Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Politics, Practical – European Union countries »

The article explores the essence of multiculturalism and its place in the politics of the European Union. This article looks at aspects of the impact of migration flows on countries of the world and world politics. It reveals the scope and main directions of international labor migration. The purpose of the article is to investigate the economic indicators of the countries most affected by irregular migration flows and to develop practical recommendations for improving the mechanisms of employment in international relations. Analyzing and summarizing the results of scientific works and research of domestic and foreign scholars, the tendency of characteristic changes of multiculturalism as part of cultural relations was considered. Several consequences of international labor migration from different countries are described. The importance of multiculturalism policy for international economic relations has been proved. Particular attention is paid to the problems and prospects of multicultural policy development in EU countries. Keywords: multiculturalism, migration, labor migration, emigration, immigration, economic migrants.

The problem of research is very current for several reasons. Namely, the dominant approach on the basis of which are based all have developed and established theories of European integration, developing modern theories of international relations is a realistic basis. Neo-functionalism, inter-guvernmentalism, neo-liberalism, institutionalism (in most of its variants) as the most developed branches of the theory of European integration, despite differences in their settings to keep the basic premise that states are rational, unitary actors, whose interest stems from the assessment of their position in the system of states. For our study caused a special interest model of constructivism using Habermas theory of communicative action according to which entities in mutual interaction is open to other arguments and their validity appreciate having regard to the outgoing reasons and norms on which they are based, thereby seeking consensus as a common goal. Apply to the European Union, this approach allows European institutions were perceived as a place of discussion to reach consensus on solving common problems, rather than just the arena for bargaining. Functional adaptation to the numerous petitions which sets the European Union, requires thorough and integrated activities in the economic, institutional, administrative and legislative spheres. This process should be understood as a continuous, painstaking and long process, not a single radical surgery. Republic of Macedonia, as countries aspiring for membership in the European family must meet the political and economic criteria and to adapt political institutions in the country with those of the European Union and their needs and requirements. The aim of this paper is to perceive the key features and trends in the politics of enlargement and to make a comparison between the policy of expansion applied in the process of accession Central and Eastern Europe and the policy of expansion in the process of stabilization and association, with special emphasis on the Republic of Macedonia. Of course, previously been necessary to develop theoretical and practical approach to the concept of policy integration, development and its major elements and modalities.

Abstract As part of former Yugoslavia and non -members of the Eastern Bloc, Slovenia and Montenegro enjoyed a special status and relationships with the European Communities (EC) before most other socialist countries. Economic and social interactions with the EC and its member states thus formed part of Slovenian and Montenegrin life even during socialism, particularly after Yugoslavia signed special agreements on trade relations with the EC in the 1970s and 1980s. In this respect, Europeanisation as ‘practical’ integration with the EC was closely linked with liberalisation processes concerning the economy, society and politics along with democratic transition processes that began in the late 1980s. When Slovenia joined the European Union (EU) in 2004 following a relatively smooth integration process, Montenegro was still holding EU candidate member status, after having officially started its accession negotiations in June 2012. The article analyses selected development and integration aspects of Slovenia and Montenegro, their relationship with the EU, together with their similarities and differences. The aim is to highlight developments in both countries and determine whether Slovenia, as an ex -Yugoslav republic and EU member since 2004, may serve as a good example for Montenegro to follow while pursuing European integration.

AbstractAs part of former Yugoslavia and non -members of the Eastern Bloc, Slovenia and Montenegro enjoyed a special status and relationships with the European Communities (EC) before most other socialist countries. Economic and social interactions with the EC and its member states thus formed part of Slovenian and Montenegrin life even during socialism, particularly after Yugoslavia signed special agreements on trade relations with the EC in the 1970s and 1980s. In this respect, Europeanisation as ‘practical’ integration with the EC was closely linked with liberalisation processes concerning the economy, society and politics along with democratic transition processes that began in the late 1980s. When Slovenia joined the European Union (EU) in 2004 following a relatively smooth integration process, Montenegro was still holding EU candidate member status, after having officially started its accession negotiations in June 2012. The article analyses selected development and integration aspects of Slovenia and Montenegro, their relationship with the EU, together with their similarities and differences. The aim is to highlight developments in both countries and determine whether Slovenia, as an ex -Yugoslav republic and EU member since 2004, may serve as a good example for Montenegro to follow while pursuing European integration.

The increased final consumption exacerbates the problem of the scarcity of natural resources and leads to environmental pollution. The concept of circular economy, which implies the formation of closed-loop chains of production and consumption with maximum regeneration and recycling of materials, is considered as an alternative to the firmly established “linear economy” (take-make-dispose). As a part of sustainable development strategy, the European Union adopted a general policy on the transition to a circular economy. However, for objective reasons, such transition is quite uneven at the level of member countries, which adversely affects the total progress. Therefore, the need arises to assess the positions of individual countries and identify major reasons for the uneven transition to support the countries that are lagging.The goal of the study is to identify the factors of uneven progress of the EU countries towards a circular economy. For that reason, a set of empirical data (20 indicators) has been compiled; cluster, classification, and parametric analyses have been conducted. As a result, three clusters of the EU countries have been obtained and six indicators, included into combinations that make all clusters different, have been identified. These indicators can be interpreted as the key factors contributing to the uneven progress of the EU countries towards a circular economy. The difference in harmonic means by clusters allowed quantitatively estimating a “circular gap”. It is of practical value for the EU policy aimed at bridging the gaps between member countries during the transition to a circular economy.

The purpose of the article is to determine the relationship between the processes of Decolonization, the search for strengthening European identity and building a memory policy on the example of the European Union with the aim of identifying problematic and promising points at the current stage of development of the association. The terminological difficulties of using such categories as “memory policy”, “decolonization” and “European identity” and the process of their constant filling with new meanings are shown. Particular attention is paid to the moral aspect of decolonization and the problems of responsibility of the former European metropolises to developing countries, which for a long time were part of their formal and informal empires. It was revealed that the migration crisis of 2014-2016. It became a kind of “break point” in relation to migrants in general and refugees in particular, casting doubt on traditional European values and the willingness of EU countries to resolve the crisis in the spirit of humanitarian assistance and a development philosophy. The interpretation of Decolonization in a number of European countries not only did not end, but also did not begin at the ideological, political and institutional level. Such a situation is determined by the relevance of the considered subjects and their scientific, practical and political significance.

The European Union (EU) is an economic and political union of 28 European countries. The population is 508 million people, 24 official and working languages and about 150 regional and minority languages. The origins of the European Union come from the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC), consisting of six states in 1951 - Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. These countries came together to put an end to the wars that devastated the European continent, and they agreed to share control over the natural resources needed for war (coal and steel). The founding members of ECSC have determined that this European project will not only be developed in order to share resources or to prevent various conflicts in the region. Thus, the Rome Treaty of 1957 created the European Economic Community (EEC), which strengthened the political and economic relations between the six founding states. The relevance of the topic stems from their desire of peoples and countries to live better. The purpose of the study is to identify the internal and external development mechanisms of European countries and, on this basis, to formulate a model of economic, legislative and social development for individual countries. The results of the study provide a practical guideline for determining the vector of the direction of efforts of political, economic, legislative, humanitarian, etc.

Since the early 1990s, the European Union has been working to establish a common framework ensuring consular protection for Union citizens in third countries. In the meantime, the practical need for consular assistance of unrepresented Union citizens in third countries has only increased, resulting in the progressive elaboration of the Union's legal and institutional framework necessary to deliver such assistance. This article discusses the law, policies and practices that are in place and those to come, taking account of the 2011 Commission proposal for a Directive and the real-life alterations in consular protection the proposal may effectuate. In spite of favourable conditions for further development of common consular protection, various legal, institutional and political hurdles continue to impede an effective and coherent implementation of the individual right to consular protection of Union citizens.

The purpose of this article is to characterize the current trends in public administration research in European countries. Methodologically, the article is based on the content analysis of the leading journals in the field of research of the theory and practice of public administration in European countries. The journals, which form the basis for the analysis of the subject area of the European science of public administration, are a theoretical and methodological platform in the field of public administration, which serves as a unifying framework for scientists and practitioners interested in the public sector and public sector management. Analysis of current trends and research provides a factual basis for decision-making, presents an accessible format, and encourages discussion. Journals on public administration in European countries are an institutional whole, not the least role in the stable significance of which is played by the «hypothesis — method» bundle, which does not allow writing and further publishing articles of a proveless nature. A total of 410 articles from six top journals (1–39 place (Q1) Scimago Journal & Country Rank) for 2017–2020 were analyzed. The analysis of articles shows that most of the journals are aimed at publishing articles of an analytical, methodological, and theoretical nature on five main topics: theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of public policy and public administration; national public political events and processes; the European Union as an actor in regional and international affairs; institutions, politics, and political processes in the European Union and other countries of the world; state policy of interaction between the European Union and other states, as well as comparative studies related to multidimensional issues of public administration. The practical result of the article is the formation of a pool of hypotheses for the study of public administration in conjunction with specific methods that allow these hypotheses to be tested. The reviewed articles reflect a steady interest among scientists and practitioners in understanding projects, the effectiveness of public policy instruments, and the organizational level factors that make it possible to implement them. They reveal how public policy embodies broader trends in society in terms of new regulatory approaches, initiatives, and mechanisms.

The purpose of this article is to present for scientific discussion some of the results of the study, which make it possible to formulate a number of practical recommendations regarding the implementation of the European experience of supporting rural areas in domestic political practice. While such opportunities relate to many aspects of the implementation of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union (CAP), the article deals with the potential of agricultural producers (farmers), local communities, rural networks in solving rural development problems with the active support of special funds of the European Union, primarily the European Fund for Rural Development. The research findings were obtained through a discursive method of analysis with using (1) legislative documents underlying the policy, (2) statistical information and reporting data related to the results of the CAP realization at various program stages, (3) scientific publications presenting expert assessments by European colleagues.

Although the evolution of a unified Europe has been unsteady, the immigration policies of member states have nonetheless become increasingly harmonized in recent years. This harmonization has not been without its controversies, however, and is characterized by two inter-linked political disputes that have shaped the progress achieved thus far. The first dispute area is the exclusion of Europe's legally-resident third country nationals (TCNs) from the privileges of intra-EU free movement, contrary to the inclusionist arguments of the European Commission and Parliament. The second dispute area is the political struggle between advocates of intergovernmental decision-making structures, which are not subject to EU law or institutional control, and the advocates of full (supranational) EU competence over policy. Two hypotheses are contrasted to examine these disputes: (1) the "Fortress Europe" hypothesis, which foresees the continuation of exclusionism and intergovernmentalism; and (2) the "spillover" hypothesis, which predicts the inclusion of TCNs through the EU's central institutions eventually winning full competence over policy. It is concluded that although exclusionism continues to hold the upper hand, recent victories for supranationalism have confirmed the optimism of the spillover hypothesis.

This study focuses on the protection and promotion of human rights in the context of the external relations of the European Union (EU). It sets out to examine, in particular, the position of human rights within the framework of EU foreign policy. While questions of human rights sparked a wide-ranging academic debate and resulted in enhanced levels of public scrutiny over the last decade, the research presented in this dissertation attempts to fill a significant gap in scholarly attention. It does so by offering a critique of the theoretical approaches towards, and the practical manifestations of human rights promotion initiatives in the context of EU policy interaction with countries in Asia. Evidence from previous work, included as part of this dissertation, suggests that the incremental growth of human rights competencies and agendas within the EU's legal and political systems was reflected in a number of areas of concrete EU external activity, such as the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), Development Policy, relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries and the EU's New Asia Strategy. This dissertation attempts to demonstrate how, in the context of a Constructivist perspective within International Relations Theory in general, and EU-Asia relations in particular, the EU can be conceptualised as a value-guided, 'ethical' polity, grounded in a constitutional framework of Treaties. As a result of this, the Union introdued a more pronounced human rights dimension to its dialogue with Asia. The evidence indicates that, in respect of its Asian partners, the EU implemented human rights strategies in a number or formats and with varying degrees of success. The study scrutinises, in particular, the Commission's 'strategy papers' on Asia and the Asia-Europe Meetings (ASEM). In addition to findings analysed in previous work, this study demonstrates that the resulting debates about 'rights' and 'values' can be related to wider discourses derived from normative theory and surrounding issues of culture and identity. In the Asia-EU dialogue, arguments over human rights contain the potential to be both an enabling dynamic for, and an inhibiting agent of, a more intensive EU-Asia political and cultural dialogue. The study places a particular emphasis on EU human rights promotion policies towards the People's Republic of China, the Republic of Indonesia and Burma (The Union of Myanmar). It identifies and appraises three distinct EU policy approaches ranging from incentives based and coordinated measures to a more coercive and punitive diplomatic arsenal.

This study develops a model of macroeconomic and political determinants of public support for European integration. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from five European Union member states between 1978 and 1994. The method used in this analysis is a Generalized Least Squares - Autoregressive Moving Average approach. The factors hypothesized to determine a macroeconomic explanation of public support for integration are inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. The effect of the major economic reform in the 1980s, the Single European Act, is hypothesized to act as a positive permanent intervention. The other determinants of public support are the temporary interventions of European Parliament elections and the permanent intervention of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. These are hypothesized to exert a negative effect. In a fully specified model all variables except economic growth and European Parliament elections demonstrate statistical significance at the 0.10 level or better.

Defence date: 21 November 2022
Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.

Defence date: 10 December 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI, Florence) ; Prof. Frank Schimmelfennig (ETH, Zürich) ; Prof. Andy Smith (IEP, Bordeaux) ; Prof. Helen Wallace (EUI/RSCAS, Florence)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This project investigates a ubiquitous yet under-studied phenomenon in national, European and global politics: delegated preparation, defined as those negotiations through which civil servants or experts "pre-cook" political choice in multi-level decision-processes. While examples are legion-reaching from legislative drafting in national ministries to the Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER) in the European Union (EU)- the project focuses on preparation in complex international negotiations, and chooses EU Intergovernmental Conferences (IGCs) as empirical case. Claiming that a look beyond the tip of the "decision-iceberg" will gain us deeper insights into how and by whom Europe has been constitutionalised, I tackle two wider questions: 1) What is preparation and what can it do? and 2) Under what conditions will preparation be effective? Linked to an understanding of international negotiation as a "thick" social process, I argue, first, that the key to preparatory effectiveness lies in a particular set of collective resources as a necessary condition, and in consensual preagreement as both necessary and sufficient. Second, with effective pre-decision-making thus hinging upon successful delegated arguing, a set of scope conditions favourable to persuasion are singled out. These include 1) a familiar, iterative and insulated social context as a pre-condition for the non-distortive use of arguments; 2) an issue's complexity as facilitating the resonance of expertise and novel ideas; and 3) a macronorm's constitutional-systemic nature as favouring factual arguments linked to the international system. The hypotheses are tested on the "Group of Government Representatives" (GoR), with units of observation chosen from the Amsterdam and Nice IGCs according to variation of issue complexity and constitutional-systemic nature. Process-tracing of five issues: the communitarisation of free movement, the integration of Schengen and the institutionalisation of flexibility (Amsterdam), as well as Commission reform and Council votes (Nice) confirms that delegated preparation plays a key role even in the "bastion of high politics" that is EU reform. Yet, empirical evidence shows that persuasion is less prominent than expected, and uncovers alternative mechanisms behind effective preparation,in particular accommodation, depoliticisation and systemic compensation.

Defence date: 17 September 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available

In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.

Abstract Since the European refugee crisis 2015, the rather bureaucratic asylum and migration policy has become a highly politicised issue in ECE countries. The politicisation process started while political parties were involved with the policy. However, many studies have ignored the practice of executives’ and administrations’ action in this domain and knowledge of whether this public anti-EU rhetoric really resulted in non-compliance, therefore, remains limited. This chapter interlinks politicisation and non-compliance research in a comparative case study of Hungary and the Czech Republic. While combining findings of expert interviews, data on party manifestos and infringement procedures, it concludes that the partial politicisation did not lead to broader non-compliance in the Czech case, whereas the governmental-led politicisation in Hungary resulted in non-compliance. This difference is explained by the fact that in Hungary, the asylum-related administration, like other bureaucratic fields, has become increasingly re-politicised during the last decade.

AbstractAs the European Union expanded eastward in 2004 and 2007 to cover the formerly communist states of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), this triggered a wave of migration which saw millions of people moving to Western and Northern European countries. What impact did that migration have on the politics of CEE countries, and what might be the relationship between outward migration and the apparent democracy backsliding occurring in some parts of the region? This is the main puzzle of this book, which looks at the way external voting results can be used to assess migrant political preferences and their change over time, as well as their potential influence on domestic politics in sending countries. This chapter sketches the political context of CEE and introduces the data gathering procedure and methodology of the project on which the book draws.

Abstract The Euro and sovereign debt crises since 2008, as well as the following Great Recession, have challenged the strength of European solidarity between EU citizens and member states. This chapter analyses the strength of European solidarity within East Central Europe and other European countries in two dimensions: citizens’ willingness to support indebted European countries financially (European fiscal solidarity) and their willingness to reduce welfare differences among EU member states (European territorial solidarity). The analyses are based on a comparative survey conducted in 13 European countries in 2016. Results show that citizens displayed a notably high level of European solidarity in both dimensions. While ECE countries showed slightly lower approval rates for European fiscal solidarity, their demand for European territorial solidarity is average. However, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland do not form a unique cluster standing out on these topics, making further policies of European integration possible.

Abstract A growing body of literature examines the EU’s reactions to illiberal trends in ECE countries. These studies predominantly focus on political instruments such as Article 7 and the Commission’s new rule of law mechanism, and there is a broad consensus on the view that these tools are too weak to combat breaches of liberal principles. This chapter therefore explores the potential of alternative strategies, namely the involvement of civil society actors in backsliding countries. By looking at the Polish case, it explores how much Polish civil society interacts with the European institutions in order to address violations of the rule of law and which strategies these actors unfold. It examines whether this cooperation may help to safeguard democracy in a bottom-up manner. The overall goal of the chapter is to investigate how much the EU’s instruments against democratic backsliding could and should be accompanied effectively by strategies aiming at collaboration with liberal forces within the backsliding member states.

Abstract In ECE countries, democratisation and Europeanisation seemed to exist in a mutually reinforcing relationship and both concepts provided the main analytical lenses for studying these states. In the light of recent illiberal and anti-EU politics, two different concepts have started to receive increasing scholarly attention, namely the concepts of de-Europeanisation and autocratisation. Their exact meaning, however, remains unclear and the causal link between these specific processes and the rule of law has largely remained understudied. Against this backdrop, this chapter first summarises the state-of-the-art research on autocratisation and de-Europeanisation, and then examines the interaction and causal link between these two phenomena in times of declining democracies in Europe and rule of law problems.

Abstract This chapter describes patterns, trends and determinants of public Euroscepticism in East Central Europe (ECE). It investigates whether public opinion on European integration in this region is connected to the contestation of both the immigration policies and the constitutional principles of the EU by the respective national governments. By applying longitudinal and comparative analyses based on European Election Studies from 2004 to 2019, it shows public support for European integration in ECE as more closely linked to instrumental performance assessments than in the EU average and as structured by country-specific rather than region-specific patterns. Cultural issues, like immigration and conceptions of democracy, which dominate ECE governmental politics, are only related to public Euroscepticism in some of those countries. Based on these results, the chapter suggests that the connection between the illiberal and anti-EU politics of ECE national governments and public Euroscepticism is loose and conditional upon the national context.

AbstractEthnography is still relatively unknown, not just to parliamentary interlocutors, but also to some political scientists. In this chapter, I ask: what does ethnography add to existing qualitative research on the political groups of the European Parliament, more specifically on the substantive themes of the book: democracy, party politics and turbulent times? Secondly, drawing on the chapter’s title, I offer a practical illustration of how ethnography might be conducted of the political groups and elucidate the practices and challenges that this entails. The chapter is based upon my ethnographic research conducted in the 8th and 9th European Parliaments. I introduce shadowing, meeting ethnography and ‘hanging out’ as three ethnographic practices and assess their helpfulness for studying different political group activities. Overall, I present parliamentary ethnography as not only affording practical benefits to researchers, but also how it provides unparalleled knowledge about entanglements and relationships between political group actors and institutions.

AbstractTrust in journalism in Europe and beyond has been undermined by a series of scandals, by the closeness of journalists to political parties and government, but also by more frequent attacks against freedom of speech and of the press run especially by populist leaders and new authoritarian governments. In some countries, like Hungary, Poland and Italy, the press freedom index is in steep decline, and governments have also entered a ‘war’ with journalism, putting increasing pressure on the free exercise of the profession, restricting budgets and the autonomy of public service broadcasting. In our chapter, we critically discuss the responses, i.e. counter-strategies, for trust-(re)building that this disruption triggers, from a top-down European Union (EU) policy perspective. We assess the EU’s response to the authoritarian and fake news challenge and discuss the limits of a voluntary (self) regulatory approach in light of public sphere standards.

AbstractWe have established that false information online harms the civic body, driven by the economics of emotion and the politics of emotion. What should be done about this? Multi-stakeholder solutions have been proffered by various countries’ governmental inquiries into disinformation and fake news, and by supranational bodies including the United Nations, European Union and Commonwealth. This chapter assesses seven solution areas: namely, (1) coercive and non-coercive government action, (2) cybersecurity, (3) digital intermediaries/platforms, (4) advertisers, (5) professional political persuaders and public relations, (6) media organisations and (7) education. As well as being intrinsically difficult areas to solve individually, let alone in concert, the chapter concludes that such solutions merely tinker at the edges as they do not address a fundamental incubator for false information online: namely, the business model for social media platforms built on the economics of emotion.

ZusammenfassungMit dem anwachsenden Wolfsbestand nehmen auch die Übergriffe auf Nutztiere in Deutschland von Jahr zu Jahr zu. In einem Punkt sind sich Landwirtschaft, Naturschutz und Politik einig: Wolfsübergriffe auf Nutztiere sollen nachhaltig minimiert werden. Darüber, wie dieses Ziel am besten erreicht werden kann, gibt es jedoch unterschiedliche Ansichten. In der öffentlichen Debatte werden Forderungen nach einem vereinfachten Abschuss von Wölfen oder einer generellen Bejagung immer lauter. Dabei wird davon ausgegangen, dass durch solche Maßnahmen Nutztierschäden durch Wölfe nachhaltig minimiert werden könnten.Bevor Maßnahmen des Wildtiermanagements angewandt werden, braucht es klare Zielvorgaben. Die erste Frage muss daher lauten: Was ist das primäre Ziel der Managementmaßnahme? Auf Basis wissenschaftlicher Evidenz muss dann vorab evaluiert werden, ob die in Frage kommenden Maßnahmen geeignet sind, das Ziel zu erreichen. Dies ist zwingend, wenn die Maßnahmen auch das Töten von empfindungsfähigen und noch dazu streng geschützten Tieren beinhalten. Um überprüfen zu können, wie wirksam die gewählten Managementmaßnahmen im konkreten Einsatz sind, werden Kriterien zur Bewertung des Erfolgs benötigt.In diesem Kapitel gehen wir der Frage nach, welche Managementmaßnahmen nach aktuellem Wissensstand geeignet sind, das Ziel, Wolfsübergriffe auf Nutztiere nachhaltig zu minimieren, zu erreichen. Wir erläutern zunächst, warum Wölfe Nutztiere töten und ob es einen Zusammenhang zwischen der Anzahl der Wölfe und der Höhe der Nutztierschäden gibt. Dafür untersuchen wir unter anderem die Daten von Wolfsübergriffen auf Nutztiere in Deutschland. Anhand einer umfangreichen Literaturübersicht analysieren wir, ob die folgenden Managementmaßnahmen geeignet sind, Wolfsübergriffe auf Nutztiere nachhaltig zu minimieren: 1) eine generelle Bejagung von Wölfen, 2) die selektive Entnahme von einzelnen schadensverursachenden Wölfen und 3) nicht-letale Herdenschutzmethoden. Abschließend legen wir Empfehlungen zu einem evidenzbasierten und lösungsorientierten Wolfsmanagement in Bezug auf den Wolf-Nutztierkonflikt vor.In Deutschland steigen mit der Zunahme der Wolfsterritorien auch die Übergriffe auf Schafe und Ziegen. Allerdings unterscheidet sich die Stärke des Anstiegs zwischen den Bundesländern erheblich. Einzelne Bundesländer erreichen bei der gleichen Anzahl an Wolfsterritorien sehr unterschiedliche Schadensniveaus. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass das Ausmaß der Schäden nicht allein durch die Anzahl der Wölfe bestimmt wird. Wir vermuten, dass die Unterschiede im Schadensniveau vor allem in der unterschiedlichen Umsetzung von Herdenschutzmaßnahmen in den einzelnen Bundesländern begründet sind.Die Ergebnisse der Literaturrecherche bezüglich der Wirksamkeit von letalen und nicht-letalen Managementmaßnahmen zum Schutz von Nutztieren zeigen klar: Eine generelle Bejagung von Wölfen führt nicht zu einer Reduktion von Nutztierschäden. Es gibt keine wissenschaftlichen Belege dafür, dass durch eine Bejagung die Schäden deutlich und nachhaltig verringert werden, es sein denn, der Bestand wird drastisch reduziert oder ganz ausgelöscht. Das ist in Deutschland und in der Europäischen Union bei aktueller Rechtslage nicht möglich. Im Gegensatz zu einer undifferenzierten Bejagung des Wolfs kann der gezielte Abschuss von Einzeltieren wirksam sein, wenn es sich tatsächlich um Individuen handelt, die gelernt haben, empfohlene funktionstüchtige Schutzmaßnahmen zu überwinden. Allerdings sind solche Fälle selten, und es ist schwierig in der freien Natur, ein bestimmtes Individuum sicher zu identifizieren und zu töten. Nicht-letale Herdenschutzmaßnahmen sind im Vergleich zu letalen Maßnahmen deutlich besser geeignet, eine nachhaltige Reduktion der Schäden zu erreichen. Der einzige Weg, um in Koexistenz mit Wölfen eine dauerhafte Reduktion von Schäden an Nutztieren zu erreichen, ist die fachgerechte Umsetzung von Herdenschutzmaßnahmen in breiter Fläche. Übergriffe auf Nutztiere lassen sich zwar auch dadurch nicht vollständig verhindern, sie können jedoch durch korrekt angewandte Herdenschutzmaßnahmen deutlich reduziert werden.Das Wissen, wie Schäden an Weidetieren durch Herdenschutzmaßnahmen verringert werden können, ist auch in Deutschland vorhanden. Viele Tierhaltende haben hier inzwischen ein hohes Maß an Fachkompetenz entwickelt. Die Erfahrung aus den vergangenen 20 Jahren zeigt allerdings auch, dass die Auszahlung von Fördergeldern für Herdenschutzmittel allein nicht ausreicht, um die Anzahl der Übergriffe deutlich zu senken. Es muss auch gewährleistet werden, dass die fachliche Expertise für die korrekte Anwendung und Wartung zur Verfügung steht. Vor allem in Gebieten mit Prädations-Hotspots sollte aktiv auf die Tierhaltenden zugegangen werden und sollten die Gründe für die vermehrten Übergriffe analysiert und abgestellt werden.Bisher fehlen aus Deutschland Daten zur Funktionstüchtigkeit der geförderten und im Einsatz befindlichen Schutzmaßnahmen. Solche Daten sind notwendig, um zu verstehen, warum trotz steigender Präventionsausgaben die Nutztierschäden teilweise auch in Gebieten mit jahrelanger Wolfspräsenz nicht zurückgehen. Sie sind zudem die Grundlage für wissenschaftliche Studien zu möglichen Unterschieden in der Wirksamkeit verschiedener Herdenschutzmethoden. Daten zur Funktionstüchtigkeit von geförderten Herdenschutzmaßnahmen sollten zumindest stichprobenartig gesammelt werden, unabhängig davon, ob es in dem jeweiligen Gebiet Wolfsübergriffe gibt. Neben der Untersuchung der rein technischen Aspekte des Herdenschutzes ist es ebenso wichtig herauszufinden, wie die Akzeptanz gegenüber Herdenschutzmaßnahmen bei den Tierhaltenden verbessert und deren Eigenmotivation erhöht werden kann. Hierfür sind Daten zur Umsetzbarkeit und Akzeptanz der eingesetzten Herdenschutzmaßnahmen erforderlich. Nutztierhaltende sollten schon in die Konzeption entsprechender Studien mit eingebunden werden, um sicherzustellen, dass die Fragen untersucht werden, deren Beantwortung für sie am dringendsten ist.Der Weg von einem emotionsbasierten zu einem evidenzbasierten Wolfsmanagement führt über wissenschaftlich robuste Daten und Analysen. Entsprechende Untersuchungen sind nur in enger Zusammenarbeit zwischen Weidetierhaltung und Wissenschaft möglich. Basierend auf der Fachkompetenz und den praktischen Erfahrungen der Weidetierhaltenden kann die Wissenschaft helfen, die Herdenschutzmaßnahmen zu identifizieren und weiterzuentwickeln, die Nutztierübergriffe am effektivsten reduzieren.SummaryAs the wolf population grows, the number of attacks on livestock in Germany also increases from year to year. Agriculture, nature conservation and politics agree on one point: that wolf attacks on livestock should be reduced sustainably. However, there are differing views on how this goal can best be achieved. In the public debate, calls for simplified shooting of wolves or general hunting are becoming louder and louder. The assumption is that such measures could sustainably reduce livestock damage caused by wolves.Before wildlife management measures are applied, clear objectives are needed. The first question, therefore, must be: What is the primary objective of the management measure? Based on scientific evidence, it must be evaluated in advance whether the measures under consideration are suitable for achieving the objective. This is mandatory if the measures include the killing of sentient animals, particularly if they are strictly protected. Criteria for evaluating if the objective was reached are needed in order to be able to verify how effective the selected management measures are when applied.In this chapter, we address the question of which management measures are suitable, based on current knowledge, to achieve the goal of sustainably reducing wolf attacks on livestock. We first explain why wolves kill livestock and whether there is a relationship between the number of wolves and the amount of livestock damage. To do this, we examine, among other things, data on wolf attacks on livestock in Germany. Based on an extensive literature review, we analyse whether the following management measures are suitable to sustainably reduce wolf attacks on livestock: 1) a general hunting of wolves, 2) the selective removal of individual wolves causing damage, and 3) non-lethal livestock protection methods. Finally, we present recommendations for evidence-based and solution-oriented wolf management with respect to wolf-livestock conflict.In Germany, as wolf territories increase, attacks on sheep and goats also increase. However, the magnitude of the increase differs considerably among the federal states. Individual federal states achieve very different levels of damage with the same number of wolf territories. This suggests that the extent of damage is not solely determined by the number of wolves. We suspect that the differences in damage levels are mainly due to the different implementation of livestock protection measures in the individual federal states.The results of the literature review regarding the effectiveness of lethal and non-lethal management measures to protect livestock clearly show that general hunting of wolves does not reduce livestock damage. There is no scientific evidence that hunting significantly and sustainably reduces damage, unless the wolf population is drastically reduced or completely eradicated. This is not possible in Germany and in the European Union under the current legal situation. In contrast to an undifferentiated hunting of the wolf, the targeted shooting of individual animals can be effective if they are actually individuals that have learned to overcome recommended functional livestock protection measures. However, such cases are rare and it is difficult in the field to safely identify and kill a specific individual. Non-lethal livestock protection measures are much better at achieving sustained reductions in damage compared to lethal measures. The only way to achieve a lasting reduction of damage to livestock in coexistence with wolves is the professional implementation of livestock protection measures on a broad scale. Non-lethal livestock protection measures do not completely prevent attacks on livestock. However, if correctly applied they can significantly reduce wolf caused damages on livestock.The knowledge of how to reduce livestock depredation by wolves through herd protection measures is also available in Germany. Many livestock farmers have developed a high level of expertise in this field. However, experience from the past 20 years also shows that the funding of livestock protection measures alone is not enough to significantly reduce the number of wolf attacks. It is also necessary to ensure that technical expertise is available for proper application and maintenance of the measures. Especially in areas with predation hotspots, livestock owners should be actively approached and the reasons for increased attacks analysed and remedied.To date, there is a lack of data from Germany on the functionality of funded and applied protection measures. Such data are necessary to understand why, despite increasing prevention expenditures, livestock damage has not decreased in some cases, even in areas where wolves have been present for years. Moreover, such data are the basis for scientific studies on possible differences in the effectiveness of different livestock protection methods. Data on the functionality of funded protection measures should be collected at least on a random basis, regardless of whether there are wolf attacks in the respective area. In addition to investigating the purely technical aspects of herd protection, it is equally important to find out how the acceptance towards livestock protection measures can be improved among livestock owners and how their self-motivation can be increased. This requires data on the feasibility and acceptance of the applied protection measures. Livestock keepers should be involved already in the conception of appropriate studies to ensure that the investigations will answer the most urgent questions for them.The path from emotion-based to evidence-based wolf management is through scientifically robust data and analysis. Appropriate research is only possible through close collaboration between livestock owners and science. Based on the expertise and practical experience of farmers, science can help identify and improve the livestock protection measures that most effectively reduce wolf attacks on livestock.

The aim of this paper is to document the interest in the research area regarding renewable energy sources, as a sustainable way of adapting to climate change. The study seeks to present a comparison between the alternative energy and the conventional energy and the impact on the mitigation of climate change. Moreover, by analyzing the key factors that characterize the energy sector from Romania and the European Union, the current situation is highlighted and the study could contribute to knowledge development or solving practical issues. Taking into consideration the interdependence between economic growth and energy consumption, stable access to electricity is of political, technical and monetary interest to both developed and developing countries. In this context, green energy sources can contribute, along with other means, to achieving a greener and more environmentally friendly society. For the literature review it was used the VOSViewer software that analyzes the bibliometric links between countries and authors. It can be stated that the highest production from green sources in Romania is obtained with the help of hydropower plants. However, wind and solar energy play an important role in the national energy structure.

Organic soil management and related climate and agriculture policy planning is emerging issue globally, at European Union (EU) level and nationally, especially for organic soil rich countries like Latvia and in a light of movement towards climate neutrality by 2050. Relatively small proportion of these soils by area significantly impact greenhouse gas (GHG) emission balance of many European countries including Latvia where organic soil management related GHG emissions make up to one third of GHG emissions associated with agriculture land management. Organic soil can act either as an effective carbon storage or as considerable source of greenhouse gas emissions. The effect achieved largely depends on the management practices applied and considering importance of agriculture support system - also on agriculture and climate policy planning. In this study we analyze top-down policy and legislative framework of organic soil management in Latvia to detect development pattern of the political importance of organic soil and to map normative and policy framework around this issue. We found that international policies, i.e. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and related European level agriculture and Climate policies i.e. European Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and Climate policy are drivers of organic soil management at national level. Study results show genesis of the organic soil issue, map political time frame and suggest further development needs.

In modern conditions, developed market economies base their growth and development on the small and medium enterprises sector and entrepreneurship, as the most efficient segment of the economy, which pro­vides the greatest contribution to employment, GDP and turnover. Since SMEs significantly contribute to employment, competitiveness and exports, developed countries have taken a systematic and organized approach to encourage their development and successful functioning. Following the ex­ample of developed countries, developing countries, are increasingly basing their economic growth and development on the SME sector. In the Republic of Serbia, at the beginning of the 21st century, institutional changes were implemented, which resulted in the improvement of the business environ­ment and significant progress in building a system for encouraging and supporting the development of SMEs. The paper aims to, through compar­ative analysis, explain the development of the SME sector in the Republic of Serbia and the European Union.

In recent years, the European Union has been facing a number of challenges that it is finding it increasingly difficult to overcome. Most EU member states are facing a crisis of confidence in Europe and its institutions, and at the same time nationalist political parties and ideas are developing more and more, leading to a weakening of European solidarity. Eastern European countries weakened awareness of the collective interest. The common values that existed until then have become “diluted”, because different understandings of the nature of the state have emerged, as well as different views on international politics. At the same time, support for European integration among citizens has been declining, and fewer and fewer have seen membership as good and can bring significant benefits. Today, the idea of a united EU is in crisis and that is precisely the cause of the crisis the Union is facing.

The need to understand and characterize management approaches, especially in their modern context, is becoming particularly important, mostly to test small and medium-sized businesses' ability to adapt to modernization's high demands. According to the research team, several challenges generated by various constraints, external and internal to organizations of this type, are why they fail to reach their growth and development potential. However, such a statement must be a subjected to a severe analysis based on the methodology of a new, modern system of indicators to illustrate SMEs' real readiness and ability to be in line with development trends. The regional sector analysis successfully identifies the prerequisites for these enterprises' development and determines their specific regional potentials. The study analyzes the small and medium-sized enterprise sector in the Balkan countries and within the European Union. The research team identifies the predisposition for small and medium enterprises to regional specialization, application of innovations, technologies, entrepreneurial discoveries, digitalization and strategy, planning, and programming of a new generation.

Purpose – the purpose of this paper is to identify how entrepreneurs from European Union (EU) use informational and communicational technologies in their business activities. We also try to identify the benefits and the challenges arisen for the European entrepreneurs in using information technologies. Research methodology – we analyze a sample of EU countries, by including them into two groups, according to the stage of their economic development. As methods, we use the logical-constructive method and also comparative methods. We also use the benchmarking method in order to estimate country indicators in the sample and compare them. Findings – the results of our study emphasize that e-entrepreneurship in developed countries is more advanced compared to developing countries. There are also significant differences regarding the use of informational technologies between types of firms by their size. Research limitations – are given by the availability of data. Practical implications – we emphasize that in order to support the development of E-entrepreneurship in the EU, government policies should pay more attention to the development of information technology infrastructure. Originality/Value – comes from grouping the EU countries into two groups, according to their stage of economic development. And, comparing the two groups as regards the use of informational and communication technologies. Keywords: information technology, e-entrepreneurship, e-business, innovation, EU countries

Purpose – the main aim of the study is an assessment of the banking sector in Poland, including the size of the sector, banking institutions forming the sector and consolidation processes taking place in the sector against the background of banking sectors in other countries. The paper also indicates ownership changes as a consequence of consolidation processes in the banking sectors after the global financial crisis of 2008−2012. Research methodology – the following research methods were used: cause and effect analysis, comparative analysis, case studies, observation method, secondary data analysis, and synthesis method. Findings – the research allowed to find out that the banking sector in Poland is growing at a rate significantly exceeding the growth rate in other European countries. However, rapid development does not mean a radical increase in the importance of this sector in Europe. Concentration ratios of the Polish banking sector show continuous but slight increases, although their level is still quite low compared to other European Union countries. Moreover, in Poland, a decreasing number of banks, observed in recent years, reduces a share of foreign investors in the structure of the sector. This means a high activity of domestic investors in taking over bank capital. Research limitations – the main research limitation is that the study mainly focuses on changes as well as comparative analysis of the concentration ratio (CR5). While further research should be expanded by more measures to compare ownership structure and the profitability of Polish and the European Unionʼs banking sectors. Practical implications – the results might be useful for central banks and supervisory authorities when it comes to their role in changes in the ownership structure of banking sectors. Originality/Value – the main value of the article is the in-depth analysis of the ownership structure of the Polish banking sector in the background of the European ones

Development concept, especially regional development concept has become the most important topic to even out the regional imbalances after the Second World War. The most important date has been after 1929, beginning with big crisis in the world. Regional development agencies which are the role of growth and development key have been established since the early of 1930’s, initially in America, and then in European Countries together with in some other Eastern Countries. Today, the key role of the development within the framework of ‘new development perception’ form the basis of project logic, in other words; project based development model which the agencies are intervening notably. This model is on the agenda, with the strong impact of regional and cohesion politics of European Union and takes the role excessively through grants and funds which development agencies are seen as the place of implementation of those policies. Many different sector-specific projects from infrastructure to protection of heritage, presented to the related authorities are being executed. Supported projects within grants and funds help people changing viewpoints; improve competences and direct people to act through project logic as well. This case carries the meaning of the strong impact of development by relieving the problems or needs through projects. In this study, some definitions related with development, development project examples to the published extent by European Commission and the case of the model that is very new to Turkey within project examples of development agencies have been examined using the comparative analysis method.