energy program. Power producers are modeled to keep up with demand and minimize their cost per unit of electricity produced, and they include options to prefer either on-demand or renewable energy sources. Using this model, different scenarios are examined with respect to producer strategy and government policy. The results provide a proof-of-concept for the modeling approach, and they reveal interesting trends about how the markets are expected to react under different scenarios.
4
Silvestru, Ramona camelia, Lavinia Nemes et Catalin ionut Silvestru. « CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN E-LEARNING PROGRAMS FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION ». Dans eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-212.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The G20 Moscow summit from 2013 highlighted the fact that human resource development remained a major priority for developing countries, especially low-income countries, with important impact on the priorities of other low income countries. When discussing about the current global economic development, about increasing economic competitiveness and reducing economic risks of global crises, we take also into consideration the role that governments and their staff can play in ensuring the adequate implementation of the various policy measures. In order for the government staff to perform at high levels of competence both in high and low income countries, especially in G20 members (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States of America plus the European Union member states), we consider that continuous education / lifelong learning would be crucial in providing an enabling environment, with e-learning holding a key position, as it enables people, civil servants to deal with future challenges raised by knowledge and information society. In the framework of the technological, normative and procedural evolutions that influence how the staff from public administrations works and possible openness towards e-learning programs, while aware of the various pedagogic, administrative and economic factors that provide incentives as well as drawbacks in using e-learning in providing training to civil servants, we are interested in analyzing e-learning programs developed and used for public administration staff from several G20 states. Our analysis will be focused on assessing the dimensions of the e-learning systems, variety of courses via e-learning platforms, methodologies used in e-learning, possible limitations and challenges in providing e-learning programs to civil servants in several G20 states. The analysis will be conducted using public information available from national agencies with responsibilities in providing such trainings in various G20 states. Our recommendations are oriented towards stimulating the development of an enabling environment for improving inter-agencies and ministerial coordination by intervening at the levels of human resources from the government levels. In this respect, we promote a wider usage of electronic means in lifelong learning for the staff from public administrations and the sharing of information by electronic means aimed at ensuring further human resource development from the public administration. Moreover, we strongly consider that continuous human resource development in the public administration apparatus from the G20 states and knowledge sharing would provide adequate framework for ensuring that government priorities and policy coordination in order to achieve global economic stability, sustainable growth could be achieved, while also contributing to the development of knowledge and information society and economy.
5
Shin, Jaiwon. « The NASA Aviation Safety Program : Overview ». Dans ASME Turbo Expo 2000 : Power for Land, Sea, and Air. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/2000-gt-0660.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1997, the United States set a national goal to reduce the fatal accident rate for aviation by 80% within ten years based on the recommendations by the Presidential Commission on Aviation Safety and Security. Achieving this goal will require the combined efforts of government, industry, and academia in the areas of technology research and development, implementation, and operations. To respond to the national goal, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) has developed a program that will focus resources over a five year period on performing research and developing technologies that will enable improvements in many areas of aviation safety. The NASA Aviation Safety Program (AvSP) is organized into six research areas: Aviation System Modeling and Monitoring, System Wide Accident Prevention, Single Aircraft Accident Prevention, Weather Accident Prevention, Accident Mitigation, and Synthetic Vision. Specific project areas include Turbulence Detection and Mitigation, Aviation Weather Information, Weather Information Communications, Propulsion Systems Health Management, Control Upset Management, Human Error Modeling, Maintenance Human Factors, Fire Prevention, and Synthetic Vision Systems for Commercial, Business, and General Aviation aircraft. Research will be performed at all four NASA aeronautics centers and will be closely coordinated with Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) and other government agencies, industry, academia, as well as the aviation user community. This paper provides an overview of the NASA Aviation Safety Program goals, structure, and integration with the rest of the aviation community.
6
Hanson, John. « The Federal Government’s Role in Enabling the Nuclear Renaissance and a Low-Carbon Energy Future ». Dans ASME 2012 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2012-89997.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The electric power industry in the United States will face a number of great challenges in the next two decades, including increasing electricity demand and the aging of the current fleet of power plants. These challenges present a major test for the industry, which must invest between $1.5 trillion and $2 trillion by 2030 to meet the increased demand. In addition to these challenges, the potential for climate legislation, controversy over hydraulic fracturing, and post-Fukushima safety concerns have all resulted in significant uncertainty regarding the economics of all major sources of base-load electricity. Currently nuclear power produces 22% of the nation’s electricity, and over 70% of the nation’s low-carbon electricity, even though unfavorable economic conditions have stalled construction of new reactors for over 30 years. The economics are changing, however, as evidenced by the recent construction and operating licenses (COLs) awarded by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to Southern Company and SCANA Corporation to build two new units each. The successful construction of these units could lead to more favorable financing for future plants. This improved financing, especially if combined with appropriate additional government support, could provide serious momentum for the resurgence of nuclear power in the United States. The most important way in which government support could benefit nuclear power is by increasing the amount of loan guarantees provided to the first wave of new nuclear power plants. This will help encourage additional new builds, which will help reduce the financing risk premium for new nuclear and improve interest rates for future plants. Instead of simply increasing loan guarantees for nuclear energy, a permanent federal financing structure should be established to provide loan guarantees for “clean energy” technologies in general, a category in which nuclear energy should be included. Most importantly, any changes should be made as part of a coherent, long-term energy policy, which would provide utilities with the correct tools to make the necessary investments, and the confidence that will allow them to undertake large-scale projects.
7
Hilferty, Edward L. « Condition Based Maintenance, Life Cycle Management, and Autolog ». Dans ASME Turbo Expo 2003, collocated with the 2003 International Joint Power Generation Conference. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2003-38730.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Condition Based Maintenance (CBM) was instituted by the United States Navy in a policy outlined in OPNAV INSTRUCTION 4790.16 dated 6 May 1998. The goal is to move from time-directed preventive maintenance to condition-directed maintenance. It is hoped this will optimize readiness while reducing maintenance and manning requirements. The concept is that use of sensors, algorithms, and automated reasoning and decision making models to monitor equipment operations will provide critical analyses to operators that will help prevent impending failure. Red flags to operators allows maximization of maintenance effort that will focus limited resources to areas most needed to ensure safety and mission readiness while simultaneously minimizing operating costs (O & S), labor, and risk of mission degrading failures (Hedderich [3]). For the U.S. Navy, there is a large chasm to bridge between vision and reality. CBM technology is being slowly tested and integrated. But testing, modifying and back fitting all the Navy’s critical systems with CBM technology will be long term and costly and will be constantly faced with the dilemma of having just integrated one technology as it is being replaced by newer ones. In the mean time, more focus could be paid to possible interim phases that could be more quickly and cheaply integrated and still move the Navy forward in utilizing CBM technology. Autolog is such an effort and is offered here as an application and process to gather more real time data needed for CBM from one source that can be quickly and easily provided to distant engineering support activities for Gas Turbines systems while also easing record keeping and data transmittal requirements for the fleet.
8
Kruger, T., S. Price et M. Wiedijk. « Floating Offshore Wind Supply Chain Constraints and Opportunities ». Dans Offshore Technology Conference. OTC, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4043/35398-ms.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Offshore wind power has become a priority in the United States because it has the potential to unlock substantial resources to deliver both economic and environmental benefits toward a net-zero emissions goal. Recent analysis suggests that up to 2,000 GW of offshore wind capacity will be needed by 2050 to keep global temperature increases below 1.5°C. At present, there is no offshore wind capacity in emerging markets other than China, and established energy markets like that of the United States have quite a way to go before offshore wind makes up a significant percentage of the energy mix. Changing the status quo is critical if the world is to meet ambitious targets for greenhouse gas (GHG) reductions and change needs to happen soon. "The long development timescales for offshore wind mean that efforts need to start now to ensure delivery of new capacity"1 (World Bank – Key Factors for Successful Development of Offshore Wind in Emerging Markets - 2021). Creating a supply chain is a challenge, but it also is an opportunity because it presents the industry with a chance to take a holistic approach to building out capabilities from the ground up to deliver a healthy, diverse and sustainable supply chain that enables large-scale deployment and can support mass manufacturing and well-paying jobs for the years to come. This paper analyzes multiple elements of the floating wind industry based on the experience of executing two operating floating wind projects and how this experience and these elements influence the formation of the supply chain system with special focus on the constraints and opportunities in developing a supply chain that is reliable and sustainable. Focus areas include: Addressing uncertainty in the pipeline of projects by leveraging policy incentives and understanding the regulatory environment and its role in expediting offshore wind projectsAddressing constrained space challenges and construction processes and planning for serial productionCombining resources to update ports and shipyards that are not equipped to support floating offshore windIncentivizing young people to enter the offshore wind industry and training a specialized workforceEstablishing technology readiness and suitability for mass manufacturing and large-scale deploymentReducing risk by establishing clear deployment goalsSourcing raw materialsSourcing products that benefit local communities.Measuring how equative and sustainable the industry is in terms of impact on communities.Building a flexible and scalable supply chain
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Power resources – government policy – united states"
1
Ashley, Caitlyn, Elizabeth Spencer Berthiaume, Philip Berzin, Rikki Blassingame, Stephanie Bradley Fryer, John Cox, E. Samuel Crecelius et al. Law and Policy Resource Guide : A Survey of Eminent Domain Law in Texas and the Nation. Sous la direction de Gabriel Eckstein. Texas A&M University School of Law Program in Natural Resources Systems, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/eenrs.eminentdomainguide.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Eminent Domain is the power of the government or quasi-government entities to take private or public property interests through condemnation. Eminent Domain has been a significant issue since 1879 when, in the case of Boom Company v. Patterson, the Supreme Court first acknowledged that the power of eminent domain may be delegated by state legislatures to agencies and non-governmental entities. Thus, the era of legal takings began. Though an important legal dispute then, more recently eminent domain has blossomed into an enduring contentious social and political problem throughout the United States. The Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution states, “nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.” Thus, in the wake of the now infamous decision in Kelo v. City of New London, where the Court upheld the taking of private property for purely economic benefit as a “public use,” the requirement of “just compensation” stands as the primary defender of constitutionally protected liberty under the federal constitution. In response to Kelo, many state legislatures passed a variety of eminent domain reforms specifically tailoring what qualifies as a public use and how just compensation should be calculated. Texas landowners recognize that the state’s population is growing at a rapid pace. There is an increasing need for more land and resources such as energy and transportation. But, private property rights are equally important, especially in Texas, and must be protected as well. Eminent domain and the condemnation process is not a willing buyer and willing seller transition; it is a legally forced sale. Therefore, it is necessary to consider further improvements to the laws that govern the use of eminent domain so Texas landowners can have more assurance that this process is fair and respectful of their private property rights when they are forced to relinquish their land. This report compiles statutes and information from the other forty-nine states to illustrate how they address key eminent domain issues. Further, this report endeavors to provide a neutral third voice in Texas to strike a more appropriate balance between individual’s property rights and the need for increased economic development. This report breaks down eminent domain into seven major topics that, in addition to Texas, seemed to be similar in many of the other states. These categories are: (1) Awarding of Attorneys’ Fee; (2) Compensation and Valuation; (3) Procedure Prior to Suit; (4) Condemnation Procedure; (5) What Cannot be Condemned; (6) Public Use & Authority to Condemn; and (7) Abandonment. In analyzing these seven categories, this report does not seek to advance a particular interest but only to provide information on how Texas law differs from other states. This report lays out trends seen across other states that are either similar or dissimilar to Texas, and additionally, discusses interesting and unique laws employed by other states that may be of interest to Texas policy makers. Our research found three dominant categories which tend to be major issues across the country: (1) the awarding of attorneys’ fees; (2) the valuation and measurement of just compensation; and (3) procedure prior to suit.
2
Kelsey, Tom. When Missions Fail : Lessons in ‘High Technology’ From Post-War Britain. Blavatnik School of Government, décembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp_2023/056.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The idea that national security and economic prosperity stem from being at the technological frontier (‘techno-nationalism’) is once again a dominant feature of global politics. The post-war United States has emerged as the key model in these discussions, with the ‘moonshot’ seen as an outstanding example of how to direct state resources towards technological breakthroughs, while the capacity of the American government is praised more generally for its ability to sponsor ground-breaking technology. This paper, however, suggests that the United States was the exception, not the rule, and that the failures of post-war Britain highlight the limitations of ‘techno-nationalism’ with vivid clarity. During the 1950s and 1960s, the British state took long-term bets on securing a leading role in the world’s technological future, specifically in the areas of supersonic flight via Concorde and nuclear power generation. The result, however, was not export glory but industrial calamity. These long-running programmes were eventually cut back in the 1970s, when it became accepted in Whitehall that Britain should no longer try to be the Science and Tech Superpower, attempting to leapfrog the United States to technological glory. Understanding this trajectory in Britain dislodges the sense that focusing on emerging technology and the long term is a silver bullet in policymaking. We must appreciate that the realities of technological power matter, and grasp that the post-war US was an unrepresentative case: no country today will have the relative level of industrial and technological might that it enjoyed at that time. While my arguments will resonate in other national contexts, my focus is on ensuring that any strategy for ‘high technology’ in the UK today continues to learn the lessons from the errors of the post-war period. It must be wary of expert capture within the state. It must also think about industrial strategy in an integrated way, across national security, economics, and foreign policy, with a policymaking machinery set up to deal with this level of complexity. Moreover, despite the attention afforded to national state funding, the UK should continue to see forging alliances as essential alongside working with international business and be clear-eyed about where it does and does not need to sustain national capabilities.
3
Nilsson Lewis, Astrid, Kaidi Kaaret, Eileen Torres Morales, Evelin Piirsalu et Katarina Axelsson. Accelerating green public procurement for decarbonization of the construction and road transport sectors in the EU. Stockholm Environment Institute, février 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2023.007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Public procurement of goods and services contributes to about 15% of global greenhouse gas emissions. In the EU, public purchasing represents 15% of its GDP, acting as a major influencer on the market through the products and services acquired by governments from the local to national levels. The public sector has a role to play in leveraging this purchasing power to achieve the best societal value for money, particularly as we scramble to bend the curve of our planet’s warming. Globally, the construction and transport sectors each represent about 12% of government procurements’ GHG emissions. Furthermore, these sectors’ decarbonization efforts demand profound and disruptive technological shifts. Hence, prioritizing these sectors can make the greatest impact towards reducing the environmental footprint of the public sector and support faster decarbonization of key emitting industries. Meanwhile, the EU committed to achieving 55% reduction in GHG emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels. Drastic emissions reductions are needed at an unprecedented speed and scale to achieve this goal. Green Public Procurement (GPP) is the practice of purchasing goods and services using environmental requirements, with the aim of cutting carbon emissions and mitigating environmental harm throughout the life cycle of the product or service. While the EU and many of its Member States alike have recognized GPP as an important tool to meet climate goals, the formalization of GPP requirements at the EU level or among local and national governments has been fragmented. We call for harmonization to achieve the consistency, scale and focus required to make GPP practices a powerful decarbonization tool. We surveyed the landscape of GPP in the EU, with a focus on construction and road transport. Through interviews and policy research, we compiled case studies of eight Member States with different profiles: Sweden, the Netherlands, France, Germany, Estonia, Poland, Spain and Italy. We used this information to identify solutions and best practices, and to set forth recommendations on how the EU and its countries can harmonize and strengthen their GPP policies on the path toward cutting their contributions to climate change. What we found was a scattered approach to GPP across the board, with few binding requirements, little oversight and scant connective tissue from national to local practices or across different Member States, making it difficult to evaluate progress or compare practices. Interviewees, including policy makers, procurement experts and procurement officers from the featured Member States, highlighted the lack of time or resources to adopt progressive GPP practices, with no real incentive to pursue it. Furthermore, we found a need for more awareness and clear guidance on how to leverage GPP for impactful societal outcomes. Doing so requires better harmonized processes, data, and ways to track the impact and progress achieved. That is not to say it is entirely neglected. Most Member States studied highlight GPP in various national plans and have set targets accordingly. Countries, regions, and cities such as the Netherlands, Catalonia and Berlin serve as beacons of GPP with robust goals and higher ambition. They lead the way in showing how GPP can help mitigate climate change. For example, the Netherlands is one of the few countries that monitors the effects of GPP, and showed that public procurement for eight product groups in 2015 and 2016 led to at least 4.9 metric tons of avoided GHG emissions. Similarly, a monitoring report from 2017 showed that the State of Berlin managed to cut its GHG emissions by 47% through GPP in 15 product groups. Spain’s Catalonia region set a goal of 50% of procurements using GPP by 2025, an all-electric in public vehicle fleet and 100% renewable energy powering public buildings by 2030. Drawing from these findings, we developed recommendations on how to bolster GPP and scale it to its full potential. In governance, policies, monitoring, implementation and uptake, some common themes exist. The need for: • Better-coordinated policies • Common metrics for measuring progress and evaluating tenders • Increased resources such as time, funding and support mechanisms • Greater collaboration and knowledge exchange among procurers and businesses • Clearer incentives, binding requirements and enforcement mechanisms, covering operational and embedded emissions With a concerted and unified movement toward GPP, the EU and its Member States can send strong market signals to the companies that depend on them for business, accelerating the decarbonization process that our planet requires.
4
Abera, Mikyas, Jean Claude Byungura, Raymond Ndikumana, Solomon Mekonnen Abebe, Pierre Celestin Bimenyimana, Rediet Gizaw et Mustofa Worku Jemal. Implementing e-Learning in low-resourced university settings : A policy and institutional perspectives at the University of Gondar and University of Rwanda. Mary Lou Fulton Teachers College, décembre 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/mcf-eli.j11.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The COVID-19 pandemic outbreak affected most universities, and it severely disrupted their face-to-face teaching and learning processes. The University of Gondar (UoG) and the University of Rwanda (UR) were no exceptions. Before the pandemic, E-learning was not an education norm in both institutions. Education was mainly face-to-face, inside a four-wall classroom experience. As COVID-19 restricted such experience, the two universities adopted a range of online platforms to support teaching, learning, and access to learning resources. Across the globe, E-learning solutions promise institutional resilience and innovative teaching and learning activities in tertiary education – but only if their development is embedded within enabling institutional culture, structure, policy, and processes. Against this backdrop, we designed a study to explore leadership and policy perspectives, institutional contexts, potentials/prospects, challenges, and best practices of educational digital solutions. In this exploratory study, we used accessibility and inclusivity as key motifs to frame discussions of results. We used a cross-sectional design and employed qualitative methods to collect data, i.e., document reviews, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions. We adopted a descriptive thematic analysis procedure to organize, analyze, and interpret the data. Overall, the results indicate that education leaders, faculty, and students were not equipped to smoothly transition from face-to-face learning to e-learning in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic. Not only meeting technological requirements, the accelerated deployment of E-learning tools implied a change in pedagogy. We found that institutional policies were not designed to fully accommodate the change (except for some guidelines proposed during COVID-19). The lack of an e-learning strategy and resource limitations have hindered and continue to impact e-learning uptake in both institutions. We also found that poor internet connectivity, lack of tech devices and software, inadequate leadership commitment, power interruptions or outages, inadequate pedagogical training, low community perception, and poor administrative and technical skills are the challenges of the two institutions to effectively manage full-fledged e-learning programs. These challenges were usually amplified by the nature of national, local, and institutional contexts (e.g., a multi-campus, multi-college setting of UR and a war outbreak in northern Ethiopia). Noting that face-to-face education is still seen as premium, there is a need for a blended approach to e-learning and policies that would improve accessibility to and affordability of E-resources to diverse groups of staff and students. With varying degrees, we found that the two institutions are engaging in activities to promote e-learning. For instance, groups of e-learning Champions are advocating in both institutions for engagements in accelerated change efforts (be it on an e-learning platform, capacity building, access devices, and strategy). Both institutions have units that coordinate e-learning uptake and ensure its inclusivity. Both institutions could also benefit from increased governmental and development partners’ attention to the possibility and support of digital education. However, the issue of social equity and e-learning ecosystem management remains paramount in launching e-learning programs. In sum, we observed that e-learning is still in its nascent stages at both institutions although not at the same level. Their respective e-learning initiatives must integrate global best practices and specific local contexts and priorities. This requires that state and institutional leaders embrace and encourage co-creation, knowledge, and expertise sharing among institutions in low-resource and similar settings.
5
Aldendifer, Elise, McKenzie Coe, Taylor Faught, Ian Klein, Peter Kuylen, Keeli Lane, Robert Loughran et al. The Safe and Efficient Development of Offshore Transboundary Hydrocarbons : Best Practices from the North Sea and Their Application to the Gulf of Mexico. Sous la direction de Gabriel Eckstein. Texas A&M University School of Law Program in Energy, Environmental, & Natural Resource Systems, septembre 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/eenrs.offshoretransboundaryhydrocarbons.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Offshore hydrocarbon resources have been developed for many decades, and with technology improvements, many fields which were once impossible to develop, are now economically and technologically feasible. This has led to a growing difficulty in determining the legislative and regulatory framework for resources that straddle the recognized borders between two states. In this paper, we examine a successful framework agreement governing the transboundary resources between the United Kingdom (“U.K.”) and Norway in the North Sea, and the agreement between the United States and Mexico governing the Gulf of Mexico. Following the 2013 Energy Reform, the Mexican energy sector has been revitalized, leading to greater exploration, development, and production than ever before. This means that in the near future transboundary resources may be licensed for production, bringing the issues highlighted in this paper to the attention of multiple government and international entities. This paper seeks to recommend improvements to the transboundary framework in the Gulf of Mexico based on the successful framework agreement utilized in the North Sea. This paper begins by introducing international law for offshore resources in Part II. Part III discusses the offshore regulatory regimes in the U.K. and Norway, analyzing how the two states have successfully used bilateral agreements to facilitate cooperation regarding effective exploitation and apportionment of costs from cross-boundary offshore oil and gas projects in the North Sea. Part IV discusses the offshore regulatory regimes in the United States and Mexico and analyzes the current transboundary agreement in place for the Gulf of Mexico. Part V compares the transboundary agreement governing the North Sea and the same governing the Gulf of Mexico. We highlight the major differences in the agreements and suggest changes to the Gulf of Mexico agreement based on the successful North Sea agreement. Finally, this paper concludes and provides key policy recommendations to improve the rules and regulations surrounding the exploitation of transboundary hydrocarbons in the Gulf of Mexico.
6
Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh et Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint : A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, décembre 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.
7
Anderson, Donald M., Lorraine C. Backer, Keith Bouma-Gregson, Holly A. Bowers, V. Monica Bricelj, Lesley D’Anglada, Jonathan Deeds et al. Harmful Algal Research & ; Response : A National Environmental Science Strategy (HARRNESS), 2024-2034. Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, juillet 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1575/1912/69773.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Harmful and toxic algal blooms (HABs) are a well-established and severe threat to human health, economies, and marine and freshwater ecosystems on all coasts of the United States and its inland waters. HABs can comprise microalgae, cyanobacteria, and macroalgae (seaweeds). Their impacts, intensity, and geographic range have increased over past decades due to both human-induced and natural changes. In this report, HABs refers to both marine algal and freshwater cyanobacterial events. This Harmful Algal Research and Response: A National Environmental Science Strategy (HARRNESS) 2024-2034 plan builds on major accomplishments from past efforts, provides a state of the science update since the previous decadal HARRNESS plan (2005-2015), identifies key information gaps, and presents forward-thinking solutions. Major achievements on many fronts since the last HARRNESS are detailed in this report. They include improved understanding of bloom dynamics of large-scale regional HABs such as those of Pseudo-nitzschia on the west coast, Alexandrium on the east coast, Karenia brevis on the west Florida shelf, and Microcystis in Lake Erie, and advances in HAB sensor technology, allowing deployment on fixed and mobile platforms for long-term, continuous, remote HAB cell and toxin observations. New HABs and impacts have emerged. Freshwater HABs now occur in many inland waterways and their public health impacts through drinking and recreational water contamination have been characterized and new monitoring efforts have been initiated. Freshwater HAB toxins are finding their way into marine environments and contaminating seafood with unknown consequences. Blooms of Dinophysis spp., which can cause diarrhetic shellfish poisoning, have appeared around the US coast, but the causes are not understood. Similarly, blooms of fish- and shellfish-killing HABs are occurring in many regions and are especially threatening to aquaculture. The science, management, and decision-making necessary to manage the threat of HABs continue to involve a multidisciplinary group of scientists, managers, and agencies at various levels. The initial HARRNESS framework and the resulting National HAB Committee (NHC) have proven effective means to coordinate the academic, management, and stakeholder communities interested in national HAB issues and provide these entities with a collective voice, in part through this updated HARRNESS report. Congress and the Executive Branch have supported most of the advances achieved under HARRNESS (2005-2015) and continue to make HABs a priority. Congress has reauthorized the Harmful Algal Bloom and Hypoxia Research and Control Act (HABHRCA) multiple times and continues to authorize the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) to fund and conduct HAB research and response, has given new roles to the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and required an Interagency Working Group on HABHRCA (IWG HABHRCA). These efforts have been instrumental in coordinating HAB responses by federal and state agencies. Initial appropriations for NOAA HAB research and response decreased after 2005, but have increased substantially in the last few years, leading to many advances in HAB management in marine coastal and Great Lakes regions. With no specific funding for HABs, the US EPA has provided funding to states through existing laws, such as the Clean Water Act, Safe Drinking Water Act, and to members of the Great Lakes Interagency Task Force through the Great Lakes Restoration Initiative, to assist states and tribes in addressing issues related to HAB toxins and hypoxia. The US EPA has also worked towards fulfilling its mandate by providing tools and resources to states, territories, and local governments to help manage HABs and cyanotoxins, to effectively communicate the risks of cyanotoxins and to assist public water systems and water managers to manage HABs. These tools and resources include documents to assist with adopting recommended recreational criteria and/or swimming advisories, recommendations for public water systems to choose to apply health advisories for cyanotoxins, risk communication templates, videos and toolkits, monitoring guidance, and drinking water treatment optimization documents. Beginning in 2018, Congress has directed the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) to develop a HAB research initiative to deliver scalable HAB prevention, detection, and management technologies intended to reduce the frequency and severity of HAB impacts to our Nation’s freshwater resources. Since the initial HARRNESS report, other federal agencies have become increasingly engaged in addressing HABs, a trend likely to continue given the evolution of regulations(e.g., US EPA drinking water health advisories and recreational water quality criteria for two cyanotoxins), and new understanding of risks associated with freshwater HABs. The NSF/NIEHS Oceans and Human Health Program has contributed substantially to our understanding of HABs. The US Geological Survey, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the National Aeronautics Space Administration also contribute to HAB-related activities. In the preparation of this report, input was sought early on from a wide range of stakeholders, including participants from academia, industry, and government. The aim of this interdisciplinary effort is to provide summary information that will guide future research and management of HABs and inform policy development at the agency and congressional levels. As a result of this information gathering effort, four major HAB focus/programmatic areas were identified: 1) Observing systems, modeling, and forecasting; 2) Detection and ecological impacts, including genetics and bloom ecology; 3) HAB management including prevention, control, and mitigation, and 4) Human dimensions, including public health, socio-economics, outreach, and education. Focus groups were tasked with addressing a) our current understanding based on advances since HARRNESS 2005-2015, b) identification of critical information gaps and opportunities, and c) proposed recommendations for the future. The vision statement for HARRNESS 2024-2034 has been updated, as follows: “Over the next decade, in the context of global climate change projections, HARRNESS will define the magnitude, scope, and diversity of the HAB problem in US marine, brackish and freshwaters; strengthen coordination among agencies, stakeholders, and partners; advance the development of effective research and management solutions; and build resilience to address the broad range of US HAB problems impacting vulnerable communities and ecosystems.” This will guide federal, state, local and tribal agencies and nations, researchers, industry, and other organizations over the next decade to collectively work to address HAB problems in the United States.