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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Post-communism – Ukraine »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Post-communism – Ukraine"

Kubicek, Paul. « Problems of post-post-communism : Ukraine after the Orange Revolution ». Democratization 16, n^o 2 (avril 2009) : 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340902732524.

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Soroka, Svitlana, et Yuliana Palagnyuk. « Historical Path Dependency and Media Freedom : Poland and Ukraine in the 1990s ». Studia Warmińskie 57 (31 décembre 2020) : 401–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/sw.4629.

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The paper’s objective is to explain the different levels of media freedom in the post-socialist counties of Central and Eastern Europe in the 1990s, particularly in Poland and Ukraine. Even though these two countries are very close geographically, they started the process of transition from communism to democracy and initiated media reforms in the same period, in 10 years the results of these processes were different: Poland achieved the level of free media whereas Ukraine did not. The theories of Putnam’s deep long-term historical path dependence approach, East Central European historians and path dependence approaches of the economic reforms in the 1990s in the Central and Eastern European countries of post-socialist transitions are combined and applied for the analysis of media freedom in the 1990s and its deep historical predecessors in the sample countries.

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Kuzio, Taras. « Nationalism in Ukraine : Towards a New Framework ». Politics 20, n^o 2 (mai 2000) : 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00115.

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Nationalism is the most abused term in contemporary Ukrainian studies. The majority of scholars have failed to place its use within either a theoretical or comparative framework due to the dominance of area studies and the Russo-centricity of Sovietology and post-Sovietology. Instead of defining it within political science parameters, ‘nationalism’ has been used in a subjective and negative manner by equating it solely in an ethno-cultural sense with Ukrainophones. As a result, scholars tend to place Ukrainophones on the right of the political spectrum. This article argues that this is fundamentally at odds with theory and comparative politics on two counts. First, ‘nationalism’ is a thin ideology and can function through all manner of ideologies ranging from communism to fascism. Second, all liberal democracies are composed of ethno-cultural and civic features and are therefore permeated by state (civic) nationalism. The article proposes an alternative three-fold framework for understanding ‘nationalism’ in Ukraine.

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Nodia, Ghia. « Chasing the Meaning of ‘Post-communism’ : a Transitional Phenomenon or Something to Stay ? » Contemporary European History 9, n^o 2 (juillet 2000) : 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000206x.

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Ian Bremmer and Ray Taras, eds., New States, New Politics: Building the Post-Soviet Nations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 743 pp., ISBN 0–521–57101–4Bruno Coppieters, Alexei Zverev and Dmitri Trenin, eds., Commonwealth and Independence in Post-Soviet Eurasia (London: Frank Cass, 1998), 232 pp., ISBN 0–714–64480–3Leslie Holmes, Post-Communism: an Introduction (Oxford: Polity Press, 1997), 260 pp., ISBN 0–745–61311–xMichael Mandelbaum, ed., Post-Communism: Four Perspectives (US Council of Foreign Relations, 1996), 208 pp., ISBN 0–876–09186–9Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 443 pp., ISBN 0–521–57157–xRichard Rose, William Mishler and Christian Haerpfer, Democracy and Its Alternatives: Understanding Post-Communist Societies (Oxford: Polity Press, 1998), 270 pp., ISBN 0–745–61926–6Barnett R. Rubin and Jack Snyder, Post-Soviet Political Order (London/New York: Routledge, 1998), 201 pp., ISBN 0–415–17068–0Graham Smith, Vivien Law, Andrew Wilson, Annette Bohr and Edward Allworth, Nation-Building in Post-Soviet Borderlands: The Politics of National Identities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 304 pp., ISBN 0–521–59045–0Vladimir Tismaneanu, Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Post-Communist Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 217 pp., ISBN 0–691–04826–6Gordon Wightman, ed., Party Formation in East-Central Europe: Post-Communist Politics in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland and Bulgaria (Vermont: Edward Elgar, 1995), 270 pp., ISBN 1–858–898132–8It is now about 10 years since the communist bloc ceased to exist (1989 is the year when communism was defeated in central-eastern Europe, and in 1991 its bastion – the Soviet Union – fell). What it left behind are a couple of die-hard communist survivor-states, an urge to ‘rethink’ or ‘re-define’ many fundamental concepts of political science, and a large swathe of land that is still to be properly categorised in registers of comparative political science. ‘Post-communism’ is the most popular term to cover this territory. But does it refer to something real today, or does it just express some kind of intellectual inertia? How much do the ‘post-communist countries’ still have in common with each other and to what extent are they different from any others?

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Zahirnyi, Oleksiy. « TECHNOLOGIES OF INFLUENCE ON MASS MEDIA IN UKRAINE : THE POST-COMMUNIST CONTEXT ». Scientific Journal of Polonia University 55, n^o 6 (27 février 2023) : 209–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/5527.

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The article is devoted to transformations of technologies of political influence on mass media in Ukraine. The essence of the post-communist context of transformations of technologies influencing the mass media is determined. It consists in the transition from the Soviet heritage (state and party censorship, administrative pressure on journalists and editors) to the oligarchic model of mass media activity (the use of economic leverage, hidden political advertising, and dependence on the owner). The methodological approach of historical institutionalism is used to determine the transformations of technologies of influence of public power and oligarchic groups on the mass media in the post-communist context. It has been specified that the creation of a democratic model of mass media activity is an integral part of the democratization of the Ukrainian political process. The study of technologies of public power influence on the mass media allows reconstructing creatively some provisions of the theory of democratic transition, determining its essence and directions in Ukraine. Special emphasis is placed on the need to overcome the post-communist legacy and the importance of understanding the democratic transition of Ukraine as the achievement of its ultimate goal – full-fledged European and EuroAtlantic integration. Despite the long debates in Ukrainian political science regarding the use of such terms as "post-communism" and "democratic transition", the events of recent years, and especially the war of the russian federation against Ukraine (i.e. actions aimed directly against the democratic transition of Ukraine) have convincingly proven the scientific value and the importance of researching the post-communist context of mass media activity. The essence of certain technologies of influence on the mass media, which characterize the relations between the government, society, and the mass media in the post-communist context, is noted.

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Hrytsak, Yaroslav. « Crossroads of East and West : Lemberg, Lwów, Ľviv on the Threshold of Modernity ». Austrian History Yearbook 34 (janvier 2003) : 103–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800020452.

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Recent surveys on post-soviet Eastern Europe reveal that ethnicity and ethnic differentiation are gradually losing their salience among local citizens, while social identification (for example, identities of workers or businesspeople) has become increasingly important as a way for people to perceive both themselves and ongoing political and economic changes. This tendency purports to herald the emergence of a society in which citizens compete for rewards and opportunities on the basis of merit rather than ethnic heritage. In Lithuania and Western Ukraine, however, this is not the case. National identification axes are the most important, and a strong national identity promotes democracy and opposition to communism.

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Marzęcki, Radosław. « Stosunek do przeszłości jako czynnik kształtujący pokoleniowe autoidentyfikacje młodzieży w krajach postkomunistycznych ». Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, n^o 2 (décembre 2021) : 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.2.8.

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When we observe the social and political life in post-communist countries, we can also notice that generations of people born after the fall of communism are beginning to play an increasingly important role in shaping the views and political preferences of the whole society. Young people socialized in significantly different conditions than their parents’ generation represent (in many areas) attitudes that indicate their “generational difference”. The aim of the article is to describe and explain to what extent the assessments of systemic transformation in chosen post-communist countries are determined by the age of citizens. The author analyzes secondary data from surveys on public opinion in the following countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Russia, Slovakia and Ukraine. In order to explain how young people perceive their position in relation to the older generation, which remembers the communist era, an appropriate case study was conducted. The study was conducted among students from six academic centers in Ukraine (Kyiv, Lviv, Nizhyn, Pereiaslav, Sumy, and Uzhhorod). It was found that the strength of the relationship between age and the perception of systemic change varies across countries. The deepest divisions between the older and younger generations were identified in Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Ukraine and Bulgaria. It was also found that the young generation of contemporary Ukraine is trying to emphasize its own generational difference by creating its own political identity in opposition to the features attributed to older generations.

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Rabikowska, Marta. « The ghosts of the past : 20 years after the fall of communism in Europe ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, n^o 2 (13 mai 2009) : 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.04.007.

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Twenty years after the fall of communism in Europe, the post-Soviet countries have not achieved a similar stage of democratic development. They have shown to be too diverse and historically too independent to follow one path of consolidation. This volume questions the premises of transitology, homogeneity, and path dependency theories and suggests an insight into the continuities and discontinuities within particular contexts of the given countries (Russia, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Ukraine, Poland and others). The latter quite often collide with each other and with the Western democratic values, thus putting a concept of a harmonious dialogue or a definite democratic solution for Europe into doubt. This volume challenges one-directional analyses of both communism and capitalism and offers an examination of their inner contrasts and contradictions that are a part of transitions to democracy. The irreconcilable differences between the two systems of ideologies determined by universalisms, such as utilitarianism, liberalism, harmony, and productivity, were derived from the post-Enlightenment heritage of the humanist ideals which today cannot be acknowledged without criticism. To grasp the dynamics of the post-Soviet countries that are developing their own democratic models requires looking into their political struggles, social fissures and complexities within their past and present, rather than observing them from the epistemological standpoint. Such a standpoint is criticised in this volume for seeing those countries as locked in one homogenous totalitarian paradigm. The abstractness of the universalist and utopian concept of transition imposed on concrete social relations is criticised, while the theoriticisation of democratic ideals is related to the political legitimisation.

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Darden, Keith A. « Russian Revanche : External Threats & ; Regime Reactions ». Daedalus 146, n^o 2 (avril 2017) : 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00440.

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Has the development of post-Soviet Russia in an international system dominated by a democracy-promoting United States bred an authoritarian reaction in Russia as a response to perceived threats from the West? Beginning with the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, Russian elites have increasingly seen the United States as a distinctively threatening power, one with a strategy to exploit civic organizations, ethnic groups, and other forms of domestic pluralism as “fifth columns” in an effort to overthrow unfriendly regimes. With each new crisis in U.S.-Russian relations – Ukraine 2004, Georgia 2008, Ukraine 2014 – the Russian leadership has tightened controls over society, the press, and the state. The result is that the United States’ muscular promotion of democracy abroad has produced the opposite of its intended effect on Russia, leading successive Russian governments to balance the perceived threat from the United States by pursuing greater military and intelligence capacity to intervene abroad, and by tightening internal authoritarian controls at home to prevent foreign exploitation of the nascent internal pluralism that emerged in the wake of Communism.

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Siudak, Michał. « Miejsce Rosji w doktrynie Giedroycia ». Politeja 18, n^o 6(75) (16 décembre 2021) : 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.12.

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The Place of Russia in Giedroyć’s Doctrine: Between Partnership and Rivalry This article is devoted to the presence of Russia and the Soviet Union in the doctrine of Jerzy Giedroyc, the founder of the Paris-based Kultura – a political centre which significantly influenced and continues to influence Polish Eastern policy. The evolution of the centre's views on the role and place of Russia in the geopolitical security system of Central and Eastern Europe from the immediate post-war period to the fall of communism and Polish accession to the EU and NATO is presented. The article discusses the issue of Polish-Russian geopolitical and geocultural rivalry in Central and Eastern Europe with particular emphasis on Ukraine, and tries to analyse the vision of Polish-Russian relations proposed by the representatives of Polish political and geopolitical thought in exile. The author also asks the question about the topicality of the discussed doctrine in the changing geopolitical system.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Post-communism – Ukraine"

Runeson, John. « Ways to Political Participation In Modern Day Ukraine ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-269100.

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Building on interviews with young activists of the Euromaidan movement, this paper examines the possibilities for civil society engagement in today’s Ukraine. In Ukraine, the level of civil society engagement is one of the lowest in the postsoviet world, while at the same time millions of people take part in large protest movements. The material shows that, and present explanations to why, young people who are keen to engage do so in many ways, without this engagement resulting in a long-term civil society engagement.

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Mykhnenko, Vladlen. « The political economy of post-communism : a comparison of Upper Silesia (Poland) and the Donbas (Ukraine) ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614954.

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Lissitsa, Alexej. « Der Transformationsprozess in der Landwirtschaft der Ukraine eine Analyse der Effizienz und Produktivität von Grossbetrieben / ». Aachen : Shaker, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/52270904.html.

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Simonyi, André. « Waiting for the Cows to Come Home : A Political Ethnography of Security in a Complex World. Explorations in the Magyar Borderlands of Contemporary Ukraine ». Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26126.

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This dissertation explores the ways in which the everyday (in)securities of people in southwestern Ukraine can illuminate our understanding of contemporary political life. Rather than using traditional units of analysis or given categories—the state, the individual, identity—the dissertation focuses on relations between people in and connected to a single village to develop a novel framework for analyzing politics and the political. The dissertation opens with an interrogation of the practical and theoretical challenges associated with current conceptualizations of security; our understanding of the political; and the role of ethnography in theorization and presents a research design meant to address those challenges. Drawing upon extensive participant-observation and other immersion-based research in a post-Soviet borderland wedged between Ukraine and Slovakia, and using an analytical tool I call “togetherness,” the thesis presents an ethnographic account of social interactions, economy, and authority in this largely Hungarian-speaking rural area. The third part of the dissertation applies the idea of an ontological shift and draws on complex systems and structuration theory (Luhmann and Giddens, respectively) to rethink the ethnographic analysis and to highlight relationships between structural and existential realms of political life. Here, the concept of security becomes central to the theorization, and the overall argument illuminates the intimate relationship between the idea of security and the political. Ultimately, this approach allows us to expand the scope of political ethnography: theorizing beyond thick description; integrating broader perspectives without losing the texture of the local; and developing an approach to research that can be replicated in other settings.

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SZILAGYI, Zsofia. « Media reform in post-communist Europe : case studies of Hungary, Ukraine and Kosovo ». Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5398.

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Defence date: 26 September 2005
Examining board: Prof. Peter Wagner, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. András Bozóki, Central European University ; Prof. László Bruszt, European University Institute ; Dr. Karol Jakubowicz, National Broadcasting Council of Poland and Council of Europe
First made available online 09 January 2019
Situated on the edge of mass communication studies and transition studies, this PhD thesis examines the process of media reform in countries undergoing post-communist transition. By performing three very different single country studies - a relative success story of transition (Hungary), a struggling post-Soviet society (Ukraine), and a post-conflict, international-administered province (Kosovo) - the work seeks to compile a thorough account of the problems that have plagued the region's media reform process in the last decade. The primary goal is to contribute to the discussion on media démocratisation through preparing comprehensive case studies on the basis of carefully selected empirical material. While focusing on the most important elements of the complex interaction between political and media systems, the thesis reviews the new structural and cultural organisation of the media systems. It focuses on the policy decisions that were adopted by political elites, and on the discussions which surrounded the theoretical grounding and/ or the implementation of these decisions. The work hypothesises that media systems undergoing transition can be fruitfully analysed according to four normative media models - the libertarian, social democratic, authoritarian and development assistant models. These theoretical models help to ascertain the fundamental organisational and structural principles which define a given media segment, and also help to identify the basic commonalities and differences between the various development paths. The work argues that the success of media reform ultimately depends on the political elites' commitment to implementing the above models in an appropriate balance. It concludes that a "transitional media model" might make sense for some of these countries, in which continued party political presence and political parallelism - particularly in the print segment - may be justified.

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Livres sur le sujet "Post-communism – Ukraine"

Bebyk, Valeriĭ. The mass media of post-communist Ukraine. Kyiv : Innovation and Development Centre, 1998.

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Zienchuk, Michael. Ukraine, striving for stabilization. Warsaw : Center for Social & Economic Research, Research Foundation, 1995.

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Snelbecker, David. The political economy of privatization in Ukraine. Warsaw : Center for Social & Economic Research, Research Foundation, 1995.

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Zon, Hans van. The political economy of independent Ukraine. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan Press, 2000.

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Nicolas, Hayoz, et Lushnycky Andrej N, dir. Ukraine at a crossroads. Bern : P. Lang, 2005.

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Volodymyr, Polokhalo, dir. The political analysis of postcommunism : Understanding postcommunist Ukraine. College Station, Tex : Texas A&M University Press, 1997.

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Institut ėtnologii i antropologii im. N.N. Miklukho-Maklai︠a︡, dir. Transformat︠s︡ii︠a︡ ėtnicheskoĭ identichnosti v Rossii i v Ukraine v postsovetskiĭ period. Moskva : IĖA RAN, 2013.

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Sot͡sialʹnoe vosproizvodstvo i gendernai͡a politika v Ukraine. Kharʹkov : Folio, 2001.

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Rainer, Lindner, et Meissner Boris, dir. Die Ukraine und Belarus' in der Transformation : Eine Zwischenbilanz. Köln : Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 2001.

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Andre, Batako, et Kreslavska Anna, dir. Social and economic change in Eastern Ukraine : The example of Zaporizhzhya. Aldershot : Ashgate, 1998.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Post-communism – Ukraine"

Smith, Nicholas Ross. « Chapter 9 : Ukraine’s Democratisation Path Post-Orange Revolution : Examining the Internal and External Impediments to Successful Democratic Reform in Ukraine ». Dans A Quarter Century of Post-Communism Assessed, 247–70. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43437-7_10.

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Polonsky, Antony. « Jews in Eastern Europe and Russia since the End of Communism ». Dans Jews in Poland and Russia : A Short History, 424–62. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764395.003.0012.

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This chapter highlights how the collapse of communism in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union initiated a new period in the history of the Jews in the area. Poland was now a fully sovereign country, and Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Moldova also became independent states. Post-imperial Russia faced the task of creating a new form of national identity. This was to prove more difficult than in other post-imperial states since, unlike Britain and France, the tsarist empire and its successor, the Soviet Union, had not so much been the ruler of a colonial empire as an empire itself. All of these countries now embarked, with differing degrees of enthusiasm, on the difficult task of creating liberal democratic states with market economies. For the Jews of the area, the new political situation allowed both the creation and development of Jewish institutions and the fostering of Jewish cultural life in much freer conditions, but also facilitated emigration to Israel, North America, and western Europe on a much larger scale.

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Sharlet, Robert. « Post-Soviet Constitutionalism : Politics and Constitution-Making in Russia and Ukraine ». Dans Russia and Eastern Europe After Communism, 15–34. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429305207-2.

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Hale, Henry E. « Constitutional Performance after Communism : Implications for Ukraine ». Dans Beyond the Euromaidan. Stanford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804798457.003.0007.

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Henry Hale looks at patronal presidentialism across the post-communist space, and concludes that where patronalism prevails, divided-executive constitutions are more conducive to democracy than those with strong presidencies. In this sense, Ukraine moved forward in 2004, backwards when those constitutional changes were subsequently overturned, and forward again when the 2004 constitution was restored in 2014. However, as Hale points out, constitutional provisions are not all-determining. Whether divided executives are effective at promoting other kinds of reform, such as market reforms, is unclear. Nevertheless, a divided executive is the best alternative in a bad situation.

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