Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Post-communism – Europe, Western »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Post-communism – Europe, Western ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Post-communism – Europe, Western"
1
Bell, David S. « Post‐communism in western Europe ». Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 12, no 2 (juin 1996) : 247–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279608415311.
Texte intégral
2
PONS, SILVIO. « Western Communists, Mikhail Gorbachev and the 1989 Revolutions ». Contemporary European History 18, no 3 (août 2009) : 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005086.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractWestern communists reflected two opposing responses to the final crisis of communism that had matured over time. The French communists represented a conservative response increasingly hostile to Gorbachev's perestroika, while the Italians were supporters of a reformist response in tune with his call for change. Thus Gorbachev was the chief reference, positive or negative, against which Western communists measured their own politics and identity. In 1989 the French aligned with the conservative communist leaderships of eastern Europe, and ended up opposing Gorbachev after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Accordingly, the PCF became a residual entity of traditional communism. On the other hand, the Italian communists agreed with all Gorbachev's choices, and to some extent they even inspired his radical evolution. But they also shared Gorbachev's illusions, including the idea that the fall of the Berlin Wall would produce a renewal of socialism in Europe. Unlike the PCF, the PCI was able to undertake change in the aftermath of the 1989 revolutions, thus standing as a significant ‘post-communist’ force. However, if conservative communism was destined to become marginal, reform communism also failed in its objective of renewing the Soviet system and the communist political culture
3
Roger, Antoine. « Post-communism Elections as a Theoretical Challenge ». Tocqueville Review 22, no 1 (janvier 2001) : 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.22.1.173.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The specialists of electoral behavior find a new and stimulating field in post-communist democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. They could be tempted to use the models which were built for interpreting the vote in western countries but they must be cautious as a simple transposition is not possible. Several adaptations have been tried during the last decade. Because specialists have not bothered setting up a general framework, the results have been disappointing. It is time to cast a retrospective look on them so as to set down some landmarks.
4
Zombory, Máté. « The birth of the memory of Communism : memorial museums in Europe ». Nationalities Papers 45, no 6 (novembre 2017) : 1028–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1339680.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article argues that the memory of Communism emerged in Europe not due to the public recognition of pre-given historical experiences of peoples previously under Communist regimes, but to the particularities of the post-Cold War transnational political context. As a reaction to the uniqueness claim of the Holocaust in the power field structured by the European enlargement process, Communism memory was reclaimed according to the European normative and value system prescribed by the memory of the Holocaust. Since in the political context of European enlargement refusing to cultivate the memory of the Holocaust was highly illegitimate, the memory of Communism was born as the “twin brother” of Holocaust memory. The Europeanized memory of Communism produced a legitimatedifferentia specificaof the newcomers in relation to old member states. It has been publicly reclaimed as an Eastern European experience in relation to universal Holocaust memory perceived as Western. By the analysis of memorial museums of Communism, the article provides a transnational, historical, and sociological account on Communism memory. It argues that the main elements of the discursive repertoire applied in post-accession political debates about the definition of Europe were elaborated before 2004 in a pan-European way.
5
Şerban, Mihaela. « Stemming the tide of illiberalism ? Legal mobilization and adversarial legalism in Central and Eastern Europe ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no 3 (30 juin 2018) : 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.06.001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper explores the rise of rights-based regulation through litigation as a distinctive feature of legal culture in Central and Eastern Europe post-1989. This type of adversarial legalism was born at the intersection of post-communist, European integration, and neoliberal discourses, and is characterized by legal mobilization at national and supranational levels, selective adaptation of adversarial mechanisms, and the growth of rights consciousness. The paper distinguishes Eastern European developments from both American and Western European types of adversarial legalism, assesses the first quarter century of post-communism and represents a first step towards constructing a genealogy of the region’s legal culture post-1989.
6
Oltay, Edith. « Concepts of Citizenship in Eastern and Western Europe ». Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 11, no 1 (1 septembre 2017) : 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2017-0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractThe classical meaning of citizenship evokes a nation-state with a well-defined territory for its nationals, where national identity and sovereignty play a key role. Global developments are challenging the traditional nation-state and open a new stage in the history of citizenship. Transnational citizenship involving dual and multiple citizenships has become more and more accepted in Europe. Numerous scholars envisaged a post-national development where the nation-state no longer plays a key role. While scholarly research tended to focus on developments in Western Europe, a dynamic development also took place in Eastern Europe following the collapse of communism. Dual citizenship was introduced in most Eastern European countries, but its purpose was to strengthen the nation by giving the ethnic kin abroad citizenship and non-resident voting rights. In Western Europe, the right of migrants to citizenship has been expanded throughout the years in the hope that this would result in their better integration into society. Eastern Europe and Western Europe operate with different concepts of citizenship because of their diverging historical traditions and current concerns. The concept of nation and who belong to the national community play a key role in the type of citizenship that they advocate.
7
Claeys, Jos. « Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989 ». Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no 1 (1 juillet 2020) : 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.
8
Remington, Robin A. « Contradictions on the Road to Democracy and the Market in East Central Europe ». American Review of Politics 13 (1 avril 1992) : 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1992.13.0.3-25.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This analysis focuses on the dilemmas facing policymakers attempting the transition from one-party hegemonic systems to multiparty democracies in post-communist Europe. It investigates the hypothesis that the political conditions for building democracy and the economic conditions required for establishing market economies in these societies are at cross purposes. The author examines the role of the international political economy in the process of democratization in terms of a framework of three primary variables: identity, legitimacy, and security. In applying these variables to post-communist East Central Europe, five significant arenas emerge in which political and economic imperatives come into conflict. The analysis concludes with policy implications for Western decision-makers whose own future security needs and economic well-being are tied to successful transition from communism to viable democracy in East Central Europe and the former Soviet Union.
9
Szelenyi, Ivan, et Péter Mihályi. « China, Eastern Europe and Russia compared ». Acta Oeconomica 70, S (16 octobre 2020) : 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2020.00027.
Texte intégralRésumé :
AbstractAfter the collapse of the Berlin Wall it was conceivable that China would follow the path towards the cessation of communism, as it happened in the successor states of the USSR, Yugoslavia and the East European satellite states of the Soviet Union. But the Communist Party of China (CPC) managed to retain control and avoided the Russian and East European collapse, a full-fledged transition to capitalism and liberal democracy. For a while, China was on its way to market capitalism with the possible outcome to turn eventually into a liberal democracy. This was a rocky road, with backs-and-forth. But the shift to liberal democracy did not happen. The massacre at Tiananmen Square in 1989, approved by Deng Xiaoping, was a more alarming setback than the contemporary Western observers were willing to realize. This paper presents an interpretation of the changes under present Chinese leader, Xi Jinping in a post-communist comparative perspective.
10
Perković, Ana Ješe. « The European Union and the Democratization Process of the Western Balkans ». Southeastern Europe 38, no 1 (10 avril 2014) : 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03801005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper considers democratization process in the Western Balkans and the influence of the European Union on this process. After the fall of communism European Union has been deeply involved in the transformation of the post-communist societies in the Eastern Europe. The lack of democratic tradition, complexity of democratic process, weak institutions and weak civil society have been among the main obstacles for quick transition. Yet many authors have argued that the EU membership has been one of the most important foreign policy goals of the post-socialist governments and a foreign policy tool of European Union. The EU has been using a leverage of prospect of EU membership and EU conditionality for implementing certain policies, hence trying to encourage the democratization process. This paper compares a democratization process in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) with one in the Western Balkans, and looks at EU conditionality and its impact on the democratization process of the Western Balkan states. We argue that the prospect of EU membership has influenced democratization in the Western Balkans to some extent, but the implementation of reforms has been superficial in some policy areas due to ostensible compliance with EU rules of the political elites.
Thèses sur le sujet "Post-communism – Europe, Western"
1
Arikan, E. Burak. « The extreme right-wing parties in Eastern and Western Europe : a comparison of the common ideological agenda ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294441.
Texte intégral
2
CEPIĆ, Dražen. « Class, friendship, and the postsocialist transition : identity work and patterns of stability in Central Europe - East and West ». Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/27181.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 March 2013Examining Board: Professor Martin Kohli (EUI), Supervisor Professor László Bruszt (EUI) Professor Graham Allan (Keele University) Professor Jörg Rössel (University of Zurich).
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
In this thesis, I analyze the emergence of class boundaries in postsocialism in the realm of sociability and friendship making. The goal of this study is to provide a dynamic account of the ways actors draw symbolic boundaries toward people of different social status, as well as to explore the mechanisms of shifting those patterns across different "orders of worth”. At the same time, by using qualitative network analysis, it is addressed how these processes affected the actual choice of friends. I explored these issues by conducting indepth 105 interviews with upper middle class and working class respondents in Croatia and - in an asymmetric comparison - the upper middle class in Austria. The topic of class formation in postsocialism has been researched with qualitative, experience-near approach to friendship and identity building, as well as specific mechanisms through which these processes took place: the rise of private schooling, transnationalization, and the new entrepreneurial networks, sometimes crossing the bonds of legality, and entering the gray field of corruption and nepotism. At the same time, it is observed how the new influences were contradicted by the existing path dependencies - both in the form of the social hierarchies which managed to survive the project of destratification, and on the other hand, by legacies of the old regime in the form of egalitarian values. Finally, the area perspective does not represent a purpose to itself: even though postsocialism has stood in the center of this research, this study also contributes to the broader discussions about the nature of class divides in different contexts. Given the comprehensiveness of the theoretical and conceptual framework, this concerned several disciplinary fields: friendship studies, social network analysis, the scholarship on boundary maintenance, and even more abstract discussions on the role of actors in the times of social change. Despite the primarily empirical nature of my approach, this study also attempts to offer theoretical and methodological contributions in the broad field of study bound by cultural sociology, social anthropology, economic sociology, sociology of worth, and qualitative approaches to social stratification.
3
GRZYBOWSKA-WALECKA, Katarzyna. « International party co-operation before and after 1989 : the Polish and Hungarian (post-) communists and the Western social democrats ». Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13287.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 30 November 2009Examining Board: Attila Agh (Corvinus University, Budapest); Michael Keating (EUI) (Supervisor); Paul G. Lweis (Open University, Milton Keynes); Peter Mair (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis examines the impact of the changing dynamics of the international cooperation among communist (or post-communist) parties and Western social democratic parties on democratic transitions and on party change. This is done through an in-depth comparative study of the inter-party contacts between the communist and later post-communist parties of Poland and Hungary, on one hand, and the German SPD and the British Labour Party on the other. The thesis analyzes the scope of these contacts, the activity of bilateral groups, and the support offered to the Polish and Hungarian post-communist parties before and after 1989. The literature on democratization in post-communist Europe and that on post-communist parties in particular has neglected this issue, and the importance of inter-party contacts therefore tends to be overlooked. This study shows that the period prior to the system collapse in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) was not a tabula rasa in terms of contacts between the parties from East and West. Relying on extensive interviews and unprecedented primary research in archival documents, it broadens the discussion, unearthing new material concerning the pre-1989 inter-party contacts and the reasons behind these contacts, as well as offering an original analysis of party goals and strategies of cooperation in the Cold War environment. It brings in international factors to offer a fuller explanation of the post-communist parties’ successful accommodation to the new reality, emphasising the importance of their antecedent socialization in the social democratic environment long before the collapse of the communist system. It points to the different trajectories of inter-party cooperation and the diverse policies pursued by parties in CEE and in Western Europe and explains these in terms of geographic proximity and their respective foreign and domestic policies. It further traces how personal links between individuals were maintained despite the communist regime collapse and party competition in post-1989 Hungary and Poland. More generally, this thesis emphasises the importance of taking these particular aspects of party activity and development into account within the context of the democratization research.
Livres sur le sujet "Post-communism – Europe, Western"
1
Butler, Anthony. Transformative politics : The future of socialism in Western Europe. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
Butler, Anthony. Transformative politics : The future of socialism in Western Europe. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan Press, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Scott, Bell David, dir. Western European Communists and the collapse of communism. Oxford [England] : Berg, 1993.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
Jerzy, Hausner, et Mosur Grzegorz, dir. Transformation processes in Eastern Europe : Western perspectives and the Polish experience. Warsaw : Institute of Political Science, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1993.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
Tadeusz, Buksiński, dir. Democracy in western and post-communist countries : Twenty years after the fall of communism. Frankfurt am Main : Peter Lang, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Tadeusz, Buksiński, dir. Democracy in western and post-communist countries : Twenty years after the fall of communism. Frankfurt am Main : Peter Lang, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Tadeusz, Buksiński, dir. Democracy in western and post-communist countries : Twenty years after the fall of communism. Frankfurt am Main : Peter Lang, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
Stuart, Croft, dir. The enlargement of Europe. Manchester : Manchester University Press, 1999.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
1956-, Crozier Michael, et Murphy Peter 1956-, dir. The left in search of a center. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1996.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
Butler, Anthony. Transformative Politics : The Future of Socialism in Western Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, 1995.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Post-communism – Europe, Western"
1
Williams, Bruce. « Geographies of Carnality : Slippery Sexuality in Wiktor Grodecki’s Gay Hustler Trilogy ». Dans The Cinematic Bodies of Eastern Europe and Russia. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474405140.003.0008.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the years following the fall of Communism in Czechoslovakia, and the Velvet Divorce between the Czech Republic and Slovakia, Polish-born director Wiktor Grodecki explored the world of teenage males in Prague’s burgeoning sex trade in a trilogy comprised of two documentaries and one feature. While Not Angels but Angels (1994) documents the underworld of young hustlers, Body without Soul (1996) focuses on under-aged boys in the porn industry. The feature film, Mandragora, combines the two themes. Grodecki ties these sexual dynamics to both the socio-economic dynamics of post-communism and the unique geographical positioning of the Czech Republic on the divide between East and West. All the while lying further west than Vienna, Prague is viewed by the international sex-trade clients as an exotic realm where there are less restrictions on sexual pleasure than in Western Europe.
2
Polonsky, Antony. « Jews in Eastern Europe and Russia since the End of Communism ». Dans Jews in Poland and Russia : A Short History, 424–62. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764395.003.0012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter highlights how the collapse of communism in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union initiated a new period in the history of the Jews in the area. Poland was now a fully sovereign country, and Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, and Moldova also became independent states. Post-imperial Russia faced the task of creating a new form of national identity. This was to prove more difficult than in other post-imperial states since, unlike Britain and France, the tsarist empire and its successor, the Soviet Union, had not so much been the ruler of a colonial empire as an empire itself. All of these countries now embarked, with differing degrees of enthusiasm, on the difficult task of creating liberal democratic states with market economies. For the Jews of the area, the new political situation allowed both the creation and development of Jewish institutions and the fostering of Jewish cultural life in much freer conditions, but also facilitated emigration to Israel, North America, and western Europe on a much larger scale.
3
Kečka, Roman. « Contemporary Models of Marian Discourse in Slovakia ». Dans Traces of the Virgin Mary in Post-Communist Europe. Institute of Ethnology and Social Anthropology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, VEDA, Publishing House of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31577/2019.9788022417822.126-151.
Texte intégralRésumé :
According to the 2001 census, the majority of Slovakia's population statistically follows the Catholic confession of Roman or Byzantine rites. In both rites, the Marian devotion has a consider- able place in religious reflection and spirituality. This study explores the religious discourse of the Marian devotion as it appears in available books and booklets on this topic. The main focus of the chapter is a comparison of the Marian discourse in Slovakia (representing a post-socialist country) and the Marian discourse in neighbouring Austria (representing a ‘Western’ country with no socialist history). For this purpose, a sample of Mariological reflections and spiritual texts was created based on their availability in all Catholic bookstores in the capital of Slovakia (Bratislava) and the capital of Austria (Vienna). The reason for this choice is that these bookstores offer books that mirror the living intellectual and religious brainstorming and reflect Christianity, in par-ticularly the pattern of the Marian discourse of the recent decades in both countries. The study comments on the absence of modern Marian literature in Slovak bookstores. The author also analyses the Marian vocabulary and topics in the both samples. The author distinguishes three existing models of the Marian discourse in Slovakia, all of traditional origin, portraying Mary as an unselfish and patient mother, Mary loving conditionally and restraining God's anger; Mary leading the legions against Satan and crushing his head. All three models are based on the traditional images of Mary and, within the Christian communities, are not understood as contradictory, but complementary. Compared to Western Christianity, the Marian discourse in Slovakia lacks two recurrent models: (1) the progressive 20th/21st century model, and (2) the traditionalist and fundamentalist mod- el. The first model has created a Marian vocabulary and contents representing a self-confident, social and communicative model of Mary. This model presents an alternative to the old models combining mild or triumphant vocabulary with mild or triumphant contents. The second model which is absent among Slovak believers is the Marian discourse of the traditionalist and fundamentalist groups of each age tolerated by official Church structures. These traditionalist and fundamentalist groups return to the old Marian vocabulary and contents that is triumphant, militant and – in this modern version – has an offensive character. This form of discourse, created as a reaction to progressive Christian groups – did not emerge in Slovakia, since there were no progressive Christian movements. Based on the research of the author, the Slovak Marian re- flection and spirituality result from traditional beliefs, having no affinity to Western progressive and traditionalist models. In this regard, it can be stated that Slovakia's isolation from the European spiritual development, which has caused traditional devotion to be fixed in its forms, is, paradoxically, continuing also after the fall of Communism in the era of religious freedom. The comparative discoursive analysis of Mariological literature in Slovakia and its Western neighbour – Austria has showed that the Slovak religious landscape is far more traditional (but not traditionalist) than the current trends in the ‘Western’ religious discourse.
4
Zachar Podolinská, Tatiana. « Traces of the Mary in Post-Communist Europe ». Dans Traces of the Virgin Mary in Post-Communist Europe, 16–55. Institute of Ethnology and Social Anthropology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, VEDA, Publishing House of the Slovak Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31577/2019.9788022417822.16-55.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Virgin Mary as such cannot be examined scientifically. We can, however, examine her ‘apparitions’ in the world, as well as the innumerable variants of Marian devotion and cult. This volume focuses on her manifestations in the post-Communist region with some geographical spillovers. It is either because post-Communist transformation concerned not only the former socialist countries, but also had an impact on the entire European region and was part of the overall post-modern and post-Communist reconfiguration of the European area. Another factor is that Marian worship is not controlled by political borders of present-day nation states. It has a wider transnational potential and impact. Nevertheless, we focused our viewfinder primarily on the post-Communist region, as we believe that thanks to its geographical and symbolic location and economic position in Europe, as well as its historical roots and traditions and common Communist history and heritage, it not only shows different traits of modernity compared to ‘Western Europe’, but we also face specific features and forms of worshipping of the Virgin Mary. We therefore decided to present in this volume the traces of the Virgin Mary by means of more in-depth analyses from selected countries of the post-socialist region. By means of this publication, we can observe how the Virgin Mary is manifested in the faces of seers and pilgrims and how audio-visual means are becoming a direct part of Marian apparitions in Germany in the modern era (H. Knoblauch and S. Petschke); how she speaks through the mouth of a blind Roma woman and pacifies the ethnic and religious tensions between various groups in Romania (L. Peti); how she attributes meaning to meaningless places on the map by reallocating her presence through the geo- graphical and time distribution of Marian dedications in Slovakia (J. Majo); how, after the fall of Communism, she revitalises the old places of her cult with new power, bringing together traditional and non-traditional forms of worship in the secular Czech Lands (M. Holubová); how her messages are spread on the websites of new non-traditional Marian movements and how their apocalyptical warnings are being updated and localised into the specific national environment in Czechia (V. Tutr); how she addresses the readers of Marian literature differently on the shelves of book- stores in Slovakia and Austria (R. Kečka); but also how the Virgin Mary absorbs ultra-modern millennial and spiritualistic concepts of Mother Earth and Mother of the Universe, becoming the speak- er of the great unified Hungarian nation (J. Kis-Halas); how she is becoming the re-discovered herald of Serbian national identity (A. Pavićević); how she absorbs the local forms of faith and folk Christianity in modern era and is thus the manifestation of grass- root Christianity and local religious culture in Bulgaria (V. Baeva and A. Georgieva); and how the path from a private to an officially recognised apparition depends not only on the Virgin Mary and the seer, but also on the overall constellation of the audience and the ability to offer a religious ready-made event (T. Zachar Podolinská and L. Peti). This publication observes the current diversity of the forms of Marian devotion in post-Communist countries through different national and geographically defined contours and, in particular, the ability of the Virgin Mary to satisfy the hunger for modern spirituality and authentic religiousness, give voice to unofficial and popular religions, revitalise and redefine old places of cult and add new ones, appease war conflicts, speak out on behalf of nations and marginalised ethnic groups, and guard national and conservative values. The post-modern and post-Communist Mary thus restores ruptured traditions with love and enchants the violently atheised European region with new miracles and apparitions, regardless of whether top Church and state representatives like it or not.
5
Abbas, Tahir. « In Conclusion ». Dans Islamophobia and Radicalisation, 167–76. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190083410.003.0014.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter focuses on a range of acute crises facing the world. Britain’s post-war approach to multiculturalism has differed from the other countries comprising ‘Old Europe’, such as France and Germany, for example. All three countries once had empires but later had to reach out to their once-colonized peoples to reduce employment gaps created by the loss of men and infrastructure during the Second World War. However, the idea of history as a dialectical process, propounded by Friedrich Hegel and later enhanced by Karl Marx, was challenged by Francis Fukuyama, who obtained notoriety during the early 1990s for his end of history thesis. Fukuyama suggested that Western capitalism had championed in the conflict between communism and free market economics. In the fourteenth century, Ibn Khaldun also wrote about the rise and fall of civilizations. But the crises of civilizations are man-made. They are not inevitable.
6
Haberly, Daniel, et Dariusz Wójcik. « Regional Blocks and Imperial Legacies ». Dans Sticky Power, 210–35. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198870982.003.0007.
Texte intégralRésumé :
While foreign direct investment (FDI) is generally assumed to represent long-term investments within the real economy, approximately half of global FDI is accounted for by networks of offshore shell companies created by corporations and individuals for tax and other purposes. Important empirical as well as conceptual questions surround both the global structure, and the significance of these networks. This chapter seeks to answer these questions by employing principal component analysis to decompose the global bilateral FDI anomaly matrix into its primary constituent subnetworks. It finds that the global offshore FDI network is highly globalized, with a centralized core of jurisdictions in Northwest Europe and the Caribbean exercising a largely homogeneous worldwide influence. To the extent that the network is internally differentiated, this appears to primarily reflect a historic layering of social and political relationships. Four primary offshore FDI subnetworks are identified, bearing the imprint of four key processes and events: European, particularly UK colonialism, the post–WWII hegemonic alliance between the United States and Western Europe, the fall of Soviet communism, and the rise of Chinese capitalism. Evidence is also found of qualitative, more than quantitative variation in offshore FDI based on national rule of law and communist history.
7
Mujal-León, Eusebio M. « Spain : The PCE and the Post-Franco Era ». Dans Communism and Political Systems in Western Europe, 139–74. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429047879-4.
Texte intégral
8
Hackett, Michelle T., et Michael J. Roy. « Focus on the Balkans ». Dans Social Entrepreneurship and Enterprises in Economic and Social Development, 163–84. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197518298.003.0009.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The “blended” social and economic value created by social enterprises can, the authors argue in “Focus on the Balkans: Social Enterprise in Albania,” demonstrate a “middle way” between the excesses of both communism and capitalism. Focusing on the western Balkans region of Europe, which has transitioned from a communist past, this chapter considers whether social enterprises in this context have the potential to demonstrate such a “middle way” by challenging norms concerning how the economy is conceived by posing an alternative business framework to market fundamentalism while also contributing to more traditional non–market-focused “social goals” such as breaking down prejudices concerning marginalized groups. This chapter analyzes the discourses of key actors involved in the work of an Albanian social enterprise to examine various competing conceptualizations and uses of social enterprise. In contrast to the role of social enterprise as a “middle way” actor, the authors find that there is also potential for the concept to be employed in post-communist countries as a neoliberal adjustment instrument, promoting a particular form of market-oriented transition. The chapter explores how the actors involved negotiate these complex and multidirectional forces and attempt to navigate the socioeconomic terrain in which the social enterprise is situated.
9
Conway, Martin. « Debating Democracy ». Dans Western Europe's Democratic Age, 162–98. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691203485.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter details how the Socialist and Christian Democratic movements competed and collaborated in the process of democracy-building. Much of the historical writing about both Christian Democracy and Socialism in the post-1945 era has had a somewhat teleological (and occasionally self-congratulatory) character, dominated by self-contained narratives of the path that each political movement followed into democracy, and the ways that these movements in turn enriched the content of that democracy. This approach reflects the way in which these accounts have often been written from within their respective political traditions, with the consequence that they have been primarily concerned with reconstructing the trajectories of their political traditions, rather than the democracy that they made together. In contrast, the chapter explores the understandings of democracy advanced by Socialists and Christian Democrats through the prisms of their past history, their ideological declarations, and—perhaps most importantly—their programmes for the future construction of democracy. These threefold claims regarding past, present, and future could at times be convergent and complementary, especially when directed against Communism, but they were more frequently dialectical as Socialists and Christian Democrats defined their positions against each other, and thereby advanced their claims to ownership of democracy.
10
Rutten, Ellen. « Conclusion : Sincerity Dreams ». Dans Sincerity After Communism. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300213980.003.0006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This conclusion reflects on today's dreams of renewing or revitalizing sincerity and rejects the notion that they are outdated or do not deserve any of our attention. It cites the work of several scholars to show that sincerity is anything but obsolete in twenty-first-century popular culture. Indeed, today's strivings to renew sincerity have not been neglected by scholars such as R. Jay Magill Jr., Epstein, and Yurchak. The rhetoric on new sincerity has been addressed in thoughtful analyses of contemporary culture that have helped the author in crafting a comprehensive and geographically inclusive analysis of present-day sincerity rhetoric. In post-Communist Russia, debates on a shift to late or post-postmodern cultural paradigms are thriving with at least as much fervor as—and possibly more than—in Western Europe or the United States. This conclusion discusses the newly gained insights which the author's sincerity study offers.