Articles de revues : « Politics – Germany – History »

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KWAN, JONATHAN. « TRANSYLVANIAN SAXON POLITICS AND IMPERIAL GERMANY, 1871–1876 ». Historical Journal 61, n^o 4 (15 avril 2018) : 991–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000486.

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AbstractThis article investigates the potential influence of the newly formed Imperial Germany on Transylvanian Saxon politics. The Saxons were German-speaking settlers with long traditions of local autonomy and political privileges within the kingdom of Hungary. From the early eighteenth century, Saxon politics had been defined by its relations to Hungary and to the Habsburg monarchy as a whole. Under the dualist system set up in the 1867 Compromise, the Hungarian government exerted control over Transylvania. The unification of Germany in 1871 introduced a new factor into Saxon politics since there was a clear territorial subject for the indistinct notions of pan-German cultural, religious (Lutheran), and historical affinities. The issue of Saxon administrative and political autonomy, eventually removed by the Hungarian government in 1876, forms a case-study of Saxon politics and the place of Germany within it. There was a spectrum of responses, not simply increased German nationalism amongst Saxons, and the article traces the careers of Georg Daniel Teutsch, Jakob Rannicher, and Guido Baussnern to highlight the diversity within the Saxon camp. From the perspective of Imperial Germany, diplomatic considerations such as regional stability outweighed any possible intervention in Hungarian domestic matters. Moreover, the German public remained largely indifferent to appeals for support.

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Ku, Yangmo. « The Politics of Historical Memory in Germany ». Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 2, n^o 2 (1 septembre 2010) : 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2010.020206.

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Prior to the late 1960s, German history textbooks lacked coverage of Poland and depicted Germany's eastern neighbor with negative images. The 1970s and 1980s, however, witnessed positive changes to the contents of German school textbooks—particularly with respect to their descriptions of Poland and German-Polish relations. How and why did Germany promote a more reflective view of history and correct negative descriptions of the Poles in German history textbooks between the 1970s and 1980s? This article addresses this question by focusing on the influence of Brandt's Ostpolitik and on the activities of the German-Polish History Textbook Commission. The article also shows how contemporary conservative reaction was not powerful enough to reverse these positive changes to German history textbooks.

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Adaire, Esther. « “This Other Germany, the Dark One” ». German Politics and Society 37, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2019) : 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370405.

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This paper examines antiforeigner violence in the former East German towns of Hoyerswerda (1991) and Rostock-Lichtenhagen (1992) as a case study for both the heightened presence of neo-Nazi/skinhead groups in Germany following 1989/in the Wende period, and the memory politics employed by German politicians in the Bundestag, as well as in media discourse, with regards to the problems entailed in uniting two Germanys which had experienced entirely difference processes of Vergangenheitsbewältigung. My analysis of the riots focuses mainly on the mnemonic discourses surrounding them, in particular the work that the image of “the East German skinhead” does within the broader context of German memory politics. This paper is also situated within the context of present-day German politics with regards to shifting cultures of memory and the electoral success of Alternative for Germany.

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Schweiger, Christian. « Deutschland einig Vaterland ? » German Politics and Society 37, n^o 3 (1 septembre 2019) : 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370303.

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Thirty years on from the peaceful revolution in the former communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) Germany remains profoundly divided between the perspectives of Germans living in the eastern and the western parts of the country, which is becoming ever more obvious by the polarization of domestic politics. Hence, Germany today resembles a nation which is formally unified but deeply divided internally in cultural and political terms. This article examines the background to the growing cleavages between eastern and western regions, which have their roots in the mistakes that were made as part of the management of the domestic aspects of German reunification. From a historic-institutionalist perspective the merger of the pathways of the two German states has not taken place. Instead, unified Germany is characterized by the dominance of the institutional pathway of the former West German Federal Republic, which has substantially contributed to the self-perception of East Germans as dislocated, second-class citizens.

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Welch, David. « Citizenship and Politics : The Legacy of Wilton Park for Post-War Reconstruction ». Contemporary European History 6, n^o 2 (juillet 1997) : 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004537.

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Writing in 1965 in Britain Looks to Germany, Donald Cameron Watt concluded:Perhaps the biggest successes scored by the Education Branch lay in the programme of exchange visits at all levels, in the discovery and encouragement of a new generation of teachers in Germany.…and most imaginatively of all in the opening up of the Wilton Park Centre to which leaders of opinion in Germany came for short residential courses on British democratic practice. Politicians, journalists, teachers, academics, trades unionists mingle together in these courses, and so valuable did the centre appear to German opinion that it was German initiative and German financial contribution which helped to preserve it in its present form when a niggardly Treasury and a disastrously unimaginative Foreign Secretary threatened to abolish it. Its impact on German life and on the political elites of West Germany has been incalculable.

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Canning, Kathleen. « The Politics of Symbols, Semantics, and Sentiments in the Weimar Republic ». Central European History 43, n^o 4 (décembre 2010) : 567–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000701.

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Contests over the term politics, over the boundaries that distinguished politics from non-politics, were one of the distinguishing features of the Weimar Republic. Not only did the disciplines of history, philosophy, law, sociology, and pedagogy each define this boundary in different terms, but participants in the debate also distinguished between ideal and real politics, politics at the level of state, and the dissemination of politics through society and citizenry. The fact that Weimar began with a revolution, the abdication of the Kaiser, and military defeat meant an eruption of politicization in 1918–19, whereby political organs of state and civil society sought in unprecedented fashion to draw Germans into parties and parliaments, associations, and activist societies. “The German people would still consist of ninety percent unpolitical people, if Social Democracy had not become a political school for the people,” Otto Braun claimed in Vorwärts in 1925. Politics and politicization generated not only political acts—votes, strikes, and vocal demonstrations—but also cultural milieus of Socialists and Communists, Catholics and liberal Democrats, nationalists, and eventually Nazis. In Weimar Germany there was little room for the “unpolitical” citizen of the prewar era, held up as a model in a famous tract of 1918 by Thomas Mann.

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Mustafa, Sam A. « The Politics of Memory : Rededicating Two Historical Monuments in Postwar Germany ». Central European History 41, n^o 2 (2 mai 2008) : 255–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000332.

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For much of the past two centuries German governments encouraged or even sponsored the construction of war monuments. By the turn of the twentieth century Germany was covered in more than a thousand such shrines, most of which had local or regional significance as places of annual celebration or commemoration. Government, media, and business all contributed to an elaborate hagiography of Germany's battles, war heroes, and martyrs, with monuments usually serving as the centerpieces. Millions of middle-class Germans attended or participated in commemoration ceremonies at war monuments all over the country, and/or filled their homes with souvenir trinkets, tableware, wall decorations, coffee-table books, and other quotidian items that reproduced images of the monuments or scenes from the events they memorialized.

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John, Michael F. « The Politics of Legal Unity in Germany, 1870–1896 ». Historical Journal 28, n^o 2 (juin 1985) : 341–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00003149.

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Over the last two decades, noticeable progress has been made towards a more complete understanding of the political dynamics of Wilhelmine Germany. The older emphasis on the ‘high politics’ of Bismarck and his successors has given way to a much more differentiated picture of a political system in constant flux as it attempted to cope with the complexities of a rapidly industrializing society. Old orthodoxies concerning the weakness of German liberalism have been subjected to new examination and scholars have become increasingly aware of the potential of powerful interest groups to challenge as well as to buttress the Establishment. The overall effect of this general advance in the historiography of the Second Empire has been to direct attention away from the motives of individual decision-makers, at least at the ‘high-political’ level, and to investigate the structural constraints on the formulation of policy. Despite certain recent attempts to reinstate a more personalistic approach, it seems clear that no future history of late nineteenth-century German politics can afford to neglect these developments.

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Stehle, Maria. « Youth Politics in the Postwar Germanies ». German Politics and Society 26, n^o 1 (1 mars 2008) : 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260105.

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Ruff, Mark Edward. The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany, 1945-1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)McDougall, Alan. Youth Politics in East Germany: The Free German Youth Movement 1946-1968 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004)

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GOESCHEL, CHRISTIAN. « STAGING FRIENDSHIP : MUSSOLINI AND HITLER IN GERMANY IN 1937 ». Historical Journal 60, n^o 1 (15 juillet 2016) : 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000540.

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ABSTRACTIn September 1937, Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler met in Germany. Millions of ostensibly enthusiastic Germans welcomed the Duce. Here were the world's first two fascist dictators, purportedly united in solidarity, representing the ‘115 million’ Germans and Italians against the Western powers and Bolshevism. Most historians have dismissed the 1937 dictators’ encounter as insignificant because no concrete political decisions were made. In contrast, I explore this meeting in terms of the confluence of culture and politics and argue that the meeting was highly significant. Its choreography combined rituals of traditional state visits with a new emphasis on the personality of both leaders and their alleged ‘friendship’, emblematic of the ‘friendship’ between the Italian and German peoples. Seen through this lens, the meeting pioneered a new style of face-to-face diplomacy, which challenged the culture of liberal internationalism and represented the aim of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to create a New Order in Europe. At the same time, analysis of this meeting reveals some deep-seated tensions between both regimes, an observation that has significant implications for the study of fascist international collaboration.

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Monteath, P. « Postmodern Politics in Germany : The Politics of Resentment ». German History 11, n^o 1 (1 janvier 1993) : 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/11.1.125.

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Jones, Elizabeth B. « Keeping Up with the Dutch ». International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 3, n^o 2 (28 mars 2015) : 173–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.482.

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Elizabeth B. Jones is Associate Professor of German and European history at Colorado State University. Her recent publications explore state-led initiatives to ‘improve’ the German countryside with special emphasis on peat bog reclamation and colonization in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and how poor rural Germans embraced, adapted, or rejected these endeavors. Previous publications include Gender and Rural Modernity: Farm Women and the Politics of Labor in Germany, 1871–1933 (Ashgate, 2009) and articles on gender and generational conflicts and agrarian politics in Imperial and Weimar Germany. In 2010–2011, she was a Fellow at the Rachel Carson Center for Environment and Society in Munich and in 2015–2016, she will be on research leave in Berlin. E-mail: elizabeth.jones@colostate.edu

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Gray, Marion W. « “Modifying the Traditional for the Good of the Whole” : Commentary on State-Building and Bureaucracy in Nassau, Baden, and Saxony in the Early Nineteenth Century ». Central European History 24, n^o 2-3 (juin 1991) : 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019051.

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The three articles of this symposium contribute to a vital debate about the nature of modern German politics. The works by Barbara Anderson, Loyd Lee, and Lawrence Flockerzie discuss the political culture upon which the post-Napoleonic reconstruction of Germany rested. This political culture transcended the conventional concepts “liberal” and “conservative.” It was based on bourgeois ideals.

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Chapin, Wesley D. « The Turkish Diaspora in Germany ». Diaspora : A Journal of Transnational Studies 5, n^o 2 (septembre 1996) : 275–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.5.2.275.

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At the beginning of 1995, nearly two million Turkish nationals were living in Germany. While this represents only about 2.5% of the total population, the Turkish minority significantly influences German politics. As the single largest group of “foreigners” living in Germany, the Turkish population is a prime target of rightwing violence. Questions regarding Turkish rights to residency, work permits, and citizenship are controversial domestic political issues and their presence affects international relations between Germany and Turkey. This article examines the Turkish diaspora in Germany and its implications for Germany’s domestic and international politics. The first section identifies the status of the Turks living in Germany. The second traces the growth of the Turkish population in Germany. The third evaluates the domestic political and economic effects that the Turkish presence engenders, as well as prospects for assimilation. The fourth section identifies ways that international relations are influenced by the Turkish minority in Germany.

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Petrosyan, D. V. ,. « FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD ». Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), n^o 3 (2021) : 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.

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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.

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Biess, Frank, et Astrid M. Eckert. « Introduction : Why Do We Need New Narratives for the History of the Federal Republic ? » Central European History 52, n^o 1 (mars 2019) : 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000013.

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Observers of German current affairs and historians of contemporary Germany have long been cognizant of the shadow that the Nazi past and its crimes cast over postwar German history. Likewise, it has long been widely accepted as appropriate that the “old” Federal Republic would develop a political culture marked by reserve and modesty on the international stage and in its public representation—whatever seemed the opposite of the pomp, power, and ruthlessness of past German regimes. Whereas the prospect of unification in 1989-1990 still triggered concerns about the country's possible relapse into attitudes and behaviors worthy of a “fourthReich,” two decades later, Germans were treated to the news that theirs was “the most positively viewed nation in the world.” A few years later still, German Chancellor Angela Merkel found herself widely hailed as the “leader of the free world,” a phrase soaked in Cold War connotations and hitherto reserved for the president of the United States. Merkel probably had little desire for such a click-bait label; it was the world around her that had changed on the coattails of the global ascendancy of right-wing populism and authoritarianism, resulting, for example, in the British vote to leave the European Union (“Brexit”), the presidency of Donald Trump, and the attempt of the Polish government to do away with the separation of powers. With the strong showing of the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in the 2017 federal elections, this development had begun to affect domestic politics in Germany as well.

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Palonen, Kari. « Conceptual Explorations around “Politics” ». Contributions to the History of Concepts 16, n^o 1 (1 juin 2021) : 16–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2021.160102.

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This article discusses the ways of conceptualizing politics in parliamentary debates. When the politics-vocabulary is ubiquitous in them, which kind of speech act lies in emphasizing the political aspect? Focusing on thematized uses allows us to identify conceptual revisions in the politics-vocabulary in digitalized plenary debates of the German Bundestag from 1949 to 2017. My fourfold scheme for conceptualizing politics (polity, policy, politicization, politicking) provides the analytical apparatus. The units of analysis in this study are compound words around politics written as single words, a German language specialty. Their frequency has remarkably risen in the Bundestag debates, and the search engine can easily find them. This research interest allows me to speculate with changes in the understanding and appreciation of politics in postwar (West)Germany.

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Palonen, Kari. « Conceptual Explorations around “Politics” ». Contributions to the History of Concepts 16, n^o 1 (1 juin 2021) : 16–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2020.160102.

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Abstract This article discusses the ways of conceptualizing politics in parliamentary debates. When the politics-vocabulary is ubiquitous in them, which kind of speech act lies in emphasizing the political aspect? Focusing on thematized uses allows us to identify conceptual revisions in the politics-vocabulary in digitalized plenary debates of the German Bundestag from 1949 to 2017. My fourfold scheme for conceptualizing politics (polity, policy, politicization, politicking) provides the analytical apparatus. The units of analysis in this study are compound words around politics written as single words, a German language specialty. Their frequency has remarkably risen in the Bundestag debates, and the search engine can easily find them. This research interest allows me to speculate with changes in the understanding and appreciation of politics in postwar (West)Germany

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Eley, G. « Society and Politics in Bismarckian Germany ». German History 15, n^o 1 (1 janvier 1997) : 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/15.1.101.

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Evans, Richard J., et Stanley Suval. « Electoral Politics in Wilhelmine Germany ». American Historical Review 91, n^o 3 (juin 1986) : 686. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869217.

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Kopstein, Jeffrey, et Daniel Ziblatt. « Honecker's Revenge : The Enduring Legacy of German Unification in the 2005 Election ». German Politics and Society 24, n^o 1 (1 mars 2006) : 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935261.

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A core lesson of Germany's federal election of September 2005 is the enduring legacy of the communist past in East Germany, a legacy that substantially shapes politics in unified Germany. Fifteen years after unification, the crucial difference in German politics still lies in the East. The 2005 election demonstrated the enduring east-west divide in German party politics. The result is that Germany today has two coherent party systems, one in the East and one in the West. Combined, however, they produce incoherent outcomes. Any party that hopes to win at the federal level must perform well in the very different circumstances in the East.

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Pritchard, Gareth. « The Occupation of Germany in 1945 and the Politics of German History ». History Compass 7, n^o 2 (mars 2009) : 447–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2008.00569.x.

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Hagemann, Karen. « Occupation, Mobilization, and Politics : The Anti-Napoleonic Wars in Prussian Experience, Memory, and Historiography ». Central European History 39, n^o 4 (décembre 2006) : 580–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000197.

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In the “Year of Prussia” 2001, celebrated in Germany because of the three-hundredth anniversary of Prussia's becoming a kingdom in 1701, the editor of the culture section of Die Welt, Eckhart Fuhr, remarked in a review of recent publications, “The discourse (on Prussia) has long since lost all of its (former) severity, obstinacy, and passion. The Germans today,” he declared, “are perfectly comfortable with the ambiguity of the Prussian legacy.” His colleague, the historian and Die Zeit journalist Volker Ulrich, agreed. He observed that the discussion about Prussia lacked a critical edge and regretted that no “truly sharp anti-Prussian book” had appeared among the many new publications. Gavriel D. Rosenfeld reached the same conclusion in his article, “‘A Mastered Past?’ The West-German Historiography on Prussia after 1945,” published in 2004 in the journal German History. He interpreted as a sign of “normalization” the fact that—unlike thirty years ago—Prussia is no longer the source of sharply formulated historical debates.

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Penny, H. Glenn. « Germany at the Fin de Siècle : Culture, Politics, and Ideas ». Central European History 39, n^o 1 (mars 2006) : 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906240068.

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This is a fascinating book, partly because of the excellent contributions, and partly because of the ways in which the editors have chosen to engage the topic and organize their volume. Marchand and Lindenfeld open the collection with a loaded question: Was there a German fin de siècle? Did Germans, in other words, share the kinds of reactions to modernity that have so fascinated historians of Austria and France? Their answer is yes and no. Many German intellectuals embraced the modernist currents Carl Schorske identified more than forty years ago in his work on fin de siècle Vienna, reacting to the depressing problems of modernization in ways similar to their Austrian counterparts. And yet much of the German population was largely unbowed by their putatively perplexing condition. As the editors argue, despite the worries of many an intellectual, “the later Wilhelmine world was characterized by enormous ambition and optimism, booming industries and bustling new urban spaces, cultural and political activism on a new scale, and the promise, if not the immediate realization, of a ‘place in the sun’ on the world stage” (p. 1). That optimism is the perplexing bit, because many of us, schooled in the dark side of Weimar culture and its intellectual antecedents, have learned to imagine Germans at the end of the nineteenth century (or at least our favorite representatives) as people caught up in a pessimistic, existential, Nietzschean funk. Indeed, the editors themselves have not avoided that position entirely.

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Stokes, Raymond. « :Socialist Modern : East German Everyday Culture and Politics.(Social History, Popular Culture, and Politics in Germany.) ». American Historical Review 114, n^o 3 (juin 2009) : 856–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.3.856.

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Silverberg, Laura. « East German Music and the Problem of National Identity ». Nationalities Papers 37, n^o 4 (juillet 2009) : 501–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985710.

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Caught between political allegiance to the Soviet Union and a shared history with West Germany, the German Democratic Republic (GDR) occupied an awkward position in Cold War Europe. While other countries in the Eastern Bloc already existed as nation-states before coming under Soviet control, the GDR was the product of Germany's arbitrary division. There was no specifically East German culture in 1945—only a German culture. When it came to matters of national identity, officials in the GDR's ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED) could not posit a unique quality of “East Germanness,” but could only highlight East Germany's difference from its western neighbor. This difference did not stem from the language and culture of the past, but the politics and ideology of the present: East Germany was socialist Germany.

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Mommsen, Wolfgang J. « Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914 ». Central European History 24, n^o 4 (décembre 1991) : 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.

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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.

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Graf, Rüdiger. « Anticipating the Future in the Present : “New Women” and Other Beings of the Future in Weimar Germany ». Central European History 42, n^o 4 (16 novembre 2009) : 647–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909991026.

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Why another article about the “new woman” in Weimar Germany, which for at least twenty-five years has been a favorite topic of historical scholarship in various disciplines? Earlier studies in history, art history, and German and Gender Studies unmasked the “new woman” as a media construction unrelated to the life-world of women after World War I, and newer studies emphasize the liberating tendencies, especially for younger women in Weimar Germany. Broadening these perspectives, I will argue that the concept of the “new woman” and its specific temporal structure can be seen further as a paradigm case for Weimar political and intellectual debates in general. “New women” were conceptualized as anticipations of the future and thus need to be situated and understood in front of the broader horizon of expectation, in the words of Reinhart Koselleck, of Weimar Germany. Because the realm of politics is constituted by expectations of the future, of what will happen and of what may be done, an analysis of the “new woman” and concurring anticipations of the future can, in turn, elucidate the structure and dynamics of political discourse in Weimar Germany.

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Shearer, J. Ronald. « Talking about Efficiency : Politics and the Industrial Rationalization Movement in the Weimar Republic ». Central European History 28, n^o 4 (décembre 1995) : 483–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012280.

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At the end of 1918, Harry Graf Kessler, the astute German observer of domestic and international affairs, summarized the essential conflicts that Germany would face in the years following World War I. Considering the demands of the German revolution along with the urgency of economic recovery from the war, Kessler responded to his compatriot, Hermann Graf Keyserling, that “The crucial point is how we are to combine broad social measures without reducing production. If we can solve this problem, we really shall be ahead of the rest of the world. What Kessler perceptively anticipated in the dying days of the last year of the Great War would be Weimar's effort to create a social welfare state predicated on private sector economic recovery and prosperity. Germany after the First World War was the first industrial nation in the twentieth century to broach this agenda, one which would become more familiar and successful following the Second World War.

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Wolfgram, Mark A. « The Processes of Collective Memory Research : Methodological Solutions for Research Challenges ». German Politics and Society 25, n^o 1 (1 mars 2007) : 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250106.

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Alon Confino, Germany as a Culture of Remembrance: Promises and Limits of Writing History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006)Wulf Kansteiner, In Pursuit of German Memory: History, Television, and Politics after Auschwitz (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2006)

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Biess, Frank. « Germany Since 1945 : Politics, Culture, and Society ». German History 37, n^o 3 (31 juillet 2019) : 445–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz046.

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Jefferies, M. « Industrial Architecture and Politics in Wilhelmine Germany ». German History 9, n^o 3 (1 juillet 1991) : 330–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/9.3.330.

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Jefferies, M. « Industrial Architecture and Politics in Wilhelmine Germany ». German History 9, n^o 3 (1 octobre 1991) : 330–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549100900305.

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Cheeseman, Tom. « Polyglot politics. Hip hop in Germany ». Debatte : Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 6, n^o 2 (novembre 1998) : 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651569808454589.

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Hochstadt, Steve. « Demography and Demographers in Modern Germany : Social Science and Ideology across Political Regimes ». Social Science History 40, n^o 4 (2016) : 657–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.26.

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The history of German research and writing about migration has been heavily influenced by politics. The assumptions and methods of successive generations of migration researchers demonstrate the interplay of social science and politics across very different political regimes. Soon after serious research began in the late nineteenth century, migration researchers divided into two camps. Urban statisticians with liberal political ideas used city migration registration data to analyze the circulatory movement of migrants within Germany. Conservative writers used census data to argue that migration was essentially movement from countryside to city, and was politically and morally injurious to the German people. These two sides hardened after World War I, as the conservative side increasingly incorporated racist ideas into their critique of migration. This debate continued even after the Nazis took power in 1933 with the competing publications of Rudolf Heberle and Wilhelm Brepohl. Heberle was forced to leave Germany and Brepohl became the Nazis’ favorite analyst of migration. After 1945, Brepohl retained his standing as a leading migration researcher in the German Federal Republic. The dominance of this conservative interpretation of migration continued into the 1970s. In recent decades, the writings of the liberal statisticians from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries have been rediscovered, and German migration research has shifted again toward a more empirically based understanding of migration.

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Dilger, Alexander, Christopher Thomas Goodwin, George Gibson, Michelle Lynn Kahn, Randall Newnham, Christopher Thomas Goodwin et Stephen F. Szabo. « Book Reviews ». German Politics and Society 39, n^o 2 (1 juin 2021) : 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2021.390205.

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Mark K. Cassell, Banking on the State: The Political Economy of Public Savings Banks (Newcastle upon Tyne: Agenda Publishing, 2021).Bryce Sait, The Indoctrination of the Wehrmacht: Nazi Ideology and the War Crimes of the German Military (New York: Berghahn Books, 2019).Frank Bösch, ed., A History Shared and Divided: East and West Germany since the 1970s (New York: Berghahn Books, 2018).Christopher A. Molnar, Memory, Politics, and Yugoslav Migrations to Postwar Germany (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2018).Eva Noack-Mosse, Last Days of Theresienstadt, trans. Skye Doney and Birutė Ciplijauskaitė (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2018).Michael H. Kater, Culture in Nazi Germany (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2019).Rolf Steininger, Germany and the Middle East: From Kaiser Wilhelm II to Angela Merkel (New York: Berghahn Books, 2019).

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MOTADEL, DAVID. « THE ‘MUSLIM QUESTION’ IN HITLER'S BALKANS ». Historical Journal 56, n^o 4 (30 octobre 2013) : 1007–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000204.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines Germany's efforts to instrumentalize Islam in the Balkans during the Second World War. As German troops became more involved in the region from early 1943 onwards, German officials began to engage with the Muslim population, promoting Germany as the protector of Islam in south-eastern Europe. Focusing on Bosnia, Herzegovina, and the Sandžak of Novi Pazar, the article explores the relations between German authorities and religious leaders on the ground and enquires into the ways in which German propagandists sought to employ religious rhetoric, terminology, and iconography for political and military ends. Interweaving religious history with the history of military conflict, the article contributes more generally to our understanding of the politics of religion in the Second World War.

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Lidtke, Vernon L. « Abstract Art and Left-Wing Politics in the Weimar Republic ». Central European History 37, n^o 1 (mars 2004) : 49–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916104322888998.

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In the midst of the upheaval created by military defeat, the collapse of the Hohenzollern and other German monarchies, and the threat of radical social revolution, a movement that had been taking shape for some time became a visible presence in German public life. Intellectuals, writers, visual artists, and numerous others declared that they would no longer remain aloof from the world of politics, social reform, and even revolution. On the contrary, they would seek to merge the arts and politics into a synthesis that would help to mold a new and greatly improved society. They issued manifestos and programs, founded organizations and journals, joined political parties — primarily on the left — and went to the streets, at least to observe if not also to act. The majority of the participants in this movement were, at some point in their careers, part of new artistic trends and, as such, contributors to the formation and advancement of aesthetic modernism in Germany.

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Sökefeld, Martin. « Alevis in Germany and the Politics of Recognition ». New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003) : 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006142.

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Migration has been among the most decisive influences shaping contemporary German society, deeply influencing not only economics and demography but also societal discourse and political practice. Legal issues concerning foreigners and immigration have been hotly debated in German society and have played a central role in many elections at both federal and provincial levels. Recognition is an issue at the heart of these concerns. How are migrants viewed in Germany, as “immigrants” or as “foreigners”? As individuals who form a legitimate part of German society, or who have overstayed their temporary “invitation”? Who contribute to the economy and to public welfare, and or who live at the expense of German society? Who are essentially alien to German society and can at best achieve a liminal state of betweenness, or who actively and self-consciously assume a diversity of positions at all levels of society?

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Blackbourn, David, et Geoff Eley. « The Peculiarities of German History : Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany ». Labour / Le Travail 19 (1987) : 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142836.

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Coetzee, Marilyn Shevin, David Blackbourn et Geoff Eley. « The Peculiarities of German History : Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany ». German Studies Review 8, n^o 3 (octobre 1985) : 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1429390.

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Herf, Jeffrey. « Multiple Restorations : German Political Traditions and the Interpretation of Nazism, 1945–1946 ». Central European History 26, n^o 1 (mars 1993) : 21–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019956.

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In the longer continuity of German history, the year 1945 will always, in part, represent the “Stunde Null” (zero hour), of catastrophic military defeat and complete moral disgrace and bankruptcy following Nazism and the Holocaust.1 The term “Stunde Null” evokes the need for a new beginning, a moral and political break with disastrous and ultimately criminal national traditions. Yet, because the Third Reich lasted only twelve years, and because there were non- and anti-Nazi traditions and leaders that survived in inner and external emigration, the postwar rejection of Nazism took the form of multiple restorations of these still extant German political traditions. In the first postwar years, the turn away from Nazism in both Germanies, as well as the break with totalitarian dictatorship in general in Western Germany, was taken by political leaders who had been active in Weimar politics and who returned to take center stage in German politics after 1945.2 To be sure, they were all deeply affected in their lives and thinking by the Third Reich. But what changes it did bring about in their political views amounted to rearrangements and different emphases of long-held convictions rather than to wholly new beginnings.

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MOSES, A. DIRK. « FORUM : INTELLECTUAL HISTORY IN AND OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY ». Modern Intellectual History 9, n^o 3 (novembre 2012) : 625–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000224.

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What can one say about the state of the art in the Federal Republic? A number of aspects are discernible, not only in the practices and various traditions of intellectual history there, but also in its politics: the stark dichotomy between Marxists and anti-Marxists; the ever-present metahistorical question of which (sub)discipline, field, or method would set the political agenda; and the position of Jewish émigrés. These issues raise still more basic ones: how to understand the Nazi experience, which remained living memory for most West Germans; how to confront the gradually congealing image of the Holocaust in private and public life; and the related matters of German intellectual traditions and the new order's foundations. Had the Nazi experience discredited those traditions and had the personal and institutional continuities from the Nazi to Federal Republican polities delegitimated the latter? These were questions with which intellectuals wrestled while they wrangled about historical method. In this introduction, I give a brief overview of these and other innovations in the field, before highlighting some of its characteristics today.

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Soloshenko, V. « Looted Art in the Politics of Memory of the FRG ». Problems of World History, n^o 5 (15 mars 2018) : 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-5-12.

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Memory and learning tragic pages of history, such as genocide and crimes against humanity, are of great importance for the future of the state. This article deals with the problem of the looted art, itsplace in the politics of memory of the Federal Republic of Germany. The problems of protection, preservation, and repatriation of the cultural heritage looted by the Nazi before and during World WarII have received new treatment in the German society. It is pointed out that Germany has extensive experience of addressing the burdensome past, it has been established how the FRG solves the problem of its overcoming, its new facets and dimensions are revealed. The German experience of the last decades in the matter of search and restitution of lost and illegally transported works of art and its value for Ukraine is analyzed.

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GREENBERG, UDI. « ERNST CASSIRER'S MOMENT : PHILOSOPHY AND POLITICS ». Modern Intellectual History 10, n^o 1 (avril 2013) : 221–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000431.

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The emergence of the German Jewish philosopher Ernst Cassirer (1874–1945) as the object of scholarly attention has been both surprising and rapid. In the decades since his early death while in exile in the United States, Cassirer never fell into complete oblivion. His works remained known to specialists in German intellectual history; his participation in a famous 1929 debate with Martin Heidegger in Davos, Switzerland, one of the most iconic moments in modern Continental thought, made his name familiar to most students of modern philosophy. Yet Cassirer lacked the widespread recognition given to contemporaries such as Heidegger or Walter Benjamin, and his work never became the center of historical or philosophical study. This neglect stemmed, in part, from dismissal by his peers; as Edward Skidelsky explains in his new study, Rudolf Carnap found him “rather pastoral,” Isaiah Berlin dismissed him as “serenely innocent,” and Theodor Adorno thought he was “totally gaga” (125). The last few years, however, have seen the rise of a remarkable new interest in Cassirer in both Germany and the English-speaking world. Among this recent literature, Edward Skidelsky's and Peter Gordon's works lead the small “Cassirer renaissance” and offer the best English-language introduction to his thought. Both Gordon and Skidelsky ambitiously seek to relocate Cassirer at the forefront of modern German and European thought. Gordon goes as far as to call him “one of the greatest philosophers and intellectual historians to emerge from the cultural ferment of modern Germany” and one of the most important thinkers of the twentieth century (11). In making such bold statements, Gordon and Skidelsky clearly set their sights beyond the person himself; they aspire to highlight a central strand of thought that enjoyed a powerful presence in early twentieth-century Germany but fell into neglect in the postwar era. In doing so, they seek to reevaluate the nature and legacy of Weimar thought, its complex relationship with the period's unstable politics, and its relevance today.

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Helm, Jutta. « Rwanda and the Politics of Memory ». German Politics and Society 23, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2005) : 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2005.230401.

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This article examines the German response to Rwanda's genocide, an important concern that previous research largely has ignored. Like the United States, Great Britain, France (up to mid-June l994) and other powers, Germany chose the role of bystander, observing and condemning the genocide, but failing to act. At first glance, this might appear unsurprising. The frequently cited "culture of reticence" in foreign affairs would seem to explain this posture of inaction. However, a second look uncovers several factors that could lead one to expect a German engagement in efforts to halt the genocide. By l994, Germany had contributed military and medical units to ten humanitarian efforts, including two United Nations missions in Cambodia (1991-1993) and in Somalia (1992-1994). Moreover, the Federal Republic's staunch support for human rights, as well as its considerable diplomatic and foreign aid presence in Rwanda, might have suggested a visible response to the mounting evidence of genocide. Why did this not occur? Why was there so little public discussion of German obligations to take steps to halt the genocide? On the one hand, answers to these questions are important in order to test previous research on the factors that led to states' participation in humanitarian interventions. On the other, they are significant for the inner-German debate about history and memory. Can the memory of the Holocaust inform debates about Germany's international obligations? How and under what circumstances might considerations of political morality shape foreign policy decisions?

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Brady, Thomas A. « Early Modern Germany in The Encyclopedia of German History. Part 3 : Politics and Religion ». Central European History 31, n^o 3 (septembre 1998) : 229–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900016678.

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Enssle, Manfred J. « Five Theses on German Everyday Life after World War II ». Central European History 26, n^o 1 (mars 1993) : 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019944.

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To order an untidy past, historians identify and interpret significant pivots in the development of nations. One such pivot in the fractured history of twentieth-century Germany was the period between 1945 and 1949. In these brief postwar years, a remarkable “mutation” of German politics and society began under Allied tutelage. In this interregnum between Hitler and Adenauer, a war-devastated West Germany started on the path “from shadow to substance.” As the Bonn Republic endured, historians started to trace its origins back to certain political and economic structures first erected in the postwar years. Increasingly, they emphasized postwar Weichenstellungen, or turning points, which influenced later events. By the 1980s, this structuralist view strongly suggested that contemporaries of the years 1945–1949 had actually lived through the Vorgeschichte, or prehistory, of the Federal Republic, and of affluence.

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Geiger, T. « Union of Parts : Labor Politics in Postwar Germany ». German History 11, n^o 2 (1 avril 1993) : 262–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/11.2.262.

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Kater, Michael H. « Music : Performance and Politics in Twentieth-Century Germany ». Central European History 29, n^o 1 (mars 1996) : 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012802.

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