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1
Novikov, K. E. « Integration of Politicians with an Immigrant Background in the Political System of Great Britain ». Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 98, no 3 (30 septembre 2020) : 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2020-98-3-181-200.
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Khan, B. Zorina. « Inventing Prizes : A Historical Perspective on Innovation Awards and Technology Policy ». Business History Review 89, no 4 (2015) : 631–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680515001014.
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Prizes for innovations are currently experiencing a renaissance, following their marked decline during the nineteenth century. Debates about such incentive mechanisms tend to employ canonical historical anecdotes to motivate and support the analysis and policy proposals. Daguerre's “patent buyout,” the Longitude Prize, inducement prizes for butter substitutes and billiard balls, the activities of the Royal Society of Arts and other “encouragement” institutions—all comprise potentially misleading case studies. The article surveys and summarizes extensive empirical research using samples drawn from Britain, France, and the United States, including “great inventors” and their ordinary counterparts, and prizes at industrial exhibitions. The results suggest that administered systems of rewards to innovators suffered from a number of disadvantages in design and practice, which might be inherent to their nonmarket orientation.
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Morozov, Stanislav V. « 1925–1935 : Locar “Legal Mechanism for ‘Pushing’ Germany to the East”. The Oil Factor ». Economic Strategies 144, no 2 (182) (25 avril 2022) : 108–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-2.182.2022.108-115.
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The article examines the factor of oil, when some influential politicians and big businessmen, primarily in Great Britain, tried to use for their far-reaching goals the factual absence of the Weimar Republic's own oil fields. Monopolization of oil supplies in the context of the implementation of the “legal mechanism for ‘pushing’ Germany to the East” made it possible to a certain extent to manage the foreign policy activity of the Hitlerite regime.
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Boyko, Oleg. « The German Threat and Discussions about European Unions: ; Features of the Liberal Political and Ideological Continuity ; of the Leaders of the Liberal Party from W. Gladstone to G. Asquith ; in the Late XIX – Early XX Centuries ». Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no 2(62) (18 décembre 2023) : 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2023-62-211-222.
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The subject of the research is the foreign policy of Great Britain in the late 19th – early 20th centuries and the continuity of the foreign policy course of liberal political figures. The purpose of the analysis is the views and activities of significant British liberal politicians on foreign policy issues against the background of the transformation of the philosophy of liberalism and unprecedented
competition in colonial expansion among major European powers. A number of trends in the development of the political and ideological course of the Liberal Party of Great Britain are demonstrated - a quick rejection of the policy of
«Splendid Isolation» to the search for friendly powers on the European continent and the direct influence of liberal-imperialist circles on changing the foreign policy strategy. The study of sources confirms that as part of the evolution of the philosophy of liberalism at the end of the 19th century, the idea of the foreign
policy of Great Britain in the circles of liberal politicians of the country also changed. The author comes to the conclusion that after W. Gladstone left power, the liberals hastened to move away from the policy of «Splendid Isolation». A. Rosebery tried to maintain a balance of power, but, as an adherent of liberal
imperialism, he actively used military force, not striving to be the first to establish friendship with anyone in Europe. During the period of opposition 1896-1905 not only liberal-imperialists such as E. Grey, H. Asquith, R. Haldane, but also pacifists such as H. Campbell-Bannerman came to the conclusion that a world conflict was inevitable against the backdrop of growing disagreements with Germany and the need to choose an ally in Europe.
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Boyko, Oleg O. « The Views of H. Campbell-Bannerman and the Liberal-Radical Fraction in the Period of the Liberals in Opposition on Issues of the English-German Containment and the Colonial Struggle in the End of the 19th - Beginning of the 20th Century ». IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no 2 (218) (23 juin 2023) : 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-2-62-71.
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The article is devoted to the study of the activities of politicians of the radical faction of the Liberal Party and their direct role in the development of the foreign policy of Great Britain in the late 19th - early 20th century. The author analyzes the causes and conditions that influenced the polarization of opinions within the radical faction of the Liberal Party during the period when the liberals were in opposition to state policy abroad. The study is based on a wide range of sources: memoirs of participants of the events, public speeches of election campaigns, materials of private correspondence of significant political figures in the UK. The defeat of the liberal party in the elections in 1895 led to its internal split. The liberal-imperialists began to actively support the foreign policy of the Conservative government, believing that such a policy would enable Britain to regain power in the world. There was no consensus within the radical faction. Some politicians belong-ing to it sought to solve problems peacefully, relying on the ideas described in the philosophy of “new liberalism”. Other major politicians, such as D. Kimberley and C. Dilk, believed that calls for peace would be viewed in a negative light. Others strove to act according to circumstances. Thus, by 1903-1904, the radical faction still lacked a constructive program and alternative policy in colonial and European affairs.
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Lynn, Michael R. « Consumerism and the Rise of Balloons in Europe at the End of the Eighteenth Century ». Science in Context 21, no 1 (mars 2008) : 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889707001561.
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ArgumentThe history of ballooning has received considerable attention from historians examining the technological innovations behind it as well as from scholars interested in aeronautical anecdotes concerning launches and disasters. The cultural importance of this new machine, however, remains less fully analyzed. This essay explores one facet of that history through a discussion of the commodification of launches in France and Great Britain. These two countries, which have larger middling classes as well as a higher degree of commercialization in general, provided a fertile environment for aeronauts seeking to instruct and entertain an audience willing to fund ballooning. Balloonists had to invent ways to market this scientific discovery and determine how best to attract paying customers. The audience was entertained while simultaneously empowered to act as witnesses to what balloonists presented as a scientific experiment.
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Mikheiev, Andrii. « The Image of Ukraine in Great Britain during 1919–1920s ». Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no 1 (2021) : 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.13.
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The article examines the evolution of the image of Ukraine in the intellectual discourse of the British Empire immediately after the First World War, i.e., during 1919–1920s. This period was marked, on the one hand, by the continuation of the national liberation struggle within Ukraine and, on the other hand, by discussions on the post-war arrangement of Europe and the world at the Paris Peace Conference. Great Britain, as one of the victors in the war, as well as one of the most powerful states at the time, took an active part in these discussions, and the future of Ukrainian lands significantly depended on its position. Therefore, it seems interesting to trace the image of Ukraine that has developed among British intellectuals and politicians at this time, because it also made impact on the attitude of British diplomats to the Ukrainian question at the Paris Peace Conference. To achieve that goal, the article will analyze the attempts of the UPR Directory to establish contacts with British diplomats, the works of the famous British geographer and geopolitician Gelford Mackinder, the views of a prominent British statesman of the 20th century, and during 1919–1920s the Minister of War Winston Churchill, a booklet on Ukraine, issued by the Foreign Office in 1920, as well as the position of the then first man in the UK, British Prime Minister David Lloyd-George. Such a comprehensive view will provide a better understanding of the British vision of the Central and Eastern Europe region in general, and Ukraine in particular, in the context of that time.
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Cheng, Joseph Y. S., et Jane C. Y. Lee. « The Changing Political Attitudes of the Senior Bureaucrats in Hong Kong's Transition ». China Quarterly 147 (septembre 1996) : 912–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051857.
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The empirical study of bureaucrats in the Hong Kong government, particularly in their relationship with politicians in the legislature, is a relatively new subject of academic interest. This effort at systematic research is related to the fact that both senior civil servants and politicians are essential to effective government. While senior civil servants in Hong Kong have dominated the political process in the territory for 150 years, politicians have gained importance since the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Britain signed the Joint Declaration on the future of Hong Kong in 1984. It follows that the relationships between these two leadership groups are of great interest, theoretically, empirically, practically and politically. The key problem of any government is how these elite groups interact. A major concern is maintaining an efficient and able bureaucracy with enough independence to do an effective job of administration, while operating in a political context in which politicians are competitive and accountable to the electorate, reacting to the constant demands and expectations of special and general interests. The maintenance of a proper balance between efficiency and responsiveness in such an environment has to be achieved if the polity is to function effectively and be stable
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Eppel, Michael. « The Elite, theEffendiyya, and the Growth of Nationalism and Pan-Arabism in Hashemite Iraq, 1921–1958 ». International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no 2 (mai 1998) : 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065880.
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One of the basic characteristics of the social conditions that marked political life in the Arab states in the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s was the complex relationship between the politicians from among the elites of traditional notables of the Fertile Crescent cities and theeffendiyya, or Westernized middle stratum. These elites consisted not only of traditional notable families, but also of families newly risen since the Tanzimat reforms in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire. Since the end of World War I, these elites had stood at the center of the new states established by the Western powers—Great Britain and France—and it was now the politicians from within those elites who headed the struggle of those states for independence. This relationship, as well as the character of the elite of notables and theeffendiyya, constituted an important element in the social conditions characterizing the political and ideological environment in which the Iraqi politicians from the elite of notables had operated, and in which Arab nationalism and Pan-Arab ideology became a highly influential factor.
10
Inkin, V. V. « British Society in the reflection of the press : fascist sentiments among the World War I veterans in the 1930s ». Tambov University Review. Series : Humanities 29, no 2 (27 avril 2024) : 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-2-528-540.
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Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.
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فيصل عبد الوهــــــــــــــــــاب, رغد. « بريطانيا دراسة في الأوضاع السياسية والاقتصادية الداخلية 1964-1970 ». Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no 29 (16 janvier 2018) : 194–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss29.151.
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Britain has a great political and economic weight among the European nations. This importance increased since the end of World War II for several reasons in this period. In fact the field of research and according to many historians is the richest in historical writings. This study deals with the political and economic situation in Britain. A study of historical period between (1964- 1970) is an attempt to discuss these developments of an era, since it did not take the appropriate position in academic studies, this study is to fill part of this void. The British labor party took control from 1964 to 1970, which represents an important era under Harold Wilson. Britain went through a political and economic setbacks under the Conservative Party which to withdraw from the cabinet and by 1964 he became the Labor Party’s prime minister. .Things did not go as planned by the organizers of power in Britain and the economic crisis worsened for over six years,
which had already been the focus of a test for politicians in Britain .This forced the Labor Party to loose elections in 1970 and the Conservatives regained power again.
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Richardson, John E. « Evoking values or doing politics ? » Journal of Language and Politics 17, no 3 (20 juillet 2018) : 343–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17066.ric.
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Abstract This article analyses the rhetoric of speeches delivered by British politicians at televised national HMD commemorations. Following the recommendation of the Stockholm International Forum, since 2001, Britain has commemorated victims of the Holocaust and subsequent genocides every 27 January. The television broadcasts of the national commemoration both reflect and illuminate the complex processes of (national) histories, individual memory and collective remembrance, and the ways that they mediate and interact with each other in social and historic contexts. In addition to other genres (e.g. music, poetry readings, archival film), a speech is delivered by a prominent politician at each of these ceremonies. I argue that these speeches are examples of epideictic oratory, which provide politicians with the opportunity to communicate an understanding of the Holocaust as a catastrophe and a great affront to Our values. My rhetorical analysis focuses on the ways that politicians utilize two artistic means of persuasion: ethetic strategies, which place emphasis on their personal character; and logetic strategies, which aim to persuade through invoking arguments. I orientate to the ways that poorly selected ethetic and logetic strategies can disrupt the primary purpose of the epideictic speech: to communicate, and revivify, shared values.
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Muirhead, B. W. « The Politics of Food and the Disintegration of the Anglo-Canadian Trade Relationship, 1947-1948 ». Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no 1 (9 février 2006) : 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031035ar.
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Abstract This paper examines a somewhat peripheral event in postwar transatlantic diplomacy, the 1947-48 food negotiations between Canada and the United Kingdom, because the process and the outcome of these talks illuminate the deterioration in the traditionally close relationship between the two countries. Because of the financial strains caused by British wartime expenditures, Canada was unable to negotiate a reestablishment of the prewar trade relationship, in which surpluses in her trade with Great Britain financed deficits in her accounts with the United States. The British negotiating strategy forced the Canadian government to reconsider its traditional dependence on the British connection, which had hitherto been so fundamental to Canadian history. This paper therefore challenges the view that Canadian politicians ''sold out'' the country in shifting attention from Britain to the United States after World War II.
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KRUTIKOV, Anton. « The moral code of the empire. Book Review : Rees-Mogg J. The Victorians : Twelve Titans who Forged Britain. L., 2019. » Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no 4 (20) (décembre 2019) : 118–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-4-118-123.
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Review of the book by British politician Jacob Rees-Mogg, published on the occasion of Queen Victoria’s 200th anniversary and presenting biographical essays on 12 eminent Victorian politicians. The Victorians, who forged British power in the 19th century, are declared bearers of high moral principles, while their stories act as a manifesto of modern British conservatives and Eurosceptics. The book’s relevance is determined not by the author’s approach to the role of Victorians, but by numerous allusions to actual circumstances, turning the reader’s mind to the historical choice faced by Great Britain in the context of Brexit.
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Omelan, Grzegorz. « The Idea of Welfare State vs the Idea of Sustainable Development. The Case for United Kingdom ». Studia Krytyczne/Critical Studies, no 3 (3 novembre 2019) : 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/sk.1418.
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Within the last decades Great Britain has developed a specific model of welfare state. The “from-cradle-to-grave” model is close to the hearts of Labour Party’s politicians and supporters, on the other hand Conservative Party’s governments have been trying to limit welfare state’s reach since 1979. Cameron’s cabinet introduced a significant reform of the system, depriving many Brits of their benefits and lowering the number of people eligible to claim one. It is advisable to consider if these policies go hand in hand with the idea of sustainable development in the socio-economic context.
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Grigor’eva, Nataliya S., et Anastasiya A. Zhokhova. « WOMEN IN THE BRITISH POLITICAL PROCESS IN CONTEMPORARY TIMES. A ROLE ANALYSIS ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no 1 (2022) : 393–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2022-1-393-403.
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The practice and theory of the political process show that the specific of the behavior of men and women in politics is different. Coupled with gender stereotypes, that causes a difference in the portrayals and images of political leaders of different genders. The study of the peculiarities of women’s leadership in the formation of political elites is complicated by several theoretical issues related to the influence of gender stereotypes on it, including the role behavior. However, the influence of such stereotypes on the perception of female leadership does not mean that female political representation “automatically” leads to the humanization of the political process and contributes to the softness in the work of political institutions. The quantitative and qualitative analysis of the political courses of prominent women leaders in Great Britain of the 20th– 21st centuries shows that the real political courses of women leaders have little in common with the gender stereotypes that were attributed to them, what did not prevent them from being widely recognized as decisive leaders in their positions. More than 100 years of experience of women’s presence in the British politics allows us to highlight the common and special in their activities. Using the algorithm of SWOT-analysis of the successful growth and self-realization of the personality of iconic female politicians of Great Britain, the authors trace the strengths and weaknesses, opportunities and threats for female leadership in the political process of Great Britain in the 20th–21st centuries.
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Dubrouka, Alena M. « The Riga border in the assessments of the British government circles in the first half of the 1920s ». Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no 2 (3 mai 2021) : 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2021-2-29-38.
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The article analyses the assessments given by the representatives of Great Britain government circles to the results of the Polish-Soviet territorial division, installed in the text of the Riga Peace Treaty of 1921. It is revealed, that on the eve of Riga peace negotiation British politicians negatively characterised Poland’s claims to significant advance of its borders in the eastern direction. The line of the Riga border was assessed skeptically, considered as possible only in the conditions of the RSFSR temporary weakness. It is established that British politicians did not exclude Riga border line revising, taking into account the position of the Soviets at the conclusion of the pan-European agreement in Genoa in 1922. It is shown that when deciding not to ratify the Geneva Protocol of 1924, one of the arguments was the assessment of the Riga border region as a potential conflict zone in Europe, in which the UK sought to avoid involvement.
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Shkvorchenko, N. « SEMIOTIZATION OF POLITICAL TOXICITY IN THE MEDIA SPACES OF THE USA, GREAT BRITAIN AND UKRAINE : A MULTIMODAL ASPECT ». MESSENGER of Kyiv National Linguistic University. Series Philology 25, no 1 (26 août 2022) : 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32589/2311-0821.1.2022.263132.
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The article attempts to build a multimodal model of toxic political communication and determine common and distinctive features of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine. Toxic political communication is interpreted as a type of interaction characterized by a high degree of aggressive (verbal and/or paraverbal) behavior of various participants in the political discourse, which causes moral harm or discriminates against the opponent based on race, nationality or gender resulting in such politician(s) being perceived and then defined as toxic. The constructed model of toxic political communication takes into account multimodal mechanisms of the discursive expression of toxicity (verbal, paraverbal, extralingual), modes of expanding the toxic effect (direct, indirect, and mediated), mechanisms of perception and image formation of politicians (toxic vs. positive) in the media environment of the respective countries.We determined that toxicity is manifested in derogatory statements by politicians, which contain insults, name-calling, ridiculing, emotional and inclusive utterances aimed at polarization and causing psychological and/or image damage to participants in the political debate (opponents). Toxic paraverbal co-speech means are divided into prosodic and gestural-mimic forms, which include aggressive, caustic, derogatory, paternalistic, pompous tone of speech, gestures that violate the personal boundaries of the interlocutor, exaggerated facial expressions. Extralingual forms of toxic communication include poster colors, electoral campaign symbols, clothing, rally sites, music, etc., which intensify the damaging effect of actions/utterances of a politician who is defined as toxic in the media. We found that contrasting forms of the semiotization of political toxicity in the media environment of the United States, Great Britain and Ukraine are determined by the relevant information agendas for each of the countries, for example, racism and intolerance towards migrants (USA), Partygate (Great Britain), zrada (betrayal) vs. peremoha (victory) (Ukraine) and others. Common to the three linguistic cultures is the aggressive type of politician-speaker, whose utterances/behavior are prone to dramatizing and aimed at causing psychological damage to the opponent’s personality through direct or indirect derogatory images accompanied by prosodic, gestural and facial emphases.
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Knell, Simon. « The Sustainability of Geological Mapmaking : The Case of the Geological Survey of Great Britain ». Earth Sciences History 26, no 1 (1 janvier 2007) : 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.26.1.p71448m3245mt6q5.
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Henry De la Beche's leadership of the Geological Survey of Great Britain in the second quarter of the nineteenth century led to the establishment of a number of key institutions which ensured the Survey of survival beyond the initial phase of geological mapmaking. Considered as a finite activity serving only to fix on paper the spatial distribution of an unchanging physical resource, geological mapmaking alone was never a secure basis for institutional or disciplinary development. The actions taken by De la Beche in the 1830s and 1840s, at a time when public and politicians alike were suspicious of government-funded science, were echoed 150 years later by successors who served governments with similar doubts about non-commercial scientific activity. Whether buried within an empire of public institutions, illuminated in museum collections which spoke of utilitarian value, or conceptualised as an income-generating database of rare data, the continuation of geological mapmaking in Britain relied upon a relationship to, and relevance for, a wider world of politics and practice. Seen in the long view, the British Geological Survey demonstrates that a nation can only make and re-make geological maps if that activity can be submerged within, or repackaged as, a new strategically-valued socio-economic initiative.
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Atapin, E. A. « Historical Perception of Europe as “the Other” as the Basis of British Euroscepticism ». Izvestiya of Altai State University, no 5(121) (19 novembre 2021) : 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)5-08.
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This paper proves that British Euroscepticism is not just a consequence of the peculiarities of the current political situation but the result of the centuries-old specific attitude of Great Britain to Europe as the other sociocultural space different in many senses from the United Kingdom. The roots of this attitude can be found in the English Reformation of the 16th century which rigidly opposed “British” Protestantism to “European” Catholicism. Several examples of historical events that have aggravated this religious and cultural rift are given. As a result, the British vision of Europeans shared by political elites as people with a different way of life, habits and traditions resulted in a sceptical attitude towards European integration and Britain's participation in it. The statements of famous British politicians regarding European integration and participation of Great Britain in it are cited to confirm the vision of Europe as “the Other” by the political elites of the United Kingdom. It is argued that British Euroscepticism is largely determined and inspired by cultural exceptionalism. Therefore, special attention is paid to the analysis of the British version of cultural Euroscepticism.
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Morozov, Stanislav V., Svetlana Y. Krupskaya, Marina S. Orekhova, Olga A. Timoshkova et Alexander N. Oleinik. « Oil – as a tool of influence in international relations 1925 – 1935 (on the example of Germany) ». LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (10 juillet 2021) : 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1059p.1-8.
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The paper examines the circumstances, details, elements of the process on using oil as a tool, when some influential politicians and ruling circles, including in Great Britain, sensing the target prospects of new political figures in Germany from among the social nationalists, tried to use them in their far-reaching purposes concerning the legal features of the Versailles Treaty. In particular, the actual absence of its own oil fields at the Weimar Republic and the monopolization of oil supplies in the context of implementing a "legal mechanism for pushing Germany to the East" made it possible to control the Hitler’s regime foreign policy activity to a certain extent.
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Atapin, Evgenii. « Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 5 (décembre 2022) : 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.
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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.
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Shkvorchenko, Nataliia. « Political toxicity in the contrastive perspective (Based on American, British and Ukrainian media discourse) ». 26, no 26 (31 août 2023) : 152–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2218-2926-2023-26-09.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research focuses on the issue of political toxicity in the media discourse of the United States of America, Great Britain and Ukraine. It defines common and distinctive features of semiotization of political toxicity in the media discourse. In political communication, toxicity is understood as a type of interaction between various participants in political discourse, which is characterized by a high degree of aggressive verbal, para- and/or non-verbal behavior and discriminates against the opponent based on race, ethnicity, gender, etc. resulting in such a politician (politicians) being perceived and then defined as toxic. Its purpose is to identify common and different ways and means of semiotization of political toxicity. It is based on methods of associative and identification experiments, computer multimodal analysis, as well as statistical processing of the information received. The study reveals the modes of the toxic effect deployment and the dictums of the politician’s toxic image formation in the their collective, associative-individual, symbolic, and media discourse-portrait. Complex analysis of a politician’s toxic image in different linguistic cultures takes into account the politicians’ behavior as opinion leaders and the coverage of the target audience, to which the effect of their toxic rhetoric extends: one person, a group of people, or the wider community. At the same time, the types of harm resulting from the visualization of the media toxic effect can be aimed at both the psychological states of the addressee and their gender, age, and professional characteristics. The paper determines means of verbal expression of toxicity both by the aggressive-emotional type of the politician and by the socio-cultural features of political struggle in the United States of America, Great Britain, and Ukraine.
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Weed, Matthew. « Discourse on Embryo Science and Human Cloning in the United States and Great Britain : 1984–2002 ». Journal of Law, Medicine & ; Ethics 33, no 4 (2005) : 802–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2005.tb00546.x.
Texte intégralRésumé :
There is a stark difference between American and British policy on embryo science and research cloning. The following survey of the discourse offered both in support of and in opposition to research cloning and embryo science in the United States and Great Britain will show that the same arguments were made in both countries. The fact that similar ethical argumentation occurred in environments where different policy was set is an indicator that current frames for ethical discourse on embryonic stem cell research and human cloning do not effectively capture the debate in the form that politicians and possible consumers of services to be derived from embryo science face.The ethics surrounding embryo research and human cloning have been presented from virtually every possible viewpoint in all forms of medium. It is impossible to reprise every argument made on embryo science and research cloning; therefore, this survey will focus on some of the arguments made during the time leading up to the enactment of Great Britain's Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act of 1990 and the Human Fertilisation and Embryology regulations added to it in 2001.
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Shkvorchenko, Nataliia. « Representation of the toxic image of politicians in the media space of the USA, Great Britain and Ukraine ». Сучасні дослідження з іноземної філології 20, no 2 (2021) : 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2617-3921.2021.20.178-191.
Texte intégral
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Tulloch, Alexander. « Running for office ». English Today 26, no 2 (28 mai 2010) : 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078410000106.
Texte intégralRésumé :
By the time you read this article we in Great Britain will probably have been through the process (or should that be charade?) of a general election when we will all be expected to choose who will represent (or misrepresent) us in Parliament. Any day now politicians will start running around kissing babies and turning up on our doorsteps asking for our support. Currying favour with the electorate they will even offer to take the old and infirm to the polling stations in the hope that such beneficence will encourage their charges to cast their votes for them. And of course they will attempt to persuade us that their party is the only one with the policies necessary to get us out of the economic mire we find ourselves in, omitting to say that politicians helped put us there in the first place. O tempora, o mores!For the origins of the terminology we use in politics we must turn, as is so often the case, to ancient Greek and Latin for the answers to our questions.
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Thompson, Andrew S. « The Language of Imperialism and the Meanings of Empire : Imperial Discourse in British Politics, 1895–1914 ». Journal of British Studies 36, no 2 (avril 1997) : 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386132.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The forthcoming General Election will turn, we are told, mainly on the popularity of Imperialism. If this be so, it is important that voters should make up their minds what Imperialism means.(George Bernard Shaw)Thus wrote George Bernard Shaw on behalf of the Fabian Society in October 1900. Shaw recognized what many historians have subsequently failed to see: the meaning of imperialism inside British politics was not fixed. Rather, the terms “empire” and “imperialism” were like empty boxes that were continuously being filled up and emptied of their meanings. Of course, the same was true of other political concepts: the idea of patriotism, for instance, was constantly being reinvented by politicians. But the idea of empire was all the more vulnerable to this sort of treatment because it was sensitive to changing circumstances at home and abroad and because it had to take account of a colonial as well as a British audience. Furthermore, the fact that opinion in Britain was widely felt to be ignorant or indifferent to the empire meant that politicians had to be particularly careful in deciding what sort of imperial language to use.This article will consider what contemporaries meant when they spoke of empire, how its meaning varied between different political groups in Britain, and whether it is possible to point to a prevailing vision of empire during the period between the launch of the Jameson Raid in December 1895 and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914.
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Ivanov, Nikolai. « The Monroe Doctrine and Anglo-American Rivalry in Latin America, 19th – early 20th centuries ». Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no 5 (2023) : 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640028070-5.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the article, the author analyses the issues related to the US adoption of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 in the context of Anglo-American confrontation and rivalry in Latin America. The author examines the relations between the USA and Great Britain during the Spanish American wars of independence, the main aspects of the policy of “neutrality”, the actual support of Latin American patriots in their struggle against the Spanish metropole. Despite the common interest in preventing European competitors from entering South America, the Americans did not sign a joint document with the British, despite repeated proposals from London. The Doctrine was put into effect under conditions unfavourable to the US, characterised by Britain's unchallenged world domination in military and economic power. However, by the end of the nineteenth century, the situation changed dramatically in favour of the USA. The author analyses the content of the Doctrine (“America for the Americans”), its adjustment in the course of the rivalry between the USA and Great Britain in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the concessions made by the UK in its rivalry with its strategic competitor. In all events related to the Anglo-American rivalry in Latin America, the Monroe Doctrine was the “starting point’ for the actions and statements of American politicians, and it is not by chance that President Woodrow Wilson stated at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference that the doctrine should be extended to the whole world.
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Zapototskyi, Mykhailo. « Perception of the Metropolia by the Canadian Political Elite in 1914–1915 (According to the Materials of the Protocols of the Debates of the Canadian Parliament) ». American History & ; Politics Scientific edition, no 9 (2020) : 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.13.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In modern historical science, an integral component of scientific research is the component of the source base, which also applies to studies in world history. This article is devoted to the analysis of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s debates at the initial stage of World War I (1914–1915). The pages of the protocols of the Canadian Parliament’s describe the personal attitude of politicians to Metropolia, the public speeches of Canadian politicians in 1914–1915, the vision of representatives of political elites regarding the entry of the Canadian Confederation into the First World War. Notwithstanding the ideological diversity of Canadian politicians in the early twentieth century, who included both proponents of unity with Metropolia and opponents of the process, it is interesting that the entire political elite at the beginning of the Great War was consolidated in the matter of supporting the British Crown. Even former political opponents – R. Borden and W. Laurier – became ideological partners, who emphasized that Canada should support the British Empire at a difficult time. Importantly, French Canadian politicians, who were in part critical of British imperialism, also took a positive view of Britain. The main ideologue of the French Canadians at this time was considered A. Burassa, who supported Canada’s entry into the First World War. The main issues discussed at this time by parliamentarians were Canada’s military and material support for the armed conflict. Senators J. Bolduk, E. Smith, A. Lougheed, and P. Murphy actively called for the side of the Metropolia. In the article the author draws attention to the fact that politicians were negative about the military conflict itself. Canadian politicians consider German Empire to be the main culprit in the war, which violated Belgium’s sovereignty and started the war. As a result, the UK was forced to go to war, defending the neutrality of the Belgian state. According to most Canadian politicians, Canada’s main task was to support the British Empire.
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Ilkowski, Filip. « Politycy Partii Pracy na rzecz Leave w referendum 2016 r. » Przegląd Europejski, Tom 1 (30 mars 2020) : 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/1641-2478pe.1.20.7.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article presents the analysis of activities of politicians associated with the Labour Party undertaken in favour of leaving the European Union by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the context of the June 2016 referendum campaign. There are presented the historical roots of the critique of European Communities drawn from this ideological-political perspective (the opposition towards the European Economic Community in 1975 referendum), but above all the argumentation used more than four decades later by the opponents of staying in the EU. On the basis of conducted analysis, the specific elements of the main ideological poles that shape left-wing critique of the EU with regard to the British example have been distinguished.
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Han, Yixuan. « Carbon Emission and Annual Income in the Britain in 2019 : An Intra-regional Spatial Analysis ». Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 64, no 1 (28 décembre 2023) : 229–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/64/20231537.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study conducts a comprehensive spatial analysis of carbon emissions and annual income in Great Britain in 2019 using data from the Office for National Statistics (ONS) and the Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (ASHE). Using spatial autocorrelation techniques, especially Local Morans I, I identify significant spatial clusters, where Low - Low carbon emission areas are located in Manchester, West Yorkshire, Dorset and Wiltshire. In contrast, High-High clusters occur in Moray, the Midlands, South Yorkshire and Lancashire, highlighting areas where carbon emissions are spatially correlated. In addition, this research uses geographically weighted regression (GWR) analysis to identify any existing relationship between annual income and carbon emissions with accounting of geography. The results show a consistent trend in the strength of this relationship, decreasing from northwest to southeast across the Great Britain. The highest coefficients are concentrated in eastern regions such as the South East, London and the East of England. This research aims to contribute to the understanding of spatial heterogeneity of the local environmental economics by informing relevant stakeholders and politicians about which regions are most in demand of targeted interventions. By identifying vulnerable areas, this study provides valuable insights into the UK's pursuit of sustainable development and low-carbon economy with the global movement towards green economy.
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Lanska, Douglas J. « Disinformation by Proponents of Perkins’ Patent “Metallick Tractors” (1798–1806) to Sway Public Opinion in Britain in Favor of a Fraudulent Therapy ». Histories 4, no 1 (30 janvier 2024) : 66–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories4010006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1796, American physician Elisha Perkins patented “metallick Tractors” for the treatment of various ailments, particularly those associated with pain. They were subsequently rapidly and widely disseminated in the United States and Great Britain based on testimonials and deceptive marketing tactics. Dissemination was facilitated by endorsements from prominent physicians, politicians, and clergymen; quasi-theoretical, handwaving explanations of efficacy based on Galvani’s then-current experiments; and the procedure’s apparent safety and simplicity. However, blinded placebo-controlled trials in Great Britain using sham devices demonstrated that the therapy was ineffective. In response, in the period from 1798 to 1806, Perkinists unleashed a barrage of disinformation (ad hominem attacks, misleading arguments, unethical propaganda tactics, and poetic and graphic satire) to sway public opinion in favor of the fraudulent therapy and against its critics. The disinformation slowed the abandonment of “tractoration”, but higher-level scientific argumentation ultimately prevailed. The Perkinist disinformation campaign had antecedents with the Mesmerist disinformation campaign in the mid-1780s. Similar propaganda tactics are still widely employed to encourage the purchase and use of disproven or fraudulent therapies, as evidenced by propaganda from adherents of acupuncture in response to negative clinical trials and from supporters of unsafe and ineffective therapies promulgated during COVID-19.
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Torp, Cornelius. « The Pension Crisis and the ‘Demographic Time Bomb’ : Perceptions and Misperceptions in Great Britain and Germany at the Turn of the Millennium ». English Historical Review 136, no 583 (1 décembre 2021) : 1542–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab355.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract At the turn of the millennium, Germany and the United Kingdom experienced the most severe crises of their pension systems since the Second World War. In both cases, politicians reacted with extensive reforms. The political debates in each country revolved around the notion that demographic ageing was at the root of the crises. Hence, the call for greater intergenerational equity became the key justification of fundamental pension-system reform. But a comparative historical analysis reveals that it is a vast oversimplification to blame the pension crises entirely on demographic ageing. In fact, a combination of other factors—which varied widely between the UK and Germany—far overshadowed the ‘demographic time-bomb’ as the driving force behind the crises. A prime factor in the UK was the declining value of the Basic State Pension and the growing importance of means-tested benefits, along with the decline of company pension schemes. By contrast, the problems facing the pension system in Germany primarily arose from rising unemployment, the systematic early retirement of millions of eastern Germans and the high costs of German unity, which were largely borne by the social-security system. Furthermore, in the debate on Germany’s ability to remain a thriving centre for business and industry, rising pension contributions were widely held responsible for declining competitiveness. In both countries, politicians seized upon the explanatory model of demographic ageing because it made sweeping reforms of the pension system appear the consequence of a quasi-natural process, and created a welcome opportunity to divert attention from socio-political blunders.
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Bullion, John L. « “To know this is the true essential business of a king” : The Prince of Wales and the Study of Public Finance, 1755–1760 ». Albion 18, no 3 (1986) : 429–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
By the middle of the eighteenth century, the growth of the national debt, the burden of the taxes necessary to support it, and the effect of this system of public finance on the politics, economy, and society of Britain, deeply concerned politicians in opposition. Their frequent expressions of concern were sufficiently persuasive to induce similar apprehensions on occasion in politicians at court. In 1753, when the national debt was a little over £74,000,000, earl Waldegrave, a personal favorite of George II, felt compelled to tell the House of Lords about a “consideration of very great importance, … the state of our national debt [and] the heavy taxes which are the consequences of this debt.” The situation required, he went on, “prudent measures of government, with that strict national economy which must be our only remedy.” Waldegrave did not go so far as to believe the nation was on the verge of collapse. As he pointed out, “a country and a government like ours has so many and so great resources, that we may bear a great deal and still be in a flourishing condition.” “Yet as long as this evil does subsist,” he warned the House, “we can never expect fully to exert our proper strength.” He concluded, “Till this burden is removed it will remain a check to our trade, will be still heavier on the landed interest, must lessen our credit and influence abroad, and will be a cause of discontent if not of disaffection at home.”
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Kustowska, Joanna. « Russia-United Kingdom Relations after The Year 2018. Condition and Predictions ». Reality of Politics 18, no 4 (31 décembre 2021) : 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop2021406.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The relations between the United Kingdom and the Russian Federation have a long history. Over centuries those relations were changing. At the beginning the countries were hostile and militant towards each other. Then, they became allies in World War I and World War II. However, never in the modern history bilateral relations between Great Britain and Russia have been so obscure and distant. Some scientists and politicians even suggest that relations between the United Kingdom and Russia are frozen. This thesis can be supported by the analysis of recent events in the 21st century history: from an attempt to murder ex-Russian agent in 2018 to firing warning shots at the British Royal Navy destroyer in the Black See by Russians in 2021.
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SHEPSLE, KENNETH A. « The political economy of state reform - political to the core ». Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 19, no 3 (juillet 1999) : 442–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571999-1090.
Texte intégralRésumé :
ABSTRACT The reform of governmental institutions is presently quite salient as many countries struggle with transitions to democracy. It is a constant preoccupation of developing countries as well as of highly developed democracies like Great Britain. International organizations like the World Bank are especially interested in the prospects of political reform for jump-starting national economies currently languishing in poverty and slow growth. For many commentators on these issues, at the Bank and elsewhere, politics is the source of problems. Politics (and politicians) are held in disdain and reformers are encouraged to design schemes insulating economic policies from politics. This is wrong-headed. The present paper provides a political-economy framework in which political ambition figures prominently and yet a constructive attitude toward politics is accommodated.
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Kubicha, Patrycja. « Chosen Keywords in the Discourse of British Politicians on Brexit : A Pragmatic Analysis ». Respectus Philologicus, no 41(46) (15 avril 2022) : 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2022.41.46.120.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The goal of the article was to select and analyze keywords concerning central Brexit-related themes found in chosen speeches delivered in the years 2013-2021 by politicians from three British parties: the Conservative Party, the Labour Party, and the Brexit Party. The decision regarding Brexit had been made as a result of the referendum in which a small majority of British citizens had voted for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to leave the EU. Via a pragmatic analysis conducted with the help of the program AntConc on a sample of one hundred transcripts of chosen speeches from sources such as the official government website and media websites, four keywords which played a crucial role in the discourse on Brexit were chosen, namely leave, remain, referendum, and country. They appeared in the speeches of members of all of the three above mentioned parties. In their rhetorical and persuasive speeches delivered before the referendum, the politicians tried to convince the British society to support Brexit or to be against it, and in their speeches given after the referendum, they accented, e.g., that the decision made by the majority of the voters needs to be honored.
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Moretta, Andrew, Steve Tombs et David Whyte. « The Escalating Crisis of Health and Safety Law Enforcement in Great Britain : What Does Brexit Mean ? » International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no 5 (7 mars 2022) : 3134. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19053134.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper explores occupational safety and health regulation in Great Britain following the UK’s exit from the European Union. In particular, the paper focuses on the credibility of regulatory enforcement. The prospects raised by the UK’s exit from the European Union have long been part of a free-market fantasy—even obsession—of right-wing politicians and their ideologues. As the UK’s relationship with the EU is recalibrated, this will present right-wing opportunists with a new rationale for undermining health and safety law and enforcement. The paper uses empirical evidence of Great Britain’s record in health and safety law enforcement to evidence a drift towards an extreme form of self-regulation. It deepens this evidence with a detailed analysis of key international policy debates, arguing that Brexit now raises an imminent threat of the UK entering a ‘race to the bottom’. The paper concludes that the 2021 EU/UK Trade and Co-operation Agreement may enable the UK to evade its formal health and safety responsibilities under the treaty because of the lack of the prospect of significant retaliatory ‘rebalancing’ measures. Should minimal health and safety requirements cease to apply in the post-EU era, then the UK Government will be free to pursue a system of self-regulation that will allow health and safety standards to fall even further behind those of other developed economies.
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Nieuwenbroek, Simone. « Een ruk naar Brits. De internationale politiek van Anna van Hannover, 1756-1757 ». Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 27 (31 décembre 2020) : 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/virtus.27.115-132.
Texte intégralRésumé :
From her earliest years, Anne of Hanover (1709-1759), the Princess Royal of Great Britain, grew up to be a politically engaged individual. During the stadholdership of her husband, William IV, Prince of Orange (1711-1751), she could give way to her political ambitions. She frequently took part in his meetings, corresponded with her husband’s closest advisors, and thereby built up a large network of Dutch regents and international politicians. These contacts came in useful when in October 1751 William IV unexpectedly passed away and Anne took over his political functions. This contribution analyses the ways in which the princess built and unfolded her own British orientated politics and used her network as a means to actively exert political power in the turbulent years 1747-1748 and 1755-1756.
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Simonovits, A. « Social security reform in the US : Lessons from Hungary ». Acta Oeconomica 57, no 4 (1 décembre 2007) : 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aoecon.57.2007.4.1.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The partial privatisation of the US Social Security system was clearly the top economic policy priority for the Bush administration around 2003. While many famous economists, publicists and politicians support, others reject the partial privatisation of the Social Security system. Political opposition has defeated the Bush plan but the basic idea will resurface sooner or later. Until now, international comparisons have been quite infrequent, concentrated on few countries (Chile, Great Britain and Sweden) and left out similar reforms introduced in similar situations, like in Hungary, Poland and other excommunist countries. In an attempt to fill this gap, in this article I outline the lessons learnt from the Hungarian reform, which started in 1998. The conclusion is simple: such a reform is feasible but does not solve the problems of social security (like sustainability and equity).
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Coroban, Costel. « British Reactions to Charles XII’s Stay in the Ottoman Empire ». Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no 1 (15 août 2011) : 29–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i1_3.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1709 the Great Northern War took an unfortunate course for Sweden, as following Charles XII’s defeat at Poltava, he was forced to retreat to Bender in the Ottoman Empire, where he would remain for 5 years.. The Swedish King’s retreat in the Ottoman Empire also reverberated in Britain, which at the time was involved in the War for Spanish Succession (1709-1714), and consequently sought for tranquillity at the North and Baltic Sea. While politicians were worried about the Swedish fleet, a worry which only aggravated after George I’s accession to the British thrones in 1714, writers such as Daniel Defoe and others could not refrain from expressing their admiration for the ‘Warrior King’ Charles XII. Soon after his return, Charles XII would even be associated with the Jacobite faction, rival to the House of Hanover which at the time ruled Britain. The purpose of this paper is to offer an overview of the whole spectrum of British publications and reactions regarding Charles XII’s sojourn in the Ottoman Empire, during his stay’s duration (1709-1714) and up to his death and the immediately subsequent period.
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Samarskaia, Liudmila Maksimovna. « British Policy in Palestine : Interests versus Reality (1917-1922) ». RUDN Journal of World History 12, no 2 (15 décembre 2020) : 112–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-2-112-135.
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The period between the publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 and League of Nations mandates official assignment to Great Britain in 1922 was not lengthy, but highly eventful. All this time England was maneuvring between the Jewish and the Arab national movements, which also gradually formed their own demands and objectives. The problem was, pursuing British interests was possible through maneuvring only, as support of just one local force was not quite strategically advantageous. Britains official commitment to the Balfour Declaration remained at the core of its policy, however it could not completely ignore the demands of the Arab polutaion of Palestine. Although there were quite a number of British administrators and imperial politicians, who were sympathetic towards the Zionist cause and thus were ready to meet their requests to a certain extent, adherence to the British Middle East interests remained crucial to them. The idea of a Jewish national home (not a state, though) in Palestine did not come into contradiction with the general policy of Great Britain in the Middle East: it was rather its integral part. At the same time implementing the Zionist project had to be in line with it: any relatively radical (from the British administrators point of view) proposals were rejected or postponed indefinitely. Towards the Arabs of Palestine Great Britain was conducting mainly declarative policy without any serious consideration of their problems and grievances, although trying to appease their demands to a certain extent. Even the Arab riots of 1920 and 1921 did not cause a serious change in the British political course in Palestine, although they did contribute to the emergence of Churchills White Paper in 1922, declaring certain concessions to the Arab national movement, which never accepted the document. At the same time British policy in general was neither pro-Zionist, nor pro-Arab: England was pursuing its long-term strategic goals in the Middle East, skillfully utilizing Zionist and Arab national movements to achieve them.
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Zriba, Hassen. « Social Cohesion and Cultural Diversity in Contemporary Britain : Impossible Mission ! » American International Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences 1, no 2 (17 juin 2019) : 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46545/aijhass.v1i2.92.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In contemporary multicultural Britain, the concept of social cohesion has been a pressing priority for not only politicians and sociologists but also for the various British ethnic minorities. Race riots like those of 2001 in Northern Britain and the events of 7/7 in London (2005) put into question the allegiances of different British ethnic populations. They equally shed light on the real or perceived lack of social and cultural communication between the established British host population and the British ethnic and immigrant communities. Hence, social cohesion came to the fore as the new jargon of governance in contemporary Britain.This article analyzes on the concept of social cohesion and its applicability within an officially declared multicultural community like that of Great Britain. The concept will be reviewed, defined and approached from different liberal political perspectives (Robert Dahl’s pluralist approach and Arend Lijphart’s consociationalism to the more recent Will Kymlicka’s group-differentiated citizenship) while paying special attention to the British context. Bhikhu Parekh’s conception of the different theoretical approaches to the issue of social cohesion that are pertinent to liberal capitalist societies in general and the British context, in particular, is investigated. The aim of this study is to highlight the complexity of the normative accounts of the political scientists regarding the challenges that face multicultural Britain in coming to terms with its endeavour of creating “unity within diversity”. The 2002 White Paper and security speech of David Cameron (2011) political discourses are analyzed and evaluated to decipher how they understood national identity in relation to cultural diversity and social cohesion.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3376484
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Schultz, Kenneth A. « The Politics of the Political Business Cycle ». British Journal of Political Science 25, no 1 (janvier 1995) : 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007079.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Existing models of the political business cycle have performed poorly in empirical tests because they have misspecified the interests of their primary actors – the incumbent politicians. While these models assume that governments face similar incentives to manipulate the economy at each election, governments' incentives can in fact vary from election to election depending upon their political needs at the time. The more likely the government is to be re-elected, the less it can gain by inducing cycles that are costly because of their impact on both the government's reputation and future macroeconomic performance. The degree to which the government manipulates the economy should thus be negatively correlated with its political security going into the election.This prediction is tested by examining transfer payments in Great Britain, 1961–92. While a traditional model that is insensitive to the government's political needs finds no evidence of politically-motivated manipulations, a model which takes these factors into account reveals a robust, and at times sizeable, electoral-economic cycle.
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Cavell, Janice. « Suez and After : Canada and British Policy in the Middle East, 1956–1960 ». Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 18, no 1 (17 juin 2008) : 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018258ar.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract The Suez crisis is generally considered to be a decisive turning-point in Canada’s relations with Great Britain. Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent and Secretary of State for External Affairs Lester Pearson refused to support Britain’s military action in Egypt, choosing instead to work through the United Nations for a resolution of the conflict. It seemed that Canada was repudiating a subservient role and declaring its final independence from the mother country. However, the documentary record shows that Canadian politicians and diplomats were in fact eager to work for what they believed to be Britain’s good. In their view, Britain had temporarily lost sight of its own, and the western world’s, best interests. During the years immediately after Suez, support for British policies was a priority of Canadian diplomats, most notably Arnold Smith, Canada’s ambassador to Egypt from 1958 to 1960. Smith played an important role in the resumption of diplomatic relations between Britain and Egypt. Drawing on previously unused documents in the files of the Department of External Affairs, this paper outlines Canadian views of, and Canada’s relationship to, British policy in the Middle East during and after Suez. It demonstrates that a “colony to nation” framework is inadequate for the study of the Anglo-Canadian relationship in the years following World War II. Instead, the broader context of Cold War politics must be taken into consideration. The paper also shows that despite the surface differences between Liberal and Conservative foreign policy, there were strong elements of continuity between the St. Laurent and Diefenbaker governments.
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Khakhalkina, E. V. « “HOW GRAND IS OUR DESIGN FOR EUROPE?” : INTEGRATION PLANS OF THE GREAT BRITAIN IN THE LATE OF 1950S ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 4(49) (28 août 2016) : 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-58-68.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The UK European Union membership referendum 2016 and its results actualized the study of the British initiatives in the sphere of integration before the entry into the European Economic Community in 1973. The article is devoted to the little-known in Russian historiography "Grand Design"of H. Macmillan, nominated in the wake of the failure of the Suez operation against Egypt in 1956. Plan with such bright and eye-catching name suggested the creation of a broad integration group in Europe as alternative with Britain as a leader to the preparing for the establishment of projects of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic energy community. The project was designed to restore the prestige of the Conservative Party and to strengthen the shaky position of Britain in NATO and European affairs after Suez Crisis. At the same time the emergence of the plan reflected the desire of the Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan to weaken the struggle inside political establishment between supporters and opponents of the country's full-fledged participation in the European integration and take the lead in the integration movement from France. Analysis of the content of the project and attempts to implement it within the framework of a Free Trade Area (FTA) reveals the essence of the "special position" of the UK towards supranational integration and the British vision of the future of European integration. Modern United Kingdom appeared in the new European realities after the Referendum on the country’s membership in the European Union and returns to the starting point on the path of supranational integration and to the search for its place in Europe. In these circumstances, the ideas expressed by British politicians more than half a century ago, may again prove to be demanded and relevant.
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Khakhalkina, E. V. « E.V. From ‘Greater’ to ‘Global Britain’ : The New and the Old in the Foreign Policy of the United Kingdom ». Lomonosov World Politics Journal 15, no 3 (4 décembre 2023) : 160–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2023-15-3-160-184.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The UK withdrawal from the European Union forced the country to reevaluate its relations with the outer world. These political and ideological searches culminated in the concept of Global Britain. At the same time, they have drawn attention of the academic community to similar intellectual endeavors at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries, when British politicians also faced the need for a qualitative reassessment of the empire’s place in the world. In this context historical references can both help to place the concept of Global Britain within a broader ideological and political framework and shed light on some of its less obvious aspects. And it is particularly interesting to compare it with the concept of Greater Britain, which was extensively discussed during that period. The first section of the paper identifies the origins of the Greater Britain concept, as well as its key provisions. The author notes that the idea of ‘Greater Britain’, aiming to create a sort of federation that would bring together the metropole and the dominions, emerged as a response to growing centrifugal tendencies within the British Empire and intensification of colonial rivalry between the great powers. The second section outlines the conceptual core of the ‘Global Britain’, which involves expanding the scope of the UK foreign policy opportunities after leaving the European Union by establishing a more active interaction with countries and regions that were once part of the empire. The paper emphasizes the migration factor, which served as a fundamental element of the British statehood in various periods of its history and became an integral part of the British political identity. The author argues that there is a certain continuity in the ideological and philosophical content of the two concepts, which were both formulated in similar conditions, both originated from the search for new guidelines for the UK policy in a changing world. However, these concepts shouldn’t be confused. Whereas ‘Greater Britain’ was aimed at consolidating the crumbling empire, ‘Global Britain’ is intended primarily to bridge various divides across the society, which in turn implies re-examination of the UK national identity in general. The author concludes that the concept of Global Britain in its current form cannot address these issues, on the contrary, it rather epitomizes the lack of innovative ideas and solutions among contemporary British elites.
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Mickiewicz, Piotr. « AUKUS AS AN EFFECTIVE RESPONSE TO THE PROSPECTIVE LIMITATION OF AMERICAN DOMINATION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC ». Torun International Studies 1, no 18 (30 septembre 2023) : 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/tis.2023.011.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The establishment of the AUKUS system by the USA, Great Britain and Australia is a tangible proof of the change in the American maritime strategy and the rivalry with China for influence in the Indo-Pacific. Including Australia in the efforts to curb Chinese regional expansion is an undoubted success of Washington, which has skilfully used both the weaknesses of the QUAD agreement and the Australia-India-Indonesia trilateral cooperation to persuade Canberra to redefine its policy towards China and the region itself. As a result, Australia is becoming not only the second most important ally of the USA after Great Britain, but also the most important maritime player in the Indian Ocean. This status also poses a threat to the US, as it will weaken the community of interests with India and – to a lesser extent – with Saudi Arabia. Moreover, American politicians must accept the fact that they will be co-makers of policies in the Indo-Pacific region and that sometimes – in their own interest – they will be forced to remain passive in the face of actions taken by Canberra. The aim of the article is to analyze the political significance of the AUKUS agreement for American politics and to assess the possibility of its potential transformation into a political alliance or a regional maritime security complex. This assessment will be made based on the analysis of strategic documents of the signatories of the agreement and political and economic conditions in the Indo-Pacific region. The issue of approval by the American political establishment for recognizing Australia as an independent political player in this region was considered a major threat to the implementation of this political concept.
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Tochman, Krzysztof A. « Zapomniany kurier do Delegatury Rządu. Ppor. Napoleon Segieda „Wera” (1908–1991) ». UR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 20, no 3 (2021) : 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/johass.2021.3.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article presents Second Lieutenant Napoleon Segieda, alias Gustav Molin “Wera” or Jerzy Salski (after the war), born in the Zamość region, a resident of Pomerania, and a political courier to the government of the Polish Underground State (during the war), parachuted to the country on the night of 7th November 1941. The paper is the first attempt to show his biography and military achievements. He was a participant in the war of 1939 (the defense of Warsaw), and then, a prisoner of war in the German camps, whence, after many trials and tribulations, he arrived at the Polish Forces base in Great Britain. On completing his mission in the country (summer 1942), Segieda set off to London again with the first comprehensive report of the Polish Underground State to the Polish government-in-exile, London. As early as in 1942, being a witness to the extermination, he alerted the world to the Holocaust, to practically no effect, since the West was not particularly interested in the problem. From spring to summer 1942, Napoleon Segieda stayed in the city of Oświęcim where he collected information about the Concentration Camp Auschwitz. On 8th August 1942, he left Warsaw and, via Cracow and Vienna, reached Switzerland where, for unknown reasons, he got stuck on the way to London for a few months. His report was later distributed among many important and influential politicians of the allied community in Great Britain and the USA. It is worth mentioning that the messages on the Holocaust by Stefan Karboński (the head of the leadership of civil combat) also arrived in London during the summer 1942. After the war, Napoleon Segieda settled down in London, under the surname of Jerzy Salski, where he died completely forgotten.
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Mukhortov, Denis S., et Elizaveta A. Zhovner. « Linking Word Use and Personality Characteristics : A Contrastive Study into Parliamentary Communications of Labour Leaders Jeremy Corbyn and Keir Starmer ». RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 14, no 1 (30 mars 2023) : 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2023-14-1-53-69.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Over the past thirty years, Russian linguistic studies have noted terminological heterogeneity in the concepts of “jazykovaja lichnost” and “kommunikativnaja lichnost”, literally “linguistic personality” and “communicative personality”, however, in the field of political communication, due to the inextricable connection of political discourse with the socio-cultural, historical, or political context that constructs it, their differentiation was observed rather than interchangeability. This research seeks to characterise “kommunikativnaja lichnost”, a key concept in linguopersonology. The evidence base is parliamentary speeches of Jeremy Corbyn and Keir Starmer, previous and current leaders of the Labor Party of Great Britain. The results of a qualitative analysis have been verified through the Sketch Engine content analysis program, and they demonstrate how a politician’s rhetoric can change depending on situational factors - in this case, the foreign political situation and domestic political processes. The overarching theme of the politicians’ communications is the termination of the UK’s membership in the European Union and the protracted coronavirus pandemic, which is the root of all social and economic ills. The words frequently used by Corbyn and Starmer are predetermined by the communicative behaviours of the politicians. The article attempts to determine the ‘communicative personality’ of Corbin and Starman using the leadership typology proposed by Harold Lasswell. This work thus contributes to the development of linguopersonology provisions and raises the necessity to develop types of the ‘communicative personality’ of a politician. Given the analysis results, the article suggests interpreting the Russian concept ‘kommunikativnaja lichnost’ as ‘linking word use and personality characteristics’.