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1
Wingfield, Nancy M. « The Battle of Zborov and the Politics of Commemoration in Czechoslovakia ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 17, no 4 (novembre 2003) : 654–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891242403258288.
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The Battle of Zborov was the main commemorative site of Czechoslovakia's heroic military cult during the interwar era. The shifting fortunes of its commemoration reveal political attempts to reframe national questions for ideological ends. Zborov was an important symbol, because it was the nexus of the military and diplomatic-political efforts to found the state. The festivities on 2 July provided members of the military with the opportunity to demonstrate their prowess in the name of Zborov and to reassert their role in the creation of Czechoslovakia. The communist coup d'état in February 1948 spelled the end of the Czechoslovak national-military tradition that included Zborov. After 1989, the Battle of Zborov, like other historic events that had been downplayed or ignored under communism, enjoyed renewed interest. The “spirit of Zborov” has not been, however, an important part of a “usable past” in the post-communist Czech Republic or Slovakia, perhaps because it was so intimately associated with the formation of the First Czechoslovak Republic.
2
Hrabovec, Emilia. « The Holy See and Czechoslovakia 1945—1948 in the Context of the Nascent Cold War ». ISTORIYA 12, no 8 (106) (2021) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016710-0.
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The spectre of Communist expansion as a result of the Second World War represented for Pope Pius XII one of the greatest concerns. The unambiguously pro-Soviet orientation of the Czechoslovak government in exile and the crucial influence of Communists in the inner architecture of the restored state convinced the Holy See that Czechoslovakia was already in 1945 fully absorbed into the Soviet sphere of influence. This fact strengthened the Pope’s conviction of the necessity to resume relations with Prague as soon as possible and to send a nuncio there who would provide reliable information and protect the interests of the Church threatened both by open persecution and by propaganda manoeuvres in favour of a “progressive Catholicism”. The importance of the relations with Czechoslovakia stood out also in the international perspective, in which Czechoslovakia, in contrast to Poland or Hungary, seemed to be the last observatory still accessible to the Vatican diplomacy in the whole East-Central Europe. The year 1947 represented a caesura in the relations between the Holy See and Czechoslovakia. In the international context, this year was generally perceived by the Vatican as a definitive reinforcement of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. In the Czechoslovak framework, the greatest importance was ascribed to the political crisis in Slovakia in autumn 1947, during which the Communists definitively took over the political power in Slovakia. The lost struggle over the predominantly Catholic Slovakia, that for some time had been considered by the Vatican one of very few hopes for the defence of Christian interests in the Republic, was perceived by the Holy See as a dominant breakthrough on the way to the total Communist transformation of Czechoslovakia. While in the immediate post-war period the Holy See had tried to come to terms with Czechoslovakia also at the price of some compromises, in winter 1947/1948 the last hopes for a diplomatic solution vanished and were replaced by the conviction that in the confrontation with Communism not diplomatic, but spiritual weapons — prayer, testimony, martyrdom — were of crucial importance.
3
SHORE, MARCI. « (The End of) Communism as a Generational History : Some Thoughts on Czechoslovakia and Poland ». Contemporary European History 18, no 3 (août 2009) : 303–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005062.
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AbstractThis article explores communism – including its pre-history and aftermath – as a generational history. The structure is diachronic and largely biographical. Attention is paid to the roles of milieu, the Second World War, generational cleavages and a Hegelian sense of time. Nineteen sixty-eight is a turning point, the moment when Marxism as belief was decoupled from communism as practice. The arrival of Soviet tanks in Prague meant a certain kind of end of European Marxism. It also meant the coming of age of a new generation: those born in the post-war years who were to play a large role in the opposition. The anti-communist opposition was organically connected to Marxism itself: the generation(s) of dissidents active in the 1970s and 1980s should be understood as a further chapter in the generational history of communism. Nineteen eight-nine was another moment of sharp generational rupture. The new post-communist generation, Havel's great hope, possessed the virtue of openness. Openness, however, proved a double-edged sword: as eastern Europe opened to the West, it also opened a Pandora's box. Perhaps today the most poignant generational question brought about by 1989 is not who has the right to claim authorship of the revolution, but rather who was old enough to be held responsible for the choices they made under the communist regime. There remains a division between those who have to account for their actions, and those who do not, between those who proved themselves opportunists, or cowards or heroes – and those who have clean hands by virtue of not having been tested.
4
Šindelář, Jan. « Gottwaldovy pomníky ve Středočeském kraji ». Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 74, no 1-2 (2022) : 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/amnph.2020.005.
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This text explores the construction of monuments in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s and 1980s, detailing the history of all four monuments to the first Czechoslovak communist president Klement Gottwald in the Central Bohemian Region. Based on archival research, this paper attempts to unveil the practices of post-1968 memory policy at regional level. In four main sections, the text traces, in succession, the construction of ideologically motivated works in the towns of Příbram, Pečky, Rakovník and Nymburk, bringing the decision-making processes of the communist party and state authorities at local and national level under scrutiny. Cumbersome bureaucracy combined with chronic supply difficulties and the excessive workload of approved artists caused several years of delays to projects endorsed by the regime. Owing to their close ties to the communist regime, all four sculptures were removed from public display shortly after November 1989, i.e. after the fall of communism, but they were not destroyed. Their different fates − from being a gallery exhibit to ending up in a technical services warehouse − open up questions about the meaningful use of similar artefacts.
5
Nodia, Ghia. « Chasing the Meaning of ‘Post-communism’ : a Transitional Phenomenon or Something to Stay ? » Contemporary European History 9, no 2 (juillet 2000) : 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000206x.
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Ian Bremmer and Ray Taras, eds., New States, New Politics: Building the Post-Soviet Nations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 743 pp., ISBN 0–521–57101–4Bruno Coppieters, Alexei Zverev and Dmitri Trenin, eds., Commonwealth and Independence in Post-Soviet Eurasia (London: Frank Cass, 1998), 232 pp., ISBN 0–714–64480–3Leslie Holmes, Post-Communism: an Introduction (Oxford: Polity Press, 1997), 260 pp., ISBN 0–745–61311–xMichael Mandelbaum, ed., Post-Communism: Four Perspectives (US Council of Foreign Relations, 1996), 208 pp., ISBN 0–876–09186–9Ilya Prizel, National Identity and Foreign Policy: Nationalism and Leadership in Poland, Russia and Ukraine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 443 pp., ISBN 0–521–57157–xRichard Rose, William Mishler and Christian Haerpfer, Democracy and Its Alternatives: Understanding Post-Communist Societies (Oxford: Polity Press, 1998), 270 pp., ISBN 0–745–61926–6Barnett R. Rubin and Jack Snyder, Post-Soviet Political Order (London/New York: Routledge, 1998), 201 pp., ISBN 0–415–17068–0Graham Smith, Vivien Law, Andrew Wilson, Annette Bohr and Edward Allworth, Nation-Building in Post-Soviet Borderlands: The Politics of National Identities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 304 pp., ISBN 0–521–59045–0Vladimir Tismaneanu, Fantasies of Salvation: Democracy, Nationalism, and Myth in Post-Communist Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 217 pp., ISBN 0–691–04826–6Gordon Wightman, ed., Party Formation in East-Central Europe: Post-Communist Politics in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland and Bulgaria (Vermont: Edward Elgar, 1995), 270 pp., ISBN 1–858–898132–8It is now about 10 years since the communist bloc ceased to exist (1989 is the year when communism was defeated in central-eastern Europe, and in 1991 its bastion – the Soviet Union – fell). What it left behind are a couple of die-hard communist survivor-states, an urge to ‘rethink’ or ‘re-define’ many fundamental concepts of political science, and a large swathe of land that is still to be properly categorised in registers of comparative political science. ‘Post-communism’ is the most popular term to cover this territory. But does it refer to something real today, or does it just express some kind of intellectual inertia? How much do the ‘post-communist countries’ still have in common with each other and to what extent are they different from any others?
6
Syrný, Marek. « The Communist Party of Slovakia between the liberation and the gain of totalitarian power ». Securitas Imperii : Journal for the Study of Modern Dictatorships 39, no 2 (2021) : 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.53096/vmfg6393.
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This study deals with the tactics, means and methods by which the Communist Party of Slovakia, as a regional branch of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, politically fought for a monopoly of power after the Second World War. First, it briefly describes the development of this party and its acceptance by the Slovak society in the interwar and war period. Then, it presents a picture, analyses and compares the ways in which the Slovak Communists tried to disqualify their insurgent partners and post‑war rivals for power in the political struggle – the Slovak Democrats. It notes the relations between the Slovak and Czech Communists, the transformation of communist propaganda and tactics, conditioned by a single goal – the gain of totalitarian power, the introduction of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the replacement of capitalism by communism. Until the communist takeover in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, the Communists used a variety of democratic, semi‑democratic and outright violent and undemocratic practices to win – from hyperbolizing the party propaganda, via the abuse of mass social organizations and the secret police, to purposeful investigation and intimidation and the threat of using a forceful solution of the political struggle.
7
Almond, Mark. « Romania since the Revolution ». Government and Opposition 25, no 4 (1 octobre 1990) : 484–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00399.x.
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THE VIOLENCE WHICH MARKED THE OVERTHROW OF Nicolae Ceaugescu's regime at Christmas 1989, and the recurrent disorders, especially in Bucharest, which have punctuated developments over the last nine months, have made Romania's experience of anti-Communist revolution strikingly different from that of its neighbours to the north and to the west. Whatever the political and social tensions emerging in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland (and whatever may be the GDR's legacy to a reunified Germany), it is unlikely that the charge of neo-communism will be central to their political debate. It is precisely that charge levelled against the government party (National Salvation Front/FSN) and against the person of Ion Ilescu by various opposition groups, and former prominent dissidents under Ceaugescu, which remains the most emotive issue in Romanian politics. The question of whether the revolution which overthrew Nicolae Ceauyescu and led to the dissolution of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP) was the result of a popular uprising or a coup d'état planned by Party members has haunted Romanian politics through the first nine months of the post-Ceauqescu period.
8
Włodek, Roman. « „Ulica Graniczna”. Film pod specjalnym nadzorem ». Pleograf. Historyczno-Filmowy Kwartalnik Filmoteki Narodowej 27, no 2 (20 juin 2022) : 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.56351/pleograf.2022.2.06.
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The idea to pay tribute to the Jews murdered during the Holocaust probably arose in Aleksander Ford’s mind already in the summer of 1944, while he was recording Nazi crimes in his bleak documentary Majdanek: Cemetery of Europe. In 1946, he wrote the screenplay of Border Street together with Jan Fethke and Ludwik Starski, and then, when preparing the shooting script, he made several changes to it, significantly radicalizing its main message. Ford made the film in 1947 in Czechoslovakia, where it was more difficult to control him. Border Street was ready for distribution in the spring of 1948. In the summer of the same year, it received a major award at the Venice film festival, yet it did not find its way to Polish cinemas before June 1949. The leaders of the governing party were mostly afraid of the manner in which Polish-Jewish relations during the German occupation were presented in the film and of the possible reactions of those viewers who identified the post-war governing elite with “Judeo-Communism”. Hence, the attempt to exercise strict control over Border Street, visible already at the stage of drawing up the script and then strengthened during production and preparation for distribution.
9
Kalvoda, Josef. « National Minorities Under Communism : The Case of Czechoslovakia ». Nationalities Papers 16, no 1 (1988) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408065.
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After its establishment in 1918–1919, Czechoslovakia was a multinational state and some of its minorities protested against their being included into it. The nationality problem was related to the collapse of the First Czechoslovak Republic in 1938 and the loss of some of its territories to Germany, Poland, and Hungary. It may be pointed out that the 1920 Constitution did not recognize a separate Slovak national identity and that the Czechs and Slovaks were termed “Czechoslovaks.” The post-Munich Second Republic recognized a separate Slovak nationality; however, the state came to its end in March 1939. In 1945, after its reestablishment as a national state of the Czechs and Slovaks, the country's government attempted to liquidate the national minorities' problem in a drastic manner by transfer (expulsion) of Germans and Hungarians.
10
Minárik, Pavol. « The Economics of Religion in a Globalizing World : Communist China and Post-Communist Central Europe ». SHS Web of Conferences 92 (2021) : 07041. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20219207041.
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Research background: Religion is often neglected by economists despite the existing studies of its importance for the economy. Religion and culture shape the development of informal and formal institutions and hence impact economic development. Considering the economic importance of China, the religious situation in that country deserves attention; at the same time, due to the peculiar conditions of religion under Communism, the future of religion in China seems rather unclear. Purpose of the article: The paper proposes that the economics of religion may be useful in the analysis of the religious situation in China. It shows the possibilities of applying the economic approach even where markets are suppressed, such as under Communist rule. In light of economic theory, it shows that the experience of Central European countries under Communist rule, particularly Czechoslovakia, may provide clues about the future of religion in China. Methods: The paper builds on previous findings in the economics of religion. It reviews the theories concerning the regulation of the religious markets and the effects of deregulation, as well as the theories specifically developed to analyze religion under heavy regelation and the strategies for its survival. The history of Communist China and Czechoslovakia are compared with regard to those theories. Findings & Value added: The paper shows the similarities between Communist China and Czechoslovakia. The parallels seem useful to predict the further development of religion in China, including the effect of the possible tightening of anti-religious policies as well as those of deregulation upon the liberalization of the Chinese political regime.
11
Bunce, Valerie. « The National Idea : Imperial Legacies and Post-Communist Pathways in Eastern Europe ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 19, no 3 (août 2005) : 406–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325405277963.
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Why has the national idea played such a powerful role, both positive and negative, in the regime, state, and economic transitions that have taken place in post-communist Eurasia? This article emphasizes the powerful but variable effects of imperial rule in this region, beginning with the Habsburgs and continuing through the more recent experiences of the Soviet bloc and the Yugoslav, Soviet, and Czechoslovak ethnofederations. The national idea, a product of very different experiences in the West, was transformed when moving eastward in the nineteenth century, largely because imperial contexts are not state contexts. The political empowerment of the national idea continued when imperial dynamics returned to the region with the rise of communism. As a result, post-communist Eastern Europe was unusually well situated to privilege nationalism in the struggles over new states and new economic and political regimes.
12
Evans, Geoffrey, et Stephen Whitefield. « The Structuring of Political Cleavages in Post-Communist Societies : The Case of the Czech Republic and Slovakia ». Political Studies 46, no 1 (mars 1998) : 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00133.
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Although sharing institutions for over seventy years, and transition pathways from communism, the two successor states of the former Czechoslovakia have faced distinct challenges in state-building and divergent economic fortunes. The aim of this paper is to investigate the extent to which these differing social economic problems have influenced the ideological bases of party politics and mass electoral behaviour in the two societies. Using data from national samples of the population of each country conducted in the spring of 1994, our analysis points to the existence of distinct issue cleavages dominating party competition in the two states: in the Czech Republic, partisanship relates mainly to issues of distribution and attitudes towards the West; in Slovakia, by contrast, these issues are only secondarily important in shaping voters' choice of party, while the main focus concerns the ethnic rights of Hungarians. The distinctive nature of the issue bases to politics in the two countries suggests one reason for the greater degree of political conflict evident in Slovak politics since the split and, more generally, provides evidence of the role of social conditions in shaping new political systems.
13
Polák, Michael. « ‘We Want Light!’ Prague Students and the Failing Scientific-Technological Revolution in the Post-Stalinist Era (1956–1968) ». Journal of Modern European History 20, no 1 (31 janvier 2022) : 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/16118944211072648.
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In the 1960s, the faith in scientific and technological progress pertained to both the Western and the Eastern power bloc. Czechoslovakia was no exception: the scientific-technological revolution was supposed to another step to reaching Communism. The pages of newspapers and magazines were full of articles on the newest scientific and technical discoveries, the automatization and chemization of the industry, and the rationalisation of managing the socialist companies. It was also the faith in expert governance of state and economy that grew in this period: these were supposed to change the position of the scientific specialists and also the students as the future experts. This article follows the way promises connected to the scientific-technological revolution created expectations on the modern student life only to deepen the contrasts between the official declarations and everyday reality. It focuses on several areas of the university environment where the discrepancies were most visible: the lacking equipment of the university building and classrooms, ineffectively managed internships, inflexible placement system, and inadequate material and technical conditions at the university dormitories. These contrasts have also roused the discontent of the students who did not feel recognized. In October 1967, the situation culminated in a demonstration of students from the Strahov dormitory who demanded the repeated blackouts to be solved. The violent suppression of the demonstration resulted in students leaving their patron organization – the Czechoslovak Youth Union – on a large scale and starting autonomous student units independent from both the Union and the Communist Party.
14
Blaive, Muriel. « The Reform Communist Interpretation of the Stalinist Period in Czech Historiography and Its Legacy ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures, 18 novembre 2021, 088832542110127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08883254211012757.
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This article is concerned with the continuities in the interpretation of the 1950s in Czechoslovakia from 1956 to the present. It first concentrates on the way the year 1956 (one that remained quiet in the country, as opposed to Poland and Hungary) has been treated in Czechoslovak historiography. It aims to show that an almost exclusive focus on political history has produced until today a misleading image of this apparent communist stability as based on repression rather than on a genuine basis of support for the communist rule. The German historiography of communism shows the usefulness of a socio-political approach that could serve as model. The article then further retraces the permanence of this misleading interpretation to the influence of a highly politicized narrative of the terror period inspired by the work of historian Karel Kaplan and other intellectuals of the Prague Spring era. For this it makes use of Kaplan’s autobiography, which has only ever appeared in French. One particular point of interest is the historiographical treatment reserved to the Stalinist leader Klement Gottwald. The article suggests that this reform communist narrative, which blames the terror on the Soviets without questioning the responsibility of Czech society, has kept the history of the 1950s in Czechoslovakia from evolving at the same pace as the historiography of the post-1968 period. It therefore needs to be acknowledged and challenged.
15
Holubec, Stanislav. « Between anarchism and communism : Independent socialists and the attempt for a fourth power in the Bohemian left in 1923–1925 ». Securitas Imperii : Journal for the Study of Modern Dictatorships 39, no 2 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.53096/zutt6091.
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The presented study first summaries the development of Czech anarchism (independent socialism), or its nationally orientated part before World War I and its becoming mainstream in Czech politics between 1914 and 1918 culminating in a merger with national social party. It further describes the marginalisation of this stream in Bohemian politics in 1918–1923 given the calming of the post‑war situation and the radicalisation of this group, which culminated in its exclusion from the ranks of the socialist party. The main theme of the text is an analysis of the attempt by this group to build its own party entity in 1923–1925. In looking for the cause of the failure of this attempt, I argue that the Czechoslovak political landscape was stabilised, which made it difficult for new parties to form, even though they could rely on several nationally known personalities and several thousand activists. As a result of the radical left‑wing orientation of the independent socialists, they did not aim for social democracy after realizing their failure, but for the ranks of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ), which was close to it mainly because of the Czech anarchists’ admiration for the Bolshevik revolution. In conclusion, I argue that the people representing this stream did not have much success in the Communist Party, because they differed from the members of this party in their rather middle‑class habitus and, as former members of the Socialist Party, they had biographies that were suspicious for the KSČ and they did not gain much respect as it was a group that had been unsuccessful in previous years and was quite small compared to the membership base of the KSČ. The failure of the Czech independent socialists does not deviate from European trends, where the political groups between the Social Democrats and the Communists did not gain a foothold even in other countries in the 1920s and 1930s, because the dilemma of going with Moscow or remaining on the platform of parliamentary democracy did not allow for compromise.