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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political violence – Europe »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political violence – Europe"

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KERSHAW, IAN. « War and Political Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe ». Contemporary European History 14, no 1 (février 2005) : 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002164.

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This article takes the obvious link between war and political violence in twentieth-century Europe to ask three questions. Did the cause of such a massive upsurge in violence have roots extending beyond the technologies of modern warfare? What shapes the relative propensity of states and societies towards violence? And what is specifically ‘modern’ (other than the technology of destruction) about mass killing in the twentieth century? It finds answers in the use of popular sovereignty to justify unprecedented ethnic conflict, in a mix of ingredients linked to political culture and contested state legitimacy, and in the role of bureaucracy and technology in the orchestration of large-scale and state-sponsored violence.
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Solomos, John. « Racist violence in Europe ». International Affairs 71, no 2 (avril 1995) : 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623514.

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Pargeter, Alison. « North African Immigrants in Europe and Political Violence ». Studies in Conflict & ; Terrorism 29, no 8 (23 novembre 2006) : 731–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100600701990.

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Body-Gendrot, Sophie. « Urban Violence in Contemporary Europe ». European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 13, no 1 (2005) : 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571817053558284.

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Häberlen, Joachim C. « Political violence and democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940 ». Modern & ; Contemporary France 24, no 4 (12 juillet 2016) : 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2016.1188790.

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Skordos, Adamantios Theodor. « Ethno-Political Violence in Southeast Europe – The Cyprus Case ». Austrian Review of International and European Law Online 19, no 1 (2 mars 2017) : 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15736512-01901027.

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Schumann, Dirk. « Europa, der Erste Weltkrieg und die Nachkriegszeit : Eine Kontinuität der Gewalt ? » Journal of Modern European History 1, no 1 (mars 2003) : 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2003_1_24.

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Europe, the First World War, and its Aftermath: A Continuity of Violence? This essay summarizes the contributions of this volume and suggests paths for further research. Political and other violence, rather than resulting from a general «brutalization» of the soldiers on all sides, followed a pattern consistent with Theodor Schieder's threefold typology of the formation of nation-states in modern Europe. Violence was most pronounced in those parts of Eastern Europe where, after the collapse of authoritarian governments, new ideological conflicts exacerbated deep-rooted ethnic tensions. The visual aspect of politics needs further scrutiny, while the question how the redefinition of gender roles during and after the war affected politics and political violence is also important. Concepts of «modernization » may be helpful in determining the nature of postwar violence, provided that they are selective.
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Eggert, Jennifer Philippa. « Researching Terrorism and Political Violence ». Exchanges : The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 6, no 1 (1 novembre 2018) : 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v6i1.266.

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Professor Louise Richardson is a political scientist focusing on terrorism and political violence. She became Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford in January 2016, having previously served at the Universities of St. Andrews and Harvard. She has written widely on international terrorism, British foreign and defence policy, security, and international relations. Professor Richardson holds a BA in History from Trinity College Dublin, an MA in Political Science from UCLA as well as an MA and PhD in Government from Harvard University. She visited the University of Warwick in November 2017 to deliver a talk on her career and being a female leader, as part of the University’s ‘Inspiring Women’ series. In this interview, she speaks about research on terrorism and political violence; how approaches to terrorism studies differ between the US and Europe; how the discipline has changed since the 1970s; the importance of interdisciplinary approaches to the study of terrorism and political violence; whether terrorism studies are a distinct discipline; differences between terrorism and conflict studies; and what makes a good university teacher. Photograph credit: OUImages/John Cairns
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Pfeiffer, Christian. « Juvenile Crime and Violence in Europe ». Crime and Justice 23 (janvier 1998) : 255–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449272.

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Lutz, Brenda J., et James M. Lutz. « Political Violence in the Republic of Rome : Nothing New under the Sun ». Government and Opposition 41, no 4 (2006) : 491–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00201.x.

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AbstractAt various times the Roman Republic faced outbreaks of domestic political violence, including riots and intimidation, assassinations and conspiracies to overthrow the government. Violence was particularly noticeable in the Early Republic and the Late Republic. These activities were quite similar to the terrorism and violence used by mobs and groups during the French Revolution and the tactics of fascists and leftists in Europe in the 1920s or 1930s. More accurately, the actions of mobs and others during the French Revolution and leftists and fascists in Europe were very similar to the techniques used in the Roman political system in the last five centuries BCE.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Political violence – Europe"

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Ottina, Andrea. « Government Response to Political Activism : Conflict between the Public and the State, Genoa 2001 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7864.

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Protests represent an extremely delicate issue for governments and authorities in terms of security and democracy. Most recently in the last decade, demonstrations have acquired a global and international characterisation, rendering these trans-national phenomena. This research is a case study which aims to contribute to the political development of Italy by analysing the policies in relation to the management of protests by using theoretical frameworks drawn from fields of social and political sciences such as Public Policy and Peace and Conflict studies. The goal of this research is to analyse events in a broader picture, investigating democratic values and state response to social movements such as protests. In other words, it seeks to answer the following questions: How was the government response conceived and what impact did this have on state values of security, democracy and justice? Considering comparable cases, what was the impact in terms of policy and practice of these strategies? How can public policy theories of social construction help to explain the government response and thus contribute to prevention of such violence in future?
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Clark, Gemma M. « Fire, boycott, threat and harm : social and political violence within the local community : a study of three Munster counties during the Irish Civil War, 1922-23 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:489ecec0-af92-442c-a837-68e6e157e1c1.

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In its investigation of social and political violence during the Irish Civil War, this thesis tackles the diverse range of deliberate, frightening and harmful actions—largely neglected by military and political histories of the conflict—that surfaced in local communities in Ireland during 1922–23. Through a three-county study of Limerick, Tipperary and Waterford, in the province of Munster, this thesis examines and explains violence perpetrated alongside and away from armed encounters between the anti-Treaty republican army and Free State forces. It identifies three main categories of violence: arson (the burning of houses, crops and infrastructure), intimidation (including boycott, damage to property, verbal and written threats, animal maiming, cattle driving and land seizure) and violence against the person (bodily damage or death through physical contact or the use of weapons). The thesis charts, where possible, the frequency of the violent act and, in exploring the symbolism and strategies involved in arson, intimidation and violence against the person, identifies two key functions of social and political violence. For one, targeted violence was used, during the Irish Civil War, to regulate community relations: state-sanctioned ethnic cleansing did not take place, but the religious and political minority (Protestants, ex-Servicemen and other British Loyalists) were deliberately persecuted, resulting in their flight from Munster. Land is another powerful motif in the thesis; the second key function of violence was to challenge attitudes towards rural issues and force redistribution outside the official channels. The thesis also places the Irish Civil War in perspective: the prolific bloodshed, sexual violence and gruesome torture witnessed in Central Europe, after World War I, did not become the norm in Ireland. Animals and private property bore the brunt of the severest actions in the three Munster counties. By bringing to light victims’ experiences of violence recorded in largely unexplored compensation claims, this thesis captures the complex questions of loyalty and identity—facing armed actors and officials, as well as civilians—that beset the violent and chaotic establishment of independent Ireland.
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Tekfa, Yacine Hichem. « La résolution du conflit de l’Irlande du nord dans le cadre de la gestion civile des crises et du règlement des conflits en Europe 1972-2005 ». Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030037.

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Cette thèse porte sur les initiatives et les stratégies de recherches de solutions politiques au conflit nord-irlandais, engagées par les gouvernements britanniques et irlandais depuis les années 1970. L’enjeu est d’expliquer les possibilités de solutions en privilégiant l’angle d’approche de sortie du conflit, adopté par Londres, Belfast et Dublin. L’espoir de paix en Irlande du Nord s’amorce avec le cessez-le-feu de l’IRA de 1994 qui marque un tournant dans l’histoire du conflit. Dès lors, la recherche d’une issue est engagée dans la voie du compromis [partage des pouvoirs entre la minorité catholique et la majorité protestante et lutte contre les systèmes de discrimination et d’inégalités]. Avec l’engagement de ce processus de paix et l’implication de l’Union européenne, à travers des programmes de paix et de réconciliation va émerger un désir de réconciliation intercommunautaire [entre catholiques et protestants]. L’examen de l’Accord de paix du Vendredi Saint de 1998 a révélé que l’expérience nord-irlandaise fournit un mode opératoire de négociation de sortie du conflit par un compromis suis generis. Cette configuration de la paix multidimensionnelle est devenue une métaphore européenne sur les principes de prévention et de règlement des conflits. L’émergence d’un « paradigme » nord-irlandais constitue l’objet de cette étude sur les formes de mobilisation pour la paix et la prévention des conflits dans l’Union européenne
This thesis deals with political initiatives and efforts to achieve solutions to the Northern Irish conflict, by examining policies instituted by the British and Irish Governments since the 1970s. The purpose is to explain how possible solutions to the conflict were envisioned by focusing on differing approaches to conflict resolution as adopted by London, Belfast and Dublin. The hope for peace in Northern Ireland is interconnected with the ceasefire of the IRA in 1994 that marks a turning point in the history of the conflict. Therefore, the quest for a peaceful outcome involved engagement in the path of the compromise and power sharing between the Catholic minority and the Protestant majority as well as the fight against discrimination and inequality. With the commitment of this peace process, the involvement of the European Union through peace and reconciliation programmes helped to foster a desire for inter-community reconciliation. The examination of the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 reveals that the Northern Ireland experience provides a procedure to negotiate the end of the conflict by sui generis compromise. This multidimensional approach and configuration of peace process has become a European metaphor for conflict prevention and resolution principles. The object of this study is consequently to show the emergence of a Northern Irish « paradigm » that can provide the basis for forms of mobilization for peace and conflict prevention in the European Union
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Moser, Heather S. « Silencing the Revelry : An Examination of the Moral Panic in 186 BCE and the Political Implications Accompanying the Persecution of the Bacchic Cult in the Roman Republic ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1398073604.

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Bavaro, Alice <1994&gt. « Una pandemia nella pandemia : la violenza contro le donne. Un’indagine a livello europeo con particolare riferimento al periodo di quarantena da Covid-19 ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20967.

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La violenza contro le donne è un fenomeno onnipresente in tutto il mondo ed è caratterizzata da una serie di atti psicologici, fisici, sessuali, persecutori ed economici che provocano danni e sofferenze di natura psicologica, fisica ed economica nei confronti della vittima. Alla luce dell’allarmante rilevanza di casi di violenza, durante lo scorso periodo di quarantena in Europa, il presente lavoro si propone di rispondere ad una domanda precisa ossia se si stanno facendo progressi nella lotta alla violenza contro le donne. Il fenomeno perciò è tuttora diffuso ma difficile da percepire, trattare e misurare, e per questa ragione rimane ancora ampiamente inosservato. Per rispondere alla domanda, viene analizzato con un approccio multidisciplinare il fenomeno della violenza contro le donne in tutti i suoi aspetti, con particolare riferimento alla violenza domestica e alla violenza del partner intimo. Lo studio prende in considerazione: la natura e le cause del fenomeno; le conseguenze sul benessere delle donne; le risposte date al fenomeno a livello internazionale da un punto di vista giuridico-normativo e quelle date dagli operatori che entrano in contatto con la vittima. L'obiettivo di questa tesi è quello di dimostrare come sia possibile in realtà ottenere un quadro preciso di tutti gli aspetti del fenomeno e con ciò ottenere quindi dei miglioramenti risolutivi che possono essere attuati per prevenire, affrontare ed anche diminuire tale problema.
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Pastorino, Agnese. « Médias audiovisuels et contenus sexuels en ligne à l'adolescence : enjeux politiques en Europe ». Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB244.

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Les médias audiovisuels exposent les adolescents à la vision de contenus sexuels sur la Toile. Dans le débat public, la disponibilité en ligne de matériel « susceptible de nuire » ou « nuisant gravement » aux enfants suscite des formes de panique morale. Une préoccupation majeure dérive des risques de nature sexuelle, comme la pornographie, la texto-pornographie et la pornographie enfantine. Au niveau politico-institutionnel européen, les mesures mises en œuvre reposent sur des solutions d'autorégulation, de co-régulation et de régulation. Parmi ces initiatives, les plus importantes ont été le programme Safer Internet et deux directives respectivement axées sur la protection des mineurs par rapport aux Services de médias audiovisuels (2010/13/UE) et sur la lutte contre les abus sexuels et l'exploitation sexuelle des enfants, ainsi que la pédopornographie (2011/92/UE). Sur le plan méthodologique, la thèse est basée sur l'analyse de 45 débats au sein du Parlement européen qui ont traité de ces questions entre 2001 et 2016. Ce corpus a été examiné au moyen d'un protocole quali-quantitatif original, avec une analyse de contenu et la méthode Alceste appliquées à l'aide des logiciels ATLAS.ti et IRaMuTeQ. La thèse souhaite contribuer à la recherche sur les médias audiovisuels et les contenus sexuels en ligne face aux adolescents et aux enfants, en proposant un point de vue original sur les enjeux politiques européens. L'hypothèse principale était que les débats parlementaires européens sont limités en termes de représentativité des cultures nationales. À partir de ce présupposé, nous avons enquêté sur les différents niveaux impliqués : juridique, scientifique, éthique et politique. Les principaux résultats renvoient aux éléments suivants : 1. la variété des interprétations politico-juridiques de certains concepts et des définitions de quelques termes, outre l'étude des principes juridiques impliqués (quatrième chapitre) ; 2. les descriptions des contenus sexuels nuisibles pour les enfants en ligne et les difficultés de la politique européenne relevées dans les débats parlementaires (cinquième chapitre) ; 3. les limites du savoir scientifique européen en termes de représentativité des cultures nationales, par l'analyse des données statistiques et des études citées (sixième chapitre) ; 4. la multiplicité des considérations éthiques, notamment sur la base des différentes cultures nationales (septième chapitre) ; 5. le choix de privilégier des mesures auto-réglementaires (huitième chapitre)
Audiovisual media expose adolescents to the vision of sexual contents on the Internet. Within public debate, online availability of material « likely to harm » or « seriously harming » children generates forms of moral panic. A major concern derives from sexual risks, such as pornography, sexting and child-pornography. At the European political-institutional level, the measures implemented are based on auto-regulatory, co-regulatory and regulatory solutions. Among these initiatives, the most important ones have been the Safer Internet programme and two directives respectively focused on children protection with regards to Audiovisual Media Services (2010/13/UE) and on combating the sexual abuse and sexual exploitation of children and child pornography (2011/92/UE). Methodologically, the thesis analyzes 45 debates of the European Parliament which dealt with these issues between 2001 and 2016. This corpus has been examined through an original quali-quantitative protocol, with a content analysis and the Alceste method applied via the softwares ATLAS.ti and IRaMuTeQ. This work wishes to contribute to research on audiovisual media, online sexual contents, adolescents and children, by proposing an original point of view on European policy. The main hypothesis has been that European parliamentary debates are limited in terms of representativeness of national cultures; starting from this premise, several aspects have been surveyed, either juridical, scientific, ethical and political issues. The main results respectively refer to different elements: 1. the variety of political-juridical interpretations of some concepts and the definitions of a few terms, besides the study of some juridical principles involved (fourth chapter); 2. the descriptions of online audiovisual sexual risks and the difficulties of European policy retrieved within parliamentary debates (fifth chapter); 3. the limits of European scientific knowledge in terms of representativeness of national culture, through the analysis of mentioned statistical data and studies (sixth chapter); 4. the multiplicity of ethical considerations, even based on different national cultures (seventh chapter); 5. the choice to favor self-regulatory measures (eight chapter)
I media audiovisivi espongono gli adolescenti alla visione di contenuti sessuali sulla Rete. Nel dibattito pubblico, la disponibilità online di materiale « potenzialmente » o « gravemente nocivo » per i bambini suscita delle forme di panico morale. Una preoccupazione maggiore deriva dai rischi di natura sessuale, quali la pornografia, il sexting e la pedo-pornografia. Sul piano politico-istituzionale europeo, le misure implementate si basano su soluzioni di autoregolamentazione, co-regolamentazione e regolamentazione. Tra queste iniziative, le più importanti sono state il programma Safer Internet e le due direttive rispettivamente dedicate alla protezione dei minori rispetto ai Servizi dei media audiovisivi (2010/13/UE) e la lotta contro l'abuso e lo sfruttamento sessuale dei bambini, così come la pornografia minorile (2011/92/UE). Sul piano metodologico, la tesi è basata sull'analisi di 45 dibattiti del Parlamento europeo che hanno trattato queste questioni tra il 2001 e il 2016. Il corpus è stato esaminato mediante un protocollo quali-quantitativo originale, con un'analisi del contenuto e il metodo Alceste, applicati mediante i programmi ATLAS.ti e IRaMuTeQ. La tesi desidera contribuire alla ricerca sui media audiovisivi, i contenuti sessuali online, gli adolescenti e i bambini, proponendo un punto di vista originale sulle questioni politiche europee. L'ipotesi principale è stata che i dibattiti parlamentari europei siano limitati in termini di rappresentatività delle culture nazionali ; a partire da questo presupposto, abbiamo indagato diversi livelli implicati : giuridico, scientifico, etico e politico. I principali risultati si riferiscono rispettivamente a questi diversi elementi : 1. la varietà delle interpretazioni politico-giuridiche di alcuni concetti e delle definizioni di alcuni termini, oltre che lo studio dei principi giuridici implicati (quarto capitolo) ; 2. le descrizioni dei rischi audiovisivi sessuali online e le difficoltà della politica europea rilevati nei dibattiti parlamentari (quinto capitolo) ; 3. i limiti del sapere scientifico europeo in termini di rappresentatività delle culture nazionali, attraverso l'analisi dei dati statistici e degli studi citati (sesto capitolo) ; 4. la molteplicità delle considerazioni etiche, anche sulla base delle diverse culture nazionali degli oratori (settimo capitolo) ; 5. la scelta di privilegiare delle misure auto-regolamentarie (ottavo capitolo)
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Schneider, Julia Rose. « Perpetrators, Bystanders, and Victims : An Examination of Women's Roles in the Yugoslav Wars ». Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1619190860477378.

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Bowen, Lauren R. « Free to Hate Freedom and the survival of liberalized states confronting theemergence of political Islam ; effective state solutions to the rise of Islamic politicalviolence in democratic societies ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1440889210.

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Browne, Arianna. « The Ill-Treatment of Their Countrywoman : Liberated African Women, Violence, and Power in Tortola, 1807-1834 ». DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2021. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2307.

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In 1807, Parliament passed an Act to abolish the slave trade, leading to the Royal Navy’s campaign of policing international waters and seizing ships suspected of illegal trading. As the Royal Navy captured slave ships as prizes of war and condemned enslaved Africans to Vice-Admiralty courts, formerly enslaved Africans became “captured negroes” or “liberated Africans,” making the subjects in the British colonies. This work, which takes a microhistorical approach to investigate the everyday experiences of liberated Africans in Tortola during the early nineteenth century, focuses on the violent conditions of liberated African women, demonstrating that abolition consisted of violent contradictions that mirrored slavery.
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Ivey, Madison. « It Takes a Village : An Analysis of Multilateralism and the Legal Mechanisms Designed to Prevent Violence Against Women ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1377.

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Treaties and international organizations work together to create a global environment that protects the rights of a person and actively promotes the well-being of society. However, they do not necessarily guarantee the rights of everyone. Since women are not explicitly named in human rights documents, they are often not granted equal human rights. Therefore, it takes more than just international legal instruments to guarantee women's rights as human rights. A combination of civil society (NGOs), International organizations (IOs), and domestic government creates a perfect coalition to beat the barriers that must be overcome to fully protect women from violence.
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Livres sur le sujet "Political violence – Europe"

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Bloxham, Donald, et Robert Gerwarth, dir. Political Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511793271.

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Political Violence in twentieth-century Europe. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2011.

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Violence in early modern Europe. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2001.

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Millington, Chris, et Kevin Passmore, dir. Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137515957.

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King, Charles. Nationalism, violence, and the end of Eastern Europe. New York : Oxford University Press, 2010.

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Sophie, Body-Gendrot, et Spierenburg Petrus Cornelis, dir. Violence in Europe : Historical and contemporary perspectives. New York : Springer, 2008.

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Warren, Jean-Philippe, Ivan Carel et Robert Comeau. Violences politiques : Europe et Amériques, 1960-1979. Montréal, QC : Lux Éditeur, 2013.

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Extreme politics : Nationalism, violence, and the end of Eastern Europe. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2010.

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Jugenson, Luba. Muséographie des violences en Europe centrale et ex-URSS. Paris : Éditions Kimé, 2016.

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Borneman, John. Settling accounts : Violence, justice, and accountability in postsocialist Europe. Princeton, N.J : Princeton University Press, 1997.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political violence – Europe"

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Janke, Peter. « Europe ». Dans The Future of Political Violence, 93–101. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18187-2_9.

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Horchem, Hans Josef. « Terrorism in Western Europe ». Dans The Future of Political Violence, 145–58. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18187-2_14.

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Witte, Rob. « Racist Violence : An Issue on the Political Agenda ? » Dans Racist Violence in Europe, 139–53. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23034-1_10.

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Ridley, Nicholas. « Violence in pre-1914 Europe ». Dans Michael Collins and the Financing of Violent Political Struggle, 3–12. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge studies in modern history ; 34 : Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315444925-1.

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Hajek, Andrea. « “Years of Lead” ? Political Violence in Perspective ». Dans Negotiating Memories of Protest in Western Europe, 17–34. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137263780_2.

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Campion, Jonas. « Gendarmes Facing Political Violence : Belgium, 1918–1940 ». Dans Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940, 160–72. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137515957_10.

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Albanese, Giulia. « Political Violence and Institutional Crisis in Interwar Southern Europe ». Dans Rethinking the Nature of Fascism, 186–96. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230295001_8.

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Reichardt, Sven. « Violence, Body, Politics : Paradoxes in Interwar Germany ». Dans Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940, 62–96. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137515957_5.

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Passmore, Kevin. « Introduction : Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940 ». Dans Political Violence and Democracy in Western Europe, 1918–1940, 1–13. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137515957_1.

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Kuße, Holger. « Chapter 2. Diffuse messages as aggression and violence in political discourse ». Dans Political Discourse in Central, Eastern and Balkan Europe, 23–38. Amsterdam : John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.84.02kus.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political violence – Europe"

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Fernández-Prados, Juan S., Antonia Lozano-Díaz et Alexandra Ainz-Galende. « Political Violence and Religion in Europe ». Dans 3rd International Academic Conference on Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/3rd.iachss.2019.08.477.

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Karabushenko, Pavel, et Ekaterina Gainutdinova. « The concept of Greater Eurasia and geopolitics ». Dans East – West : Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.dxyu5419.

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In modern international relations, the emphasis of dominance is beginning to shift more and more from the Western part of the political map of the world to the East. Countries that were previously in colonial dependence on the West (China, India) are beginning to challenge international leadership. Against this background, at the beginning of the XXI century, the concept of Greater Eurasia began to take shape and gradually develop, as a desire to acquire subjectivity and an attempt to establish a new hierarchy of geopolitical leadership. Geopolitical geometry plays an important role in the analysis of these processes, which delineates the Eurasian space in accordance with the currently available geopolitical strategies of the leading world powers. And in this geometry, the Caspian region is increasingly emerging, to which the properties of the axial region of Eurasia are increasingly being attributed. The axial region means a certain space that has an increased degree of attraction (economic, cultural, political), which determines the course of history and politics. As the political history of Eurasia shows, most often significant events and vast empires (Persia, Horde, Russia, etc.) arose precisely in the area of the so-called "Caspian Gate" connecting the expanses of Europe and Asia. This work analyzes the concept of Greater Eurasia through the prism of its geopolitical assessment and the role played in its development by its axial region – the Greater Caspian region.
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Hageback, Niklas. « Forecasting the Underlying Psychological Forces to Political Violence through Big Data Symbol Mining ». Dans 2016 European Intelligence and Security Informatics Conference (EISIC). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eisic.2016.050.

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Lupu, Ramona Neacsa. « Use Of Violence Against Bistriţa Monastery – Political Discourse In 16th Century Walachia ». Dans 2nd Central and Eastern European LUMEN International Conference - Multidimensional Education and Professional Development. Ethical Values. Cognitive-crcs, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2017.07.03.56.

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Kayaoglu, Turan. « PREACHERS OF DIALOGUE : INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERFAITH THEOLOGY ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bjxv1018.

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While the appeal of ‘civilisational dialogue’ is on the rise, its sources, functions, and con- sequences arouse controversy within and between faith communities. Some religious lead- ers have attempted to clarify the religious foundations for such dialogue. Among them are Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, Edward Idris, Cardinal Cassidy of the Catholic Church, and Fethullah Gülen. The paper compares the approach of these three religious leaders from the Abrahamic tra- dition as presented in their scholarly works – Sacks’ The Dignity of Difference, Cardinal Cassidy’s Ecumenism and Interreligious Dialogue, and Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue. The discussion attempts to answer the following questions: Can monotheistic traditions accom- modate the dignity of followers of other monotheistic and polytheistic religions as well as non-theistic religions and philosophies? Is a belief in the unity of God compatible with an acceptance of the religious dignity of others? The paper also explores their arguments for why civilisational and interfaith dialogue is necessary, the parameters of such dialogue and its anticipated consequences: how and how far can dialogue bridge the claims of unity of God and diversity of faiths? Islam’s emphasis on diversity and the Quran’s accommodation of ear- lier religious traditions put Islam and Fethullah Gülen in the best position to offer a religious justification for valuing and cherishing the dignity of followers of other religions. The plea for a dialogue of civilizations is on the rise among some policymakers and politi- cians. Many of them believe a dialogue between Islam and the West has become more urgent in the new millennium. For example following the 2005 Cartoon Wars, the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conferences, and the European Union used a joint statement to condemn violent protests and call for respect toward religious traditions. They pled for an exchange of ideas rather than blows: We urge everyone to resist provocation, overreaction and violence, and turn to dialogue. Without dialogue, we cannot hope to appeal to reason, to heal resentment, or to overcome mistrust. Globalization disperses people and ideas throughout the world; it brings families individuals with different beliefs into close contact. Today, more than any period in history, religious di- versity characterizes daily life in many communities. Proponents of interfaith dialogue claim that, in an increasingly global world, interfaith dialogue can facilitate mutual understanding, respect for other religions, and, thus, the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths. One key factor for the success of the interfaith dialogue is religious leaders’ ability to provide an inclusive interfaith theology in order to reconcile their commitment to their own faith with the reality of religious diversity in their communities. I argue that prominent leaders of the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are already offering separate but overlapping theologies to legitimize interfaith dialogue. A balanced analysis of multi-faith interactions is overdue in political science. The discipline characterises religious interactions solely from the perspective of schism and exclusion. The literature asserts that interactions among believers of different faiths will breed conflict, in- cluding terrorism, civil wars, interstate wars, and global wars. According to this conven- tional depiction, interfaith cooperation is especially challenging to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam due to their monotheism; each claims it is “the one true path”. The so-called “monothe- istic exclusion” refers to an all-or-nothing theological view: you are a believer or you are an infidel. Judaism identifies the chosen people, while outsiders are gentiles; Christians believe that no salvation is possible outside of Jesus; Islam seems to call for a perennial jihad against non-Muslims. Each faith would claim ‘religious other’ is a stranger to God. Political “us versus them” thinking evolves from this “believer versus infidel” worldview. This mindset, in turn, initiates the blaming, dehumanizing, and demonization of the believers of other reli- gious traditions. Eventually, it leads to inter-religious violence and conflict. Disputing this grim characterization of religious interactions, scholars of religion offer a tripartite typology of religious attitude towards the ‘religious other.’ They are: exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Exclusivism suggests a binary opposition of religious claims: one is truth, the other is falsehood. In this dichotomy, salvation requires affirmation of truths of one’s particular religion. Inclusivism integrates other religious traditions with one’s own. In this integration, one’s own religion represents the complete and pure, while other religions represent the incomplete, the corrupted, or both. Pluralism accepts that no religious tradi- tion has a privileged access to religious truth, and all religions are potentially equally valid paths. This paper examines the theology of interfaith dialogue (or interfaith theology) in the Abrahamic religions by means of analyzing the works of three prominent religious lead- ers, a Rabbi, a Pope, and a Muslim scholar. First, Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, offers a framework for the dialogue of civilizations in his book Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations. Rather than mere tolerance and multiculturalism, he advocates what he calls the dignity of difference—an active engagement to value and cherish cultural and religious differences. Second, Pope John Paul II’s Crossing the Threshold of Hope argues that holiness and truth might exist in other religions because the Holy Spirit works beyond the for- mal boundaries of Church. Third, the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue describes a Muslim approach to interfaith dialogue based on the Muslim belief in prophecy and revelation. I analyze the interfaith theologies of these religious leaders in five sections: First, I explore variations on the definition of ‘interfaith dialogue’ in their works. Second, I examine the structural and strategic reasons for the emergence and development of the interfaith theologies. Third, I respond to four common doubts about the possibility and utility of interfaith di- alogue and theologies. Fourth, I use John Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach to develop a framework with which to analyze religious leaders’ support for interfaith dialogue. Fifth, I discuss the religious rationales of each religious leader as it relates to interfaith dialogue.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Political violence – Europe"

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Blazakis, Jason, et Colin Clarke. From Paramilitaries to Parliamentarians : Disaggregating Radical Right Wing Extremist Movements. RESOLVE Network, décembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.2.

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The global far right is extremely broad in nature and far from monolithic. While the “far right” is often used as an umbrella term, using the term runs the risk of over-simplifying the differences and linkages between white supremacist, anti-immigration, nativist, and other motivating ideologies. These beliefs and political platforms fall within the far-right rubric, and too often the phrase presents a more unified image of the phenomena than is really the case. In truth, the “far right” and the individual movements that comprise it are fragmented, consisting of a number of groups that lack established leadership and cohesion. Indeed, these movements include chauvinist religious organizations, neo-fascist street gangs, and paramilitary organs of established political parties. Although such movements largely lack the mass appeal of the interwar European radical right-wing extreme, they nevertheless can inspire both premeditated and spontaneous acts of violence against perceived enemies. This report is intended to provide policymakers, practitioners, and the academic community with a roadmap of ongoing shifts in the organizational structures and ideological currents of radical right-wing extremist movements, detailing the difference between distinct, yet often connected and interlaced echelons of the far right. In particular, the report identifies and analyzes various aspects of the broader far right and the assorted grievances it leverages to recruit, which is critical to gaining a more nuanced understanding of the potential future trajectory of these movements.
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Davies, Will. Improving the engagement of UK armed forces overseas. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135010.

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The UK government’s Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy, published in March 2021 alongside a supporting defence command paper, set a new course for UK national security and highlighted opportunities for an innovative approach to international engagement activity. The Integrated Review focused principally on the state threats posed by China’s increasing power and by competitors – including Russia – armed with nuclear, conventional and hybrid capabilities. It also stressed the continuing risks to global security and resilience due to conflict and instability in weakened and failed states. These threats have the potential to increase poverty and inequality, violent extremism, climate degradation and the forced displacement of people, while presenting authoritarian competitors with opportunities to enhance their geopolitical influence. There are moral, security and economic motives to foster durable peace in conflict-prone and weakened regions through a peacebuilding approach that promotes good governance, addresses the root causes of conflict and prevents violence, while denying opportunities to state competitors. The recent withdrawal from Afghanistan serves to emphasize the complexities and potential pitfalls associated with intervention operations in complex, unstable regions. Success in the future will require the full, sustained and coordinated integration of national, allied and regional levers of power underpinned by a sophisticated understanding of the operating environment. The UK armed forces, with their considerable resources and global network, will contribute to this effort through ‘persistent engagement’. This is a new approach to overseas operations below the threshold of conflict, designed as a pre-emptive complement to warfighting. To achieve this, the UK Ministry of Defence (MOD) must develop a capability that can operate effectively in weak, unstable and complex regions prone to violent conflict and crises, not least in the regions on the eastern and southern flanks of the Euro-Atlantic area. The first step must be the development of a cohort of military personnel with enhanced, tailored levels of knowledge, skills and experience. Engagement roles must be filled by operators with specialist knowledge, skills and experience forged beyond the mainstream discipline of combat and warfighting. Only then will individuals develop a genuinely sophisticated understanding of complex, politically driven and sensitive operating environments and be able to infuse the design and delivery of international activities with practical wisdom and insight. Engagement personnel need to be equipped with: An inherent understanding of the human and political dimensions of conflict, the underlying drivers such as inequality and scarcity, and the exacerbating factors such as climate change and migration; - A grounding in social sciences and conflict modelling in order to understand complex human terrain; - Regional expertise enabled by language skills, cultural intelligence and human networks; - Familiarity with a diverse range of partners, allies and local actors and their approaches; - Expertise in building partner capacity and applying defence capabilities to deliver stability and peace; - A grasp of emerging artificial intelligence technology as a tool to understand human terrain; - Reach and insight developed through ‘knowledge networks’ of external experts in academia, think-tanks and NGOs. Successful change will be dependent on strong and overt advocacy by the MOD’s senior leadership and a revised set of personnel policies and procedures for this cohort’s selection, education, training, career management, incentivization, sustainability and support.
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