Thèses sur le sujet « Political thinker »

This thesis focuses upon a significant body of contemporary French political thought which takes as its starting point a contention that both the monist and doctrinaire political precepts dating from the Revolution and the consequent Hegelian, Marxist and structuralist thinking linked to these precepts have become anachronistic and hence have little relevance in present-day France. The originality of this doctoral thesis lies in the analysis of the work of seven political thinkers. All of these thinkers, recognizing a break in the continuity of French political thought consequent upon the claim of François Furet that the "Revolution is complete", have sought to rationalize and reconcile the values of individualism, humanism and modernity in contemporary France. In contrast to the political thinkers of the Sartrean generation, whose work took little account of the actual practice of politics, in the seven thinkers seek to relate the philosophical problems inherent in considerations of individual and communal rights and values to the present-day political environment. Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values . This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers . Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values. This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers.

This dissertation is a study of the political career and thought of Said Halim Pasha (1865--1921), a prominent Islamist thinker and eminent Ottoman statesman, set against the historical and ideological background of his time.
The period covered in this study extends from the twilight of the Hamidian era to the end of the Ottoman Empire (1900--1922). During these two crucial decades, the Ottoman Empire, prior to its demise, went through an immense transformation. The establishment of the Constitutional regime in July 1908 allowed several ideological currents to circulate freely on the political scene and to compete in filling the vacuum created by the fall of the ancien regime. Among these ideologies, three rose to prominency: Westernism, Turkism, and Islamism. Said Halim Pasha, one of the best representatives of the Islamist school, made important contributions to the ideological debates which were raging. In his writings that appeared between 1910 and 1921, Said Halim Pasha advocated a thorough and radical Islamization of the Muslim world in order to halt its decline and to ensure its progress. With regard to his political career as Grand Vizir of the Ottoman Empire, Said Halim Pasha proved himself to be a mastermind of diplomacy. Until his political isolation and deprivation of power by the Turkist wing of the CUP Government, he kept at bay the aggressive imperialist Powers and frustrated their plans to partition the Ottoman Empire.

Hollywood has long had a reputation as a liberal institution. Especially in 2019, it is viewed as a highly polarized sector of society sometimes hostile to those on the right side of the aisle. But just because the majority of those who work in Hollywood are liberal, that doesn’t necessarily mean our entertainment follows suit. I argue in my thesis that entertainment in Hollywood is far less partisan than people think it is and moreover, that our entertainment represents plenty of conservative themes and ideas. In doing so, I look at a combination of markets and artistic demands that restrain the politics of those in the entertainment industry and even create space for more conservative productions. Although normally art and markets are thought to be in tension with one another, in this case, they conspire to make our entertainment less one-sided politically. From the role that China plays in Hollywood productions to examining the politics of The Matrix and other pop culture staples, I work to deconstruct the notion that Hollywood and its entertainment are solely a liberal endeavor. Less polarization in entertainment brings forth a variety of important implications, one such being that Hollywood will continue to act as an institution that provides intellectual diversity and entertainment for all.

When President Jimmy Carter entered the White House, he desired a decision-making structure that would be collegial and provide him with a diverse range of policy options from his principal advisors, Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski. However, their differing outlooks coupled with a desire to control and manage U.S. foreign policy led to a furious and bitter battle to influence the administration's agenda. This thesis analyses the relationship between Vance and Brzezinski and their struggles for the ear of the president. It was a conflict exacerbated by the institutional rivalry between the National Security Council and the State Department as they battled with one another to affect policy. As issues arose, the president's advisors, supported by their constituencies, jostled to orchestrate the administration's strategies and approach. Subsequently, tensions increased as the conflict between Vance, Brzezinski and their departments developed into unbridled bureaucratic warfare within the Carter administration. This study utilises the bureaucratic politics paradigm to illustrate how the influence of advisors and organisations can impact on presidential decision-making. While President Carter wanted to be the main decision maker in his administration, his insistence on a system that provided him with a range of advice precipitated the struggles between Vance and Brzezinski. As their disputes intensified, Carter was unable to effectively manage the views and advice of his advisors and formulate a clear strategy. As this thesis demonstrates, the bureaucratic politics model provides an effective framework to analyse the development and implementation of U.S. foreign policy. While historians have neglected or played down the significance of their clashes, this thesis argues that the rivalry between Vance, Brzezinski, and their respective departments had a clear and visible effect on U.S. foreign policy. The bureaucratic wars raged throughout Carter's time in office, contributing to a tapestry of inconsistencies that resulted in the administration's inability to create a settled foreign policy agenda.

The aim of this study is to show how liberal thinkers have responded to the problems liberalism as an ideology faces in Russia, and to the challenges which Russia is encountering as a country in transition. I will argue that liberals are constantly aware both of their marginalisation (which is seen as being cultural, historical and political) when they react to other ideologies and to those who hold political power, and also of the difficulty of shaping Russia's future along liberal lines. The liberal response to nationalism, therefore, provides a useful model in showing how liberals have reacted to ideologies which are typically regarded as being outside the liberal movement in Russia and also how they have sought to respond to many of the central questions relating to transition. I will show in this study that the response of liberals towards nationalism demonstrates a huge increase in the diversity of the liberal movement from the mid 1990's onwards, as the internal divides amongst liberals have become apparent under the impact of transition. Secondly, liberals have been torn between the possible strategic benefits of combining liberalism with non-liberal elements, weighed against the ideological problems these combinations cause. These dilemmas have left Russian liberalism as an essentially stagnant ideology which remains incapable of forming a united and coherent response both to its own marginalisation and to the challenges faced by Russia.

La questione portante della mia ricerca è la verifica dell'eventuale appartenenza dei think tank a modelli di Comunità Epistemiche o Advocacy Coalition. La struttura della tesi rispecchia quindi parte del percorso che ho sviluppato, partendo da una analisi della definizione dell'oggetto di ricerca Think Tank, della sua struttura ed azione, con la finalità di influenzare il processo di policy making. La seconda sezione analizza gli approcci metodologici principali all'analisi del processo di formazione delle politiche pubbliche, mentre il terzo capitolo affronta la ricerca sui casi di studio selezionati: l'Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), l'Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI) e lo European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).
The fundamental question supporting my research is to verify the membership of the think tank to the Epistemic Communities or Advocacy Coalition model. The structure of the thesis, therefore, reflects the path that I developed, starting from an analysis of the definition of the research think tank, its structure and action, with the objective of influencing the policy making process. The second section discusses the main methodological approaches to the analysis of the formation of public policy, while the third chapter discusses research on selected case studies: the Institute of International Affairs (IAI), the Institute for the Study of International Politics (ISPI) and the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).

La questione portante della mia ricerca è la verifica dell'eventuale appartenenza dei think tank a modelli di Comunità Epistemiche o Advocacy Coalition. La struttura della tesi rispecchia quindi parte del percorso che ho sviluppato, partendo da una analisi della definizione dell'oggetto di ricerca Think Tank, della sua struttura ed azione, con la finalità di influenzare il processo di policy making. La seconda sezione analizza gli approcci metodologici principali all'analisi del processo di formazione delle politiche pubbliche, mentre il terzo capitolo affronta la ricerca sui casi di studio selezionati: l'Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), l'Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI) e lo European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).
The fundamental question supporting my research is to verify the membership of the think tank to the Epistemic Communities or Advocacy Coalition model. The structure of the thesis, therefore, reflects the path that I developed, starting from an analysis of the definition of the research think tank, its structure and action, with the objective of influencing the policy making process. The second section discusses the main methodological approaches to the analysis of the formation of public policy, while the third chapter discusses research on selected case studies: the Institute of International Affairs (IAI), the Institute for the Study of International Politics (ISPI) and the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).

Concepts and typologies for a research on Turkish Islamist Parties and their foreign policy ambitions. A brief history of Turkish Islamism: main thinkers and organizations. The political role of the Naqshbandi Sufi order from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican Era. International affairs discourse of key Islamist authors in Republican Turkey. The Islamist discourse on foreign affairs in Turkey’s Islamist magazines. Elements of neo-Pan-Islamist foreign policy discourse in the NOM’s political parties (1970s-1990s).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-04, Section: A, page: 1519. Adviser: Edward G. Carmines. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed June 18, 2007)."

Since the establishment of People's Republic of China in 1949, Chinese think tanks have experienced significant development during the transformative process of China's political reform and modernization, and their influence has become more notable than before. However, think tanks historically have been given little attention by the public as well as social scientists in China, so scholarly study on Chinese think tanks is limited. This thesis explores the political roles and characteristics of Chinese think tanks by investigating the transformation and classification of Chinese think tanks from 1949 to the present. Furthermore, through a case study of one of the significant projects in contemporary China—the Three Gorges Project—this thesis examines the performance and influence of three Chinese nonpolitical think tanks—the Chinese Academy of Social Science (CASS), the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), and the Chinese Academy of Engineering (CAE) on the process of government policy-making in China. Based on this analysis of Chinese think tanks, I draw the conclusion that professionalism and institutionalization are very urgent requirements for contemporary China's think tanks.
Master of Arts

The internalisation of neoliberalist logics has led us as societies to tolerate and even prefer unequal conditions based on the belief that our privileged position is deserved, or temporary. It encourages individuality and perceives the state as a burden. It has shaped societies based on the needs of the markets, reducing employment protections and welfare infrastructures that once served as levellers and vehicles of social mobility. It has convinced political parties, governments, and people to create structures that shifted their power away from them.  The question: Are neoliberalist logics behind the global rise in populism? is answered by measuring neoliberalist logics in governments and voters and identifying the incidence of populism for these. This process highlighted experiences of instability, a crisis of representation, backlash, and internalisation of neoliberalist logics. The findings suggest that high neoliberalist logics in government show a positive relationship with the rise of populism and that low neoliberalist logics in voters have a less pronounced but opposite effect.

This thesis explores how citizens around the world understand the term ‘democracy’, and it tests what effect their conceptualisation of the idea has on their own political behaviour. Through an in-depth quantitative analysis, conducted on an existing dataset collected across more than 40 countries, it examines the individual and contextual factors which shape how people mentally map out this most crucial and contested of political concepts. The analysis builds upon a handful of recent studies which have sought to push the field of democracy studies forward by focusing less on whether citizens support democracy, and much more on how they understand its substantive meaning. Rather than designing a ‘test’ for citizens to see how close they align with the notion of liberal democracy, as many of these studies do, this thesis takes an exploratory approach to better allow for an exploration of how citizens conceptually map their understandings of democracy. The findings suggest that citizens do not adhere to any clearly delineated understandings of democracy, and instead hold understandings of democracy that combine liberal, populist, and social theoretical definitions, and, in some cases, even authoritarian ones. Despite this conceptual fuzziness however, the two conceptualisations of democracy outlined in this study – termed compound and authoritarian – do have consistent and clear effects on informal non-institutionalised political behaviour. Therefore, this thesis argues that future research should take seriously both the notion of understandings of democracy – not simply support for democracy – as well an exploratory approach. In this way we might better understand and navigate some of the many pitfalls that can occur when two citizens passionately pay lip-service to the term ‘democracy’, yet privately hold very different, and possibly even contradictory, ideas of what it means.

The object of analysis of this dissertation is the historical analysis of the Institute for Studies in International Politics (Ispi), from its founding in Milan in 1933 until it was compulsory mothballed after September 8th 1943. In confronting Ispi, the attempt is to approach Italy’s international involvements during the interwar period from an unusual but meaningful standpoint. As a matter of fact, Ispi turns out to be a challenging as well as controversial subject of study. In fact, even if at first sight the Institute seemed to be nothing more than a propagandistic machine, to gain both domestic and external consensus to the policies of the fascist regime, a thorough analysis of Ispi highlights a more complex story to tell, which is deeply linked with the way in which the international environment was thought and structured in the aftermath of the First World War. The Institute is considered as a meeting point of two separate wider historical phenomena: the interwar European and Transatlantic debate on international relations, animated by a number of national institutions that where born in the 1920s and 1930s, Ispi among them; the intellectual history of Italy in the fascist period, in particular as regards conceptions related to politics, international relations and historiography. In this way, the dissertation tries to handle two different historiographies and methodologies: that of transnational history, necessary to map the debate on International Relations that took place in the interwar period both in its cultural and organizational features, and that of intellectual history. The two layers can’t be divided: the international background that “prepared” the birth of Ispi have to be seen together with the peculiar relationship between the Institute and the Fascist foreign policy. In other words, the main purpose of the research is to achieve a meaningful historical account more able to identify transfers and exchanges of ideas, without overlooking the national context: the attempt to define what is Ispi and why it was founded has to be accompanied with an in-depth understanding of the political environment in which it developed its activities. Ispi was founded in 1933 when fascism’s international position was reaching its peak: after all the fascist regime appeared to be a system of government able not only to stabilize a complex society after the First World War, but it also managed to shrug off the impact of the financial crisis from 1929 and the increase in unemployment of the early 1930s that market economies across the West experienced. For these reasons, Italy’s fascism was perceived as a viable solution and it seemed to promise answers to questions liberal democracies were still facing. Against this backdrop, the Institute was performing a twofold task: while it was supporting a solid and pregnant document-based scientific research on international affairs, it also pursued the precise pedagogical aim of forming a strong national conscience of foreign affairs, in accordance with the fundamental directives of Fascist foreign policy, in short «an Institute which marries science with propaganda». Pierfranco Gaslini, the first director of Ispi, strongly believed that Italy needed a body able to shape a new political culture which was the result of interests and political patterns linked to the liberal period, as well as with new aspirations and watchwords which saw the fascist regime as a reliable answer to satisfy them. The director was able to understand the qualitative changes which characterized the sphere of international relations after the first world war and, to some degree, he recognized the necessity of placing a filter between political decisions and the masses. Against this background, the creation and development of Institutes of International Affairs, nation-based think tanks with the twofold aim of providing national and international elites with qualitative works on international affairs as well as creating an “informed” public opinion, provided Gaslini with the push he needed to found a similar body in Italy. In short, on one hand the consensus created by Ispi in favor of the regime was clear; on the other hand it tried to manage a factual situation in which the realm of foreign policy was linked with a series of aspirations and forces which were more influential than in the past. Indeed, the latter represented a new and lively field of action shared by the various European nations: in this perspective the astonishing growth of the Institute of International Affairs’ movement in the 20s and 30s can be seen as an absolute necessity of various national establishments to guide or impose a top-down mechanism with the aim of controlling the flow of information to the general public, rather than the expression of a new internationalism. The majority of the members of Ispi and its collaborators shared a common political and ideological background with Mussolini’s aspirations, and it was equally clear that fascism was conceived as the driving force of Italian foreign policy. Against this background, it is clear, as I showed with the analysis of some articles drawn by the two journals of the Institute, that if on one hand it is plausible to place the start of an Italian tradition of foreign policy studies during the interwar period, on the other hand it is equally clear the intimate connection between the sphere of research and political aims. The fact that Ispi was thought as a centre of research which was dealing with international problems, in general, allowed to mix different perspectives and attitudes. This constitutes a crucial reason in order to understand why very different intellectual personalities and political figures met together in Ispi. Nevertheless, the fact that the Institute aimed at collecting all the most important specialists with an interest in international relations, it didn’t mean that Gaslini was able to impose a coherent and logical cultural project to his collaborators. As a matter of fact, there was a continuous compromise between the directives of the “centre” and the effective work of the scholars involved in this activity, as if this preliminary freedom guaranteed by the Institute had as a consequence a dispersion of forces and an inability to constitute a solid amalgam. Eventually, this work reveals how Italian specialists conceived public opinion, which was a new and important weapon to use in the field of international politics against other governments: a top-down construction which had the duty to control in every step the exchange of information and meanings from the realm of political decisions and events to an “informed” public. This doesn’t mean that Ispi, and the scholars who were working in it, was a passive instrument with a mere function of control and selection. The Institute, especially with the collaboration of the Roman School directed by Volpe, produced a series of historical works embracing various themes but basically focused on a new reflection of the Italian past functional to the political aspirations of their time. In this perspective, it can be said that there was a connection between this new wave of historical studies and the stimulus derived from the political environment. Members of Ispi as “cultural mediators” were trying to improve the sector of cultural international relations, supporting a specific idea of Italy which contributed to the formation of those cultural assumptions behind Italian foreign policy during the interwar period. In this perspective, Ispi constitutes an institutional framework from which to investigate some of the most important specialists in international relations and their attempts to develop their works and analysis in constant relationship with the Institute and the political context. Given all this astonishing variety of studies, actors and themes that one can find in the history of Ispi during the 30s and early 40s, I argue that the Institute represents a meaningful vantage point from which to comprehend on one hand the weaknesses, the limits and ingenuity of a particular class of intellectuals and experts in international relations and their degree of support for the foreign policy of the fascist regime; on the other hand the effort to help the Italian nation to overcome structural defects and deficiencies which the Italian state had not been able to remove is undeniable. In accomplishing this “mission”, indeed with different accents and motivations, all members of Ispi shared the belief that Italy had to become a great power and, in their Eurocentric view, they considered the world of international relations as a hierarchical environment in which the strongest nations had to come to terms with each other in order to create a harmonic system with different hegemonic spheres of influence. In this perspective what was the relationship between the effective policies of the fascist regime and the reflections made by the members of Ispi? First of all, it is necessary to identify a fault line that sits above the Italian military action against Ethiopia in 1935-36. The Ethiopian war represented a “before and after” for the activities of the Institute: if before the invasion of the North African state Ispi, as I reported through the examination of the journals «Rassegna di Politica Internazionale» and «Relazioni Internazionali», was trying to act as a real transnational think tank, involving a wide range of different non-state actors, once Italy had its own empire the ever-increasing activities of the Institute suffered a loss of dynamicity and maneuvering space. As a matter of fact, in the first phase of the Institute (1933-1935), Ispi tried to pursue a multidirectional cultural diplomacy hosting key personalities from the political and cultural world. It tried to create contacts especially with the British conservative establishment (through the figures of Muriel Currey, Luigi Villari, Charles Petrie) and the Hungarian revisionist front as well as weaving links with analogous foreign institutions. After the Ethiopian war, the activism which characterized Italy in the former period in almost every international fora as well as its willingness to see its “rights” recognized within the international system built in Versailles, gave way to an increasingly imperialistic conception of the international environment, as though the colonial enterprise had rekindled the aspirations and latent desires of the Italian nation. the Ethiopian war had resulted in the political and cultural isolation of Italy, making scorched earth of that prestige internationally reached till then. These factors heavily affected Ispi’s activities and the previous attempts to create transnational diplomatic channels with foreign intellectual and political figures. Consequently, there was a transformation of Ispi which followed the changes of the international situation after the Ethiopian war, from a “transnational think tank” to an institute more concerned with research and divulgation of works related to foreign/international politics, with the desire of developing a political culture on foreign affairs within the national boundaries. On the other hand Gaslini tried to keep alive the Study Office and a peculiar way of doing research which gave priority to a vast use of documents and a taste for inter-disciplinarity. Ispi was trying to produce an innovative cultural project capable of linking historiography and politics, a study of an “imagined” national past with an in-depth analysis of the international context. The aim was to provide Italy with a more solid political culture in order to help the government both meet the requirements of being a Great Power, and fulfilling what was thought to be an Italian imperial mission. The ambiguous position occupied by Ispi during the fascist regime as well as the contradiction that was revealed at the beginning of this research, which was a claim for the unity of scientific research and propaganda made by Gaslini, can be understood in the relationship that the Milanese Institute established with the liberal Italian past. Ispi didn’t want to make a decisive break with the past, in fact it presented itself as an instrument to achieve that national unity which couldn’t be reached in Italy before the First World War: a sort of sacred mission which could have been reached walking arm in arm with the fascist regime. On the other hand there was a break to the extent that parlamentarism was considered as a bad disease, and a new sense of hierarchy and order emerged which couldn’t be challenged by “individualism” and more in general by all those “vicious” principles which were considered as an attack against the State and the Nation. Against this backdrop Ispi developed a sui generis political and historiographical laboratory that saw the collaboration of a large number of scholars, who differed from each other as regards political and cultural interests, but they participated in the initiatives of the Institute specifically because its cultural projects were able to rely upon a broader basis in respect of the most pressing political aims of the fascist regime. This is why, at least until a certain point, the members of Ispi and its collaborators didn’t feel that particular contradiction between a serious and autonomous study of international/foreign politics and a dictatorial environment which, at the beginning, was not so assertive in shaping a coherent and unidirectional foreign policy. Indeed, its history was heavily affected by the fascist regime, and in a broader perspective it assumed a specific physiognomy as well as a peculiar position at the crossroad of political, cultural and propagandistic national concerns. Nevertheless, these specific features didn’t confine Ispi to an isolated environment with no contacts or exchanges with foreign institutes or personalities. Suffice it is to say that the very idea of founding a series of Institutes of International Affairs capable of studying and disseminating a more scientific knowledge regarding foreign matters was born out of the Peace Conference of Versailles by some Anglo-American representatives; that almost all the members of Ispi went abroad to complete their education; that Ispi was one of the Institutes which participated at the annual International Studies Conference, whose original name was International Conference of Institutions for Scientific Study of Politics. This is why I think that this research has made it possible both to find new materials in order to better understand the relationship between culture and politics during the fascist regime, and more specifically to investigate what were the themes, aspirations and interests of Ispi’s members and the political directives of the dictatorship, as well as to start a reflection about the development of the Institutes of International Affairs. Investigating both how they treated and exploited international information and what kind of relationship they had with their governments allows to better understand the nexus between international politics, foreign policy and public opinion and how it was changing during the interwar period.

This paper will examine specific processes involved within the decision-making process of how to allocate limited health care resources. I will start by discussing how in order to compare and differentiate between health states, we have created ranking systems, based on the health state’s impact on people’s quality of life, which health states need more care, and which can be most effectively treated. We evaluate impact on quality of life by assigning quality weights to years of life lived with that health state, which we call quality-adjusted life years, or QALYs. Next, I will discuss the problems with assigning quality weights to health states; specifically, the disability paradox, meaning the distinct differences between quality weights assigned by non-patients versus patients. After that, I will explain how depression defies the trend of the disability paradox, and causes our prior arguments about why patients and non-patients rate health states different to contradict themselves., This leads me to suggest that we should consider a different way of deciding between different quality weights. I examine the arguments for choosing higher or lower quality weights, and conclude that because we have a moral imperative to provide health care resources to those in need, particularly those who are disadvantaged, we should take the lower quality weights and err on the side of overspending on health states. Ultimately, this will create the greatest change in funding for health states like depression that go against the disability paradox. Finally, I address the economic trade-offs we have to consider if we make the decision to spend more on treating health states.

Within a Gramscian analysis, concepts of hegemony, passive revolution and organic intellectuals are employed to investigate and theorise the New Right think tanks' critique of English local government. Unlike other accounts, it is argued that the New Right think tanks successfully modernised traditional Conservative party concerns that elected local government was susceptible to demands for social welfare and of bureaucrats and politicians self-seeking efforts. The Gramscian analysis further suggests that in a highly centralised state elected local government was never only concerned with locality but was often embroiled in the statecraft strategy if the dominant bloc. Previously when the dominant hegemony had been endangered, elected local government has been usefully deployed to resolve social tensions. This strategy however, has been problematic and has been destructive of the relative independence of elected local government. More generally, elected local government's decisive role in civil society means that it too has become a site where counter hegemonic projects have clustered. During the 1980s, such tensions become critical. The organic intellectuals associated with Thatcherism, the New Right think tanks, acted as a clarion for demands to end elected local government's role in providing social welfare that effectively questioned its existence. Elswhere in a parallel development increased regulation of elected local government by the centre restricted the activities of local authorities, a strategy that also adversly affected those who supported the dominant bloc's hegemony.

Els think tanks ―fenomen essencialment nord-americà o, per extensió, anglosaxó― s’han estès en els països desenvolupats com actors polítics rellevants en la proposició i definició de polítiques públiques. A l’Estat espanyol, aquestes institucions no han adquirit el grau de desenvolupament dels països anglosaxons. Això es deu a diversos factors com la dictadura franquista, el nivell baix de finançament, el sistema mediàtic espanyol i la preponderància dels partits polítics. Aquest darrer factor ha comportat que les fundacions dels partits polítics hagin esdevingut la tipologia de think tanks predominant en el nostre país.
Think Tanks ― essentially American phenomenon or, at most, Anglo-Saxon― have spread in developed countries as political actors in proposing and defining public policy. In Spain, these institutions haven’t acquired the same level of development than Anglo-Saxon countries ones. This is due to several factors such as Franco’s dictatorship, the low level of funding, the Spanish media system and the preponderance of political parties. That’s the reason than political foundations had become the predominant think tank’s typology in our country.

Le champ politique est un espace dans lequel s’affrontent des acteurs variés, acteurs qui ne se résument pas aux partis : trop souvent laissés dans l’ombre par la science politique, les clubs et cercles de réflexion, les fondations politiques, les instituts, participent effectivement à la vie politique. L’enjeu de cette étude est de mettre en perspective les modalités d’action des structures non-partisanes, de 1958 à nos jours, en revenant sur leur genèse, leur morphologie, et leurs trajectoires dans le temps : apportant de nouvelles idées, proposant des nouveaux modes de fonctionnement partisans, elles contribuent à faire bouger les lignes du débat politique et pallient les défaillances des partis en matière programmatique et d’écoute des revendications de la société civile. Sans se confondre avec les mouvements sociaux, elles partagent cependant avec ces derniers un militantisme différent de l’engagement classique et utilisent des modes d’intervention bien spécifiques. Malgré des ressources faibles au regard de leurs homologues étrangers (les fondations allemandes, les think tanks anglo-saxons), les structures non-partisanes françaises connaissent une tendance à la professionnalisation et mobilisent de véritables réseaux d’experts pour faire entendre leur voix : à la faveur d’une crise prolongée des organisations partisanes, elles sont appelées à jouer un rôle de plus en plus important dans la construction du « politiquement imaginable », ainsi que dans l’élaboration des politiques publiques
The political arena is a field where in various actors confront each other, yet cannot be defined as political parties per se. Although clubs, think tanks, political foundations and institutes all genuinely participate in the political life, political scientists have, for the most part, ignored them. The purpose of this study is to put into perspective non-party structures methods of action, from 1958 to the present day, emphasizing their genesis, morphology and trajectories. As they bring new ideas to the forefront and suggest reforms for the internal functioning of political parties, they thus contribute to the evolution of political debate and even compensate for the parties failure in designing political programs and paying attention to the demands of the civil society. Though they are not to be assimilated to social movements, they do share a form of activism which can be distinguished from classical political commitments, and also use specific methods of intervention. Compared to their foreign counterparts (German foundations, Anglo-American think tanks), and despite meager resources, French non-party structures tend to develop their professionalism and mobilize authentic networks of experts so that their message is heard. Due to an ongoing crisis of political organizations, they will certainly play an increasing role in shaping the “politically conceivable” and in building public policies

With the aim of contributing to the recent debate on the fate of the liberal international order, this thesis has examined how prominent advocates of the liberal international order explain its contemporary state of crisis. Taking a point of departure in John Mearsheimer’s critical argument of three essential flaws in the liberal order, I have expanded these flaws into three theoretical areas. These theoretical areas highlight fundamental components in the liberal international order that, according to Mearsheimer, endogenously undermine the liberal international order which will eventually lead to its demise. These theoretical areas are the expansion of the liberal order, resistance in liberal democracies and the threat of China. Analyzing the ideas of liberal advocates within these theoretical areas, I have found that they have offered strong arguments on why the liberal international order will not perish. Although the liberal advocates see a crisis of governance and legitimacy in the liberal order, they believe that the order’s beneficial and robustious architecture constrain states from abandoning the international institutions of the liberal international order. However, drawing on previous research, I have discussed the plausible possibility and consequences of an increasingly powerful China rising within the order. I have concluded that the liberal advocates have not satisfactorily explained this threat of China to the contemporary U.S-led liberal order.

Les sociétés musulmanes se sont engagées dans un processus de sécularisation qui reste encore mal assumé ou mal reconnu. Cette thèse s'attache à étudier comment les penseurs musulmans contemporains trouvent ou élaborent des systèmes de pensée qui permettent de penser cette sécularisation. La séparation du politique et du religieux reste encore ancrée dans un dogmatisme religieux que les auteurs présentés tentent d'abattre à travers divers stratagèmes intellectuels. La typologie mise en place dans ce sens permet de mieux cerner les différentes approches : historique, littéraire, épistémologique et rationnelle. Des thèmes sont ensuite abordés qui présentent de véritables enjeux pour la sécularisation et qui en sont une rude mise à l'épreuve. L'Iran et la Turquie sont les deux modèles pratiques choisis afin d'interroger ce processus de sécularisation au sein des sociétés musulmanes
The Muslim societies got involved in a process of secularization which remains still badly taken or badly acknowledged. This thesis sets out to be studying how the contemporary Muslim thinkers find or work out systems of thought which allow to think of this secularization.Separation of policy and religion still anchored in a religious dogmatism which the introduced authors try to slaughter across various intellectual stratagems. Typography set up in this sense allows to surround different approaches : historical, literary, epistemology and rationnel.Topics are then approached which introduce true stakes for secularization and which are a hard bet in test. Iran and Turkey are both practical models chosen to question this process of secularization within the Muslim societies

This dissertation looks into the processes by which neoliberalism is mutating with various local and global discourses in order to transform urban space for marginalized street hawkers in the Global South, specifically Delhi, India. Following the current engagements in geographic literature on neoliberalism that focus on the contextually embedded character and the path-dependent process of the spread of free market ideas, I make free market advocacy think tanks--a rather unknown and under-investigated accomplice to this process--my main entry point. Corporate funded think tanks are often found advocating a neoliberal doctrine of free markets, minimal government intervention, and privatization. A self-professed civil society organization, the Center for Civil Society (CCS) in Delhi is one of the first neoliberal, national and foreign corporation funded, advocacy think tanks in India and one of its many agendas is to counter the popular belief that neoliberalism is harmful for the urban poor such as street hawkers. Various NGOs, social workers, scholars, academicians, and think tanks including CCS came together to form the National Policy of Street Vendors, 2009 (NPSV), one of the first policy proposals in modern India to tackle the problems of urban spaces of street vending. Through my investigations I wish to highlight the neoliberal attitudes that are concealed in this policy regarding street hawkers. By bringing these neoliberal undertones to the forefront, this dissertation discusses how this so called “pro-hawking” policy that is being pushed to be implemented in the majority of Indian cities is in fact hostile to hawkers. I demonstrate this fact by explaining that NPSV and its proponents view space as a capitalist commodity and are attempting to transform the rich social spaces of Indian city streets into hollow container spaces of capitalist production and consumption. In this way, this dissertation connects macro spaces of governance such as city streets to the micro spaces of governmentality such as think tanks like CCS.

The notion of the 'public intellectual' has been a recurring discussion topic within sociology and the humanities for decades. Yet it has been largely neglected within media and cultural studies. Accordingly, few scholars have discussed in much depth how public intellectuals operate within the media and what functions this media role may facilitate. Intellectuals in the Australian Press is an exploration into this generally overlooked area of scholarship. It aims to provide three levels of insight into the topic. Firstly, the study looks closely at the appearance and the function of public intellectuals in the Australian press. It outlines how public intellectuals contribute to the newspapers and how newspapers contribute to Australian public intellectual life. Secondly, the thesis outlines and examines in detail three types of public intellectual in Australia. Specifically, it examines the journalist, the academic and the think tank researcher as types of intellectual who write regularly for Australia's newspapers. Thirdly, Intellectuals in the Australian Press delivers detailed intellectual biographies of three of Australia's most prominent press intellectuals, each of whom exemplifies one of these three categories. These commentators are The Australian's Paul Kelly, The Age's Robert Manne, and the Sydney Morning Herald's Gerard Henderson.

The notion of the 'public intellectual' has been a recurring discussion topic within sociology and the humanities for decades. Yet it has been largely neglected within media and cultural studies. Accordingly, few scholars have discussed in much depth how public intellectuals operate within the media and what functions this media role may facilitate. Intellectuals in the Australian Press is an exploration into this generally overlooked area of scholarship. It aims to provide three levels of insight into the topic. Firstly, the study looks closely at the appearance and the function of public intellectuals in the Australian press. It outlines how public intellectuals contribute to the newspapers and how newspapers contribute to Australian public intellectual life. Secondly, the thesis outlines and examines in detail three types of public intellectual in Australia. Specifically, it examines the journalist, the academic and the think tank researcher as types of intellectual who write regularly for Australia's newspapers. Thirdly, Intellectuals in the Australian Press delivers detailed intellectual biographies of three of Australia's most prominent press intellectuals, each of whom exemplifies one of these three categories. These commentators are The Australian's Paul Kelly, The Age's Robert Manne, and the Sydney Morning Herald's Gerard Henderson.

Setting the Puzzle. Think Tanks: A Literature Review. Think tanks in China. Think Tanks 4.0. Chinese Think tanks in East Asia: evidence from Financial Governance. Think Tanks and China’s Environmental Governance. Rethinking Think Tanks Functionality in Contemporary China.

American foreign policy think tanks are an important part of the American foreign policy elite. By gathering data, publishing research, and reaching out to the public and government, think tanks help set the public debate agenda. The question I asked was whether these American foreign policy think tanks exhibited a shared worldview during the past three election cycles. I analyzed 7,000 documents (half a million verbs) published by the seven American foreign policy think tanks active in the three general elections of 2004, 2008, and 2012: the American Enterprise Institute, the Brookings Institution, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the Cato Institute, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Heritage Foundation, and the RAND Corporation. To measure the collective and individual worldviews of these seven think tanks, I used the Profiler Plus software, which answered Alexander George’s operational code questions based on the transitive verbs for the Self and the Other. My research showed that the collectivity of the seven think tanks had three separate worlds of action with three different worldviews. It also showed that the worldview of the American collective Self was very stable across time. Another empirical finding was that from the perspective of the seven think tanks, the United States’ actions were the most similar to the actions of other great powers: Europe, China, and Russia. It was also shown that from the perspective of the seven think tanks, China was the most cooperative nation and Terrorists were the most conflictual actors in the world.

A travers l’étude de l’émergence et de l’évolution de l’espace de la recherche non étatique en sciences sociales en Biélorussie la thèse revisite la frontière entre la science et la politique et aborde la question de l’engagement intellectuel dans le contexte des transformations postsoviétiques. En 1992, en s’inspirant du modèle des think tanks, des entrepreneurs intellectuels biélorusses ont fondé les premières organisations privées de recherche. Le nouveau mode professionnalisé de production intellectuelle est alors conçu comme un instrument de la « désoviétisation » de la science et de la « démocratisation » de la politique. Les transformations autoritaires de 1995-1996 ont marginalisé cet espace au sein du champ du pouvoir et ont provoqué sa politisation contestataire. Vers 2006 la quasi-totalité des centres fonctionnaient en dehors des cadres légaux. La nouvelle génération de chercheurs qui arrive dans les années 2000 contribue à la reproduction de son caractère à la fois engagé et professionnel. Un nouveau système de relations entre les agents du champ politique et les think tankers permet à ces derniers de prétendre aux rôles d’« experts indépendants » et d’« intellectuels engagés »
Studying the evolution of the space of non-state social science research in Belarus, this thesis re-examines the border between science and politics, and raises the question of political role of intellectuals in post-soviet societies. In 1992, inspired by the think tank model, the Belarusian intellectual entrepreneurs set up the first national private research institutes. The new professional mode of intellectual production was presented as a tool for “de-sovietisation” of science and “democratisation” of politics. The 1995-1996 authoritarian transformation marginalised the non-state research in the field of power. In 2006, most private research institutes lose legal status and operate informally. Nonetheless, the new generation of think tankers reproduce the professional and protest character of the non-state research. In the new relations system that connects them with agents of the political field, the think tankers continue to claim the roles of “independent experts” and “public intellectuals”

A travers l’étude de l’émergence et de l’évolution de l’espace de la recherche non étatique en sciences sociales en Biélorussie la thèse revisite la frontière entre la science et la politique et aborde la question de l’engagement intellectuel dans le contexte des transformations postsoviétiques. En 1992, en s’inspirant du modèle des think tanks, des entrepreneurs intellectuels biélorusses ont fondé les premières organisations privées de recherche. Le nouveau mode professionnalisé de production intellectuelle est alors conçu comme un instrument de la « désoviétisation » de la science et de la « démocratisation » de la politique. Les transformations autoritaires de 1995-1996 ont marginalisé cet espace au sein du champ du pouvoir et ont provoqué sa politisation contestataire. Vers 2006 la quasi-totalité des centres fonctionnaient en dehors des cadres légaux. La nouvelle génération de chercheurs qui arrive dans les années 2000 contribue à la reproduction de son caractère à la fois engagé et professionnel. Un nouveau système de relations entre les agents du champ politique et les think tankers permet à ces derniers de prétendre aux rôles d’« experts indépendants » et d’« intellectuels engagés »
Studying the evolution of the space of non-state social science research in Belarus, this thesis re-examines the border between science and politics, and raises the question of political role of intellectuals in post-soviet societies. In 1992, inspired by the think tank model, the Belarusian intellectual entrepreneurs set up the first national private research institutes. The new professional mode of intellectual production was presented as a tool for “de-sovietisation” of science and “democratisation” of politics. The 1995-1996 authoritarian transformation marginalised the non-state research in the field of power. In 2006, most private research institutes lose legal status and operate informally. Nonetheless, the new generation of think tankers reproduce the professional and protest character of the non-state research. In the new relations system that connects them with agents of the political field, the think tankers continue to claim the roles of “independent experts” and “public intellectuals”

Cette recherche rend compte des difficultés de la diffusion des idées néo-libérales dans la vie politique française de 1974 jusqu’à 2012. Son premier apport consiste à démontrer – à travers un large panel de données sur les politiques publiques, l’opinion publique et les programmes des partis – qu’en France le succès des idées néo-libérales a été moindre par rapport aux autres pays européens. Son deuxième apport consiste à expliquer cette anomalie française, en contribuant plus généralement à la question de la diffusion des idéologies dans un système politique. La réponse se base sur une double étude : une analyse micro-historique centrée sur les acteurs (à partir d’entretiens et d’un travail sur les archives des organisations internationales de promotion du néo-libéralisme), couplée à une analyse macro-sociologique centrée sur les caractéristiques du contexte national. Il est montré que si la diffusion du néo-libéralisme a été moins importante en France par rapport à d’autres pays voisins, c’est en raison de la forte résistance de l’opinion publique à son égard. Celle-ci a restreint la fenêtre d’opportunité de ses partisans de manière directe en incitant les hommes politiques à ne pas mettre en œuvre des politiques publiques trop congruentes avec cette idéologie, et de manière indirecte, en exerçant une influence sur le discours économique et social des principaux partis politiques pouvant légitimer la mise en œuvre de mesures libéralisant les politiques publiques. De plus, la structure des institutions françaises a renforcé l’effet de « dépendance au sentier » dans la fabrique des politiques publiques en valorisant l’expertise d’État contre celle d’acteurs susceptibles de remettre en cause le consensus existant comme les universitaires et les think tanks. Enfin, à partir de la réalisation d’une socio-histoire inédite du mouvement néo-libéral depuis les années 1970, d’autres facteurs plus contingents sont identifiés. La fragmentation et la radicalité des partisans du néo-libéralisme, ainsi que la quasi absence d’entrepreneur politique susceptible d’incarner ces idées, ont contribué à la marginalité de ces idées dans le débat public
This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate

Mediante la elaboración de una metodología operativa apropiada, la labor de investigación que aquí se presenta tiene por objeto cuestionar el papel de los think tanks en las sociedades contemporáneas mediante un marco general que combina principalmente enfoques epistemológico crítico, sociohistórico y empírico. Sin embargo, lo que constituye un fenómeno mundial, permaneció a las puertas del debate público en la mayoría de los países hasta principios de la década de 2000. Desde entonces, los think tanks se han convertido en actores centrales y familiares de la vida política. El innegable foco de atención del que son objeto ha ido acompañado también de una creciente institucionalización de su participación en los procesos de política pública y en el debate público, tanto a nivel nacional como europeo. Sin embargo, la sobreexposición mediática resultante ha contribuido en gran medida a desdibujar la comprensión que se puede tener de su naturaleza, funcionamiento y objetivos. Esto no está exento de problemas para la calidad del debate democrático, especialmente en el actual período de crisis de legitimidad política tanto a nivel nacional como europeo. Así, el análisis comparativo del papel de los think tanks franceses y españoles especializados en Asuntos europeos en el marco de la política de integración parece particularmente fructífero desde una perspectiva heurística. Una reflexión epistemológica sobre los problemas ligados a la definición del término que, en su forma idiomática o traducida, ha entrado en el lenguaje corriente sin que sus usos se cuestionen, cuestiona en consecuencia la posibilidad de llevar a cabo una investigación pertinente sobre estas organizaciones. Por otra parte, el análisis de las condiciones socio-históricas de su aparición y desarrollo a través del prisma del modelo estadounidense pone de relieve un tropismo neoliberal fuertemente ligado al progreso de la globalización y a la propia integración europea. En este sentido, el análisis del papel de los think tanks seleccionados para esta investigación en la política de integración europea, anclado en el periodo altamente estructurante para la construcción europea 2005-2016, facilita el acceso a sus principales repertorios de actuación, a saber: la producción de conocimientos especializados y la mediación desde su posición en el intersticio entre las esferas nacional y europea, y los campos políticos, económicos, mediáticos y académicos con los que interactúan. Lejos de ser neutrales, se deduce que estos colectivos intelectuales pro-mueven productos cognitivos que alineados con sus propios intereses y valores.
Mitjançant l'elaboració d'una metodologia operativa apropiada, la tasca d'investigació que aquí es presenta té per objecte qüestionar el paper dels think tanks a les societats contemporànies mitjançant un marc general que combina principalment enfocaments epistemològic crític, sociohistòric i empíric. No obstant això, el que constitueix un fenomen mundial, va romandre a les portes de l'debat públic en la majoria dels països fins a principis de la dècada de 2000. Des de llavors, els think tanks s'han convertit en actors centrals i familiars de la vida política. El innegable focus d'atenció de què són objecte ha anat acompanyat també d'una creixent institucionalització de la seva participació en els processos de política pública i en el debat públic, tant a nivell nacional com europeu. No obstant això, la sobreexposició mediàtica resultant ha contribuït en gran mesura a desdibuixar la comprensió que es pot tenir de la seva naturalesa, funcionament i objectius. Això no està exempt de problemes per a la qualitat de l'debat democràtic, especialment en l'actual període de crisi de legitimitat política tant a nivell nacional com europeu. Així, l'anàlisi comparativa de el paper dels think tanks francesos i espanyols especialitzats en Assumptes europeus en el marc de la política d'integració sembla particularment fructífer des d'una perspectiva heurística. Una reflexió epistemològica sobre els problemes lligats a la definició de el terme que, en la seva forma idiomàtica o traduïda, ha entrat en el llenguatge corrent sense que els seus usos es qüestionin, qüestiona en conseqüència la possibilitat de dur a terme una investigació pertinent sobre aquestes organitzacions. D'altra banda, l'anàlisi de les condicions sociohistòriques de la seva aparició i desenvolupament a través de l'prisma de el model americà posa en relleu un tropisme neoliberal fortament lligat a el progrés de la globalització i de la pròpia integració europea. En aquest sentit, l'anàlisi de el paper dels think tanks seleccionats per a aquesta investigació en la política d'integració europea, ancorat en el període altament estructurant per a la construcció europea 2005-2016, facilita l'accés als seus principals repertoris d'actuació, que són: la producció de coneixements especialitzats i la mediació des de la seva posició en el interstici entre les esferes nacional i europea, i els camps polítics, econòmics, mediàtics i acadèmics amb què interactuen. Lluny de ser neutrals, es dedueix que aquests col·lectius intel·lectuals pro-mouen productes cognitius que alineats amb els seus propis interessos i valors.
By developing an appropriate operational methodology, the research presented here aims to question the role of think tanks in contemporary societies through a general framework that mainly combines epistemological, socio-historical and critical empirical approaches. However, what constitutes a global phenomenon remained at the gates of public debate in most countries until the early 2000s. Since then, think tanks have become central and familiar actors in political life. The undeniable attention given to them has also been accompanied by a growing institutionalization of their participation in public policy processes and public debate, both at the national and European levels. However, the resulting media overexposure has largely contributed to a blurring of the understanding of their nature, functioning and objectives. This is not without problems for the quality of democratic debate, especially in the current period of crisis of political legitimacy at national and European level. Thus, the comparative analysis of the role of French and Spanish think tanks specialized in European affairs in the framework of integration policy seems particularly fruitful from a heuristic perspective. An epistemological reflection on the problems related to the definition of the term which, in its idiomatic or translated form, has entered everyday language without its uses being questioned, consequently questions the possibility of conducting relevant research on these organizations. On the other hand, the analysis of the socio-historical conditions of their emergence and development through the prism of the American model highlights a neoliberal tropism strongly linked to the progress of globalization and European integration itself. In this sense, the analysis of the role of the think tanks selected for this research in European integration policy, anchored in the highly structuring period of European construction 2005-2016, facilitates access to their main repertoires of action, namely: the production of specialized knowledge and mediation from their position in the interstice between the national and European spheres, and the political, economic, media and academic fields with which they interact. Far from being neutral, it follows that these intellectual collectives promote cognitive products that are in line with their own interests and values.

El objetivo general de esta investigación es estudiar el discurso de los grupos de presión de la industria láctea europea (ILE) desde una perspectiva antiespecista. Para ello se examina a la ILE como actor económico y de influencia, con el fin de identificar a las principales empresas y grupos de presión, y se analiza el discurso que estos últimos construyen con respecto a los animales a los que la industria explota, las vacas, y a las recomendaciones nutricionales que acaban en las guías alimentarias. Mediante el análisis documental y el análisis crítico del discurso, se concluye que la industria láctea constituye un entramado económico y corporativo que dedica un enorme esfuerzo a ejercer influencia en las recomendaciones alimentarias. El análisis demuestra que los grupos de interés de la ILE han adaptado su narrativa a los valores actuales de preocupación por la ciencia, salud e incluso bienestar animal, al mismo tiempo que los contradicen. De entre las contradicciones destaca la negación de los intereses de los animales explotados por sus segregaciones maternas a través de una representación que les cosifica y obvia su capacidad de sintiencia, autonomía e individualidad.
The general objective of this research is to study the discourse of the European Dairy Industry (EDI) lobbyists from an antispeciesist perspective. To achieve this, the EDI is examined as an economic and influential actor, in order to identify the main companies and pressure groups, and the discourse that the latter construct with respect to the animals that the industry exploits, the cows, and to the nutritional recommendations that end up in the dietary guidelines. Through documentary analysis and critical discourse analysis, it is concluded that the dairy industry constitutes an economic and corporate framework that dedicates a great effort to exert influence on food recommendations. The analysis shows that the EDI interest groups have adapted their narrative to the current values of concern for science, health and even animal welfare, while contradicting them. Outstanding among the contradictions is the denial of the interests of animals exploited by their maternal segregations through a representation that objectifies them and obviates their capacity for sentience, autonomy and individuality.

Les intellectuels iraniens ont toujours été un groupe social important au sein de la société civile iranienne. Depuis 1990, ce champ d’intellectuels aux vois discordantes, s’élève face à la tentative d’islamisation de la société enclenchée par le pouvoir politique. Constitué en différents groupes, ces penseurs se penchent sur la potentialité d’instaurer Etat-Nation démocratique iranien. Cette recherche rend compte des différentes mouvances qui traversent la sphère intellectuelle iranienne actuelle et prend le parti de réfléchir à quatre groupes importants : les intellectuels "religieux", le cercle des philosophes, les historiens et enfin les sociologues politiques. Tous reconnaissent le risque d’une politisation du religieux et conjointement d’une certaine sacralisation du politique. Leurs réflexions construites autour d’un axe commun questionnant les notions «Etat » et « religion » révèlent un profond souci de changement. A travers cette étude qui met en parallèle les différents discours et les arguments de chacun, ce projet aborde les rapports qu’entretiennent ces intellectuels avec d’autres groupes de la société civile tels les femmes ou les étudiants. L’ambition de cette thèse est d’offrir un panorama théorique des interrogations actuelles en réfléchissant aux stratégies de ces intellectuels
The Iranian intellectual has been always an important part of civil society. Since 1990, this intellectual field with conflicting voices, rising against islamization of society which has been enforced by political power. This intellectual stream is constituted of different groups bend over study of potentiality of establishment of democratic Iranian Nation-State. This study examines various spheres which crossing the actual Iranian intellectual domain and deliberates over four important categories: religious intellectual, philosophical circle, historians and political sociologists. All these thinkers conjointly consider the risk of politization of religion and the sacralization of politics. Their reflections are constructed around a common axe of two notions “State” and “religion”, which reveal the crucial question of change in political system. Through this approach which puts in a parallel direction different discourses and arguments beside each other, this study looks into the relations between the intellectual field and the other units of civil society. The ambition of this research is offering a theoretical panorama on present problematic of intellectual society with probing their strategies

The writing of five American women who were published authors between 1830 and 1865 is used in a comparative approach to demonstrate that they were representative of a generation of women who became active in politics on a wide scale during the antebellum period. While most women in the nineteenth century did not actively seek self-representation in electoral politics, and while few would have defined their activities in reform and benevolent societies as "political," many women, in increasing numbers participated in activities and associations with the express purpose of influencing and affecting public policy and engaging in social reform. Women often joined associations or signed petitions as part of a larger group. Individual authors, such as Sarah Grimké, Angelina Grimké, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Louisa McCord, and Augusta Jane Evans, also made their political positions known, and actively campaigned for the abolition of slavery, for the continuation of slavery, and for secession through the medium of their writing. The goal of this study is to present the five women as individual political thinkers who can also be viewed as part of a growing trend in the nineteenth century that saw women become increasingly engaged in American political life.

碩士
玄奘大學
公共事務管理學系碩士班
93
The Impact of Political Changes on the Roles of Taiwan’s Think Tanks ABSTRACT During the 1980s, think tanks in Taiwan played increasingly important roles in the arena of policy making process although they were all sponsored by Kuomintang (KMT) regime. Since the early 1990s, a series of social movements and collective protests has eroded the legitimacy of authoritarian KMT rule. The force of political reform has contributed to the decline of dominant role of KMT-led think tanks. Nevertheless, the directors of these non-governmental research institutes have personal connections with political elite. All of this indicates that the broader culture and historical context have become the obstacles to the emergence of independent think tanks in Taiwan. In particular, since Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the main opposition party, came to the power in 2000, the role of the KMT-led think tanks has become less important. Instead, think tanks sponsored by DPP began to play the dominant role by offering important indications of policy debates. In this thesis, the author considers the relative impacts of the context of paternalistic authority on the development of Taiwan’s think tanks. Drawing on the theory of think tank, this dissertation examines the current organizations in Taiwan’s think tanks, the evolution of this community, and the relations between policy makers and the members of think tanks. Finally, this thesis concludes with two matrices which locate the roles and function of Taiwan’s think tanks. Key Words: Think Tanks; Paternalistic Authority; Culture and Historical context

U źródeł podjętych w rozprawie rozważań leży przekonanie, że relacje wiedzy i polityki to problem istotny – zarówno z teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego punktu widzenia. W szczególny sposób zwracają uwagę interesujące i wciąż niezagospodarowane poznawczo procesy zachodzące niejako na styku wspomnianych domen, w przestrzeni ekspertyzy politycznej. Rosnąca złożoność materii, do której odnoszą się decyzje polityczne sprawia, że autorytet eksperta staje się coraz bardziej nieodzownym źródłem legitymacji. Nasilony popyt na sprawdzone informacje prowadzi jednak do jednoczesnego osłabienia (niejako „odczarowania”) pozycji eksperta. Jak przekonuje P. Weingart (2001), polityka się „ekspertyzuje”, ale i ekspertyza „upolitycznia”. Równolegle zachodzi także jej uspołecznienie, a polityczni zleceniodawcy przestają stanowić dominujące audytorium. Wszystko to sprawia, że możemy mówić o potrójnym otwarciu: zmieniają się „dostawcy” ekspertyzy, zmieniają się jej odbiorcy, zmieniają się wreszcie treści. Celem rozprawy jest ustalenie, co mieści się we współczesnym zakresie pojęcia ekspertyzy politycznej i jakie procesy nadają jego znaczeniu obecny kształt. Wypełniając lukę w literaturze przedmiotu, rozprawa łączy analizę na poziomie teoretycznym i pojęciowym (w Części „Wiedza a polityka. Nowy kontekst i modele relacji”) z podejściem empirycznym, odnoszącym się do symptomatycznego wycinka eksperckiej rzeczywistości, jaką są ośrodki analityczne (w Części „Think tanki: mikrokosmos ekspertyzy”). Jej fundamentem teoretycznym są teoria pól P. Bourdieu, koncepcja przestrzeni między polami G. Eyala i G. Pok oraz teoria wyznaczania granic T. F. Gieryna. Zastosowane w rozprawie metody badawcze obejmują zaś jakościową analizę prezentowanych w Internecie misji polskich think tanków, przeprowadzoną wśród nich ankietę oraz częściowo ustrukturyzowane wywiady z kierownictwem wybranych ośrodków eksperckich. Rozprawa omawia relacje wiedzy i polityki, osadzając je w kontekście coraz bardziej krytycznego spojrzenia na autorytatywność naukowych sądów oraz klimatu „pluralizmu wiedzotwórczego” (przywołując m.in. koncepcje tzw. mode 2 czy trzech fal ekspertyzy). Systematyzuje problematykę doradztwa politycznego, odwołując się do koncepcji, klasyfikacji i analiz, jakie odnaleźć można w literaturze przedmiotu (w tym modeli J. Habermasa oraz R.Hoppego). W rozważaniach poświęconych konceptualizacji ekspertyzy politycznej przedstawia różne warstwy znaczeniowe tego pojęcia, analizuje problematykę zakresu ekspertyzy oraz przywołuje liczne typologie ekspertów, zwracając uwagę na niejednoznaczność eksperckiej roli naukowców. Ekspertyza polityczna zostaje także przeanalizowana przez pryzmat węzłowych problemów (nie)równości, władzy, (nie)prawdy i (nie)zaangażowania oraz (nie)odpowiedzialności. Część druga wychodzi od usystematyzowania głównych dyskusji teoretycznych poświęconych think tankom, w dalszej kolejności podejmuje zaś próbę opisu instytucji eksperckich w oparciu o dane pochodzące z badania przeprowadzonego na potrzeby niniejszej pracy, uwzględniając zarówno wskaźniki w rodzaju liczebności, statusu prawnego czy kondycji finansowej i kadrowej polskich think tanków, jak i znaczenie, jakie nadają swojej aktywności sami eksperci. Rozprawa prezentuje argumenty przemawiające za tym, że: 1) W zakresie znaczeniowym ekspertyzy politycznej mieszczą się współcześnie tradycyjne wzorce powiązanej z ideałami nauki neutralności, ale i nowe wzorce ideowego zaangażowania z pozycji eksperckich. 2) Ekspertyza polityczna staje się coraz bardziej pluralistyczna (co wynika ze zmian warunkowanych współczesnym kontekstem percepcji i wytwarzania wiedzy, a przejawia się w zróżnicowaniu jej odmian), wielowymiarowa (tj. wykracza poza pomocnicze funkcje w procesie decyzyjnym) i sprofesjonalizowana (tj. zaczyna stanowić zasadniczą rolę społeczną). 3) Konstytutywną cechą ekspertyzy politycznej jest swoiste napięcie związane z jej pozycją na przecięciu różnych domen życia publicznego. Bazując na wybranym fundamencie koncepcyjnym, proponuje, by uznać, że: ekspertyza polityczna stanowi przestrzeń między polami nauki oraz polityki (cechuje ją bowiem przepuszczalność, znikomy stopień regulacji i instytucjonalizacji oraz strategiczna niejednoznaczność). Jej granice podlegają dynamicznemu definiowaniu, w toku którego mechanizmy demarkacyjne współwystępują z koordynacyjnymi. Wiele przemawia za tym, że ekspertyza polityczna stopniowo (głównie w konsekwencji rosnącego zapotrzebowania na wiedzę ekspercką, w szczególności zaś na „wiedzę zaangażowaną”, jakie zgłaszają politycy, ale również media, biznes i obywatele) przekształci się w odrębne pole, którego cechą konstytutywną pozostanie jednak znaczna heteronomiczność.
The dissertation takes its origin from a conviction that knowledge-politics relations constitute a fundamental research problem – both from a theoretical and practical perspective. Special attention should be given to interesting, yet under-researched, processes occurring at the interface of these domains, in the space of political expertise. The increasing complexity in the matter of political decisions turns expert authority into an indispensable source of legitimacy. But - perhaps surprisingly - the growing demand for reliable information leads to the simultaneous strengthening and weakening ("disenchantment") of experts’ stance. According to P. Weingart (2001), this creates a parallel between the processes of expertization in politics, and the politization of expertise. One can talk about a triple opening: the providers of expertise are changing, as are its recipients, as well as its very substance. The purpose of the dissertation is to determine the modern notion of political expertise and the processes that constitute its present shape. Bridging the gap in the literature, the thesis combines analyses at a theoretical and conceptual level (in the part entitled "Knowledge and Politics. New context and models of relations") with an empirical approach, referring to a symptomatic aspect of expert reality; namely, the think tanks (in the part entitled "Think tanks: a microcosm of expertise"). Theoretical framework of the dissertation is based on P. Bourdieu's field theory, G. Eyal’s and G. Pok’s concept of a space between the fields, and T.F. Gieryn’s concept of boundary work. Research methods include: the qualitative analysis of mission statements of Polish think tanks, a survey conducted among them, as well as semi-structured interviews with the management of selected expert institutions. It its first part, the dissertation discusses the relationship of knowledge and politics in the context of an ever increasing criticism regarding the authority of scientific judgments and the climate "of epistemic pluralism" (e.g. Mode 2 or three waves of expertise). It systematizes the issues of political advice, referring to the concepts, classifications, and analyses, all of which can be found in the literature (including models of J. Habermas and R. Hoppe). Political expertise is discussed through the prism of the different semantic layers of the term, various typologies of expertise, and the ambiguity of the role of scientists acting as experts. Finally, expertise is analyzed through the lenses of nodal problems of equality, power, truth, engagement, and responsibility. The second part structures the main theoretical discussions on think tanks and provides the description of expert institutions based on data from the empirical research; considering factors such as size, legal status or financial and staff condition of Polish think tanks, as well as the meanings ascribed to various think tank activities by the experts themselves. It is argued in the dissertation that: 1) The contemporary meaning of political expertise encompasses both traditional patterns associated with the ideals of scientific neutrality, and new modes of ideological engagement on the side of an expert. 2) Political expertise is becoming more pluralistic (as a result of changes conditioned by the modern context of perception and production of knowledge, which is reflected in the diversity of its varieties), multi-dimensional (i.e., reaches beyond the utility functions in decision-making) and professionalized (i.e., starts constituting a basic social role). 4) A kind of tension related to a political expertise’s position at the intersection of different domains of public life is its constitutive trait. Within the scope of the chosen theoretical framework, it is proposed to conceptualize political expertise as a space between the fields of science and policy (because it is characterized by permeability, minimal level of regulation and institutionalization and strategic ambiguity). In the process of the dynamic definition of its boundaries, mechanisms of demarcation and coordination co-occur. There are many indications that make it possible to claim that political expertise could gradually turn into a separate field, with a constitutive heteronomy as its constitutive characteristics. This is mainly due to the growing demand for expertise (in particular, for “engaged expertise”) coming not only from politicians, but also from the media, businesses, and citizens.

Amidst recent mobilizations of Indigenous land-based resistance and the hypocrisy inherent in the state’s implementation of UNDRIP they render visible, resource-extractive corporate capital is uniquely invested in the state’s continued ability to dispossess land from Indigenous peoples. This paper suggests that growing emphasis on Indigenous-state relations within industry-funded think tanks offers corporate capital an unprecedented avenue to participate in the evolution of federal policy discourse on state-Indigenous reconciliation. It draws on a content analysis of policy materials from four of these institutions ranging from far-right groups such as the Fraser Institute to the more moderate Institute on Governance, contextualizing findings in recent and substantive shifts in federal policy development in this area. Findings suggest that the groups’ relative diversity is underscored by common discursive themes infused by neoliberal governing rationalities that invoke a diffuse, flexible and agile policy landscape that erases the question of land—and Indigenous jurisdiction over land—which many Indigenous peoples identify as critical to meaningful reconciliation efforts.
Graduate
2020-04-29

This study attempts to explain reasons that underlie the positive correlation between media use and increased levels of engagement by relying upon the agenda-setting theory. The models set forth suggest the following sequence: News attention as influenced by several antecedent variables affects agenda-setting effects on the readers/viewers; in turn, agenda-setting effects trigger strong attitudes among the public and, finally, strong attitudes lead to various types of civic behaviors. The individual level of statistical analysis employed in this research is based on the 2004 ANES data along with a content analysis of stories from the New York Times and NBC’s Nightly News. Fit statistics of four models -- specifically, first-level newspaper, first-level TV, second-level newspaper and second-level TV -- indicated that all of the structural models were retainable, meaning that the hypothesized sequence reflects well the data. Especially, every direct effect along the chain - ranging from media use to agenda-setting, from agenda-setting to attitudes strength, and from attitudes strength to engagement - was significant. Indirect and total effects of agenda-setting for political and civic participation were all found to be significant. Agenda-setting effects operated as a mediator between media use and civic engagement, as hypothesized. In sum, the effects of agenda-setting may be viewed as related to both the behavioral and the cognitive levels so that: What the public thinks about something can be extended to what the public does about something.
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Defence date: 18 June 2004
Examining board: Prof. Michael Werner (École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris) ; Prof. Raymond Geuss (University of Cambridge) ; Prof. Gianfranco Poggi (Università degli Studi di Trento and EUI) ; Prof. Peter Wagner (EUI, Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Tendo em conta a crescente importância e contribuição dos think-tanks nas mais diversificadas áreas de estudo, assim como a crescente vontade da União Europeia (UE) no investimento de uma União forte e segura, surge a questão se as instituições públicas, como o Instituto da Defesa Nacional (IDN), poderão contribuir, e como o poderão fazer, para a consolidação da política externa da UE no âmbito da segurança e defesa. O presente relatório de estágio tem por objetivo refletir sobre a relação entre a atividade de investigação, formação e sensibilização enquanto áreas de missão do Instituto da Defesa Nacional e a formação de peritos no domínio da Política Comum de Segurança e Defesa da União Europeia e se será possível estabelecer uma relação com a instituição de estágio, o Instituto da Defesa Nacional. Nos primeiros capítulos do presente relatório irá proceder-se à contextualização do tema e à revisão da literatura relativamente ao desenvolvimento das políticas burocráticas no seio da Política Comum de Segurança e Defesa da União Europeia. Será também examinada a missão, valores, objetivos e atividades do Instituto da Defesa Nacional, e, posteriormente proceder-se-á à conjugação dos temas trabalhados. Por fim, sendo um relatório de estágio serão identificadas e apresentadas as atividades e funções desempenhadas no período entre 10 de setembro de 2018 e 29 de março de 2019 no Instituto da Defesa Nacional.
Given the growing importance and contribution of think-tanks’ and the growing willingness of the European Union (EU) to invest in a strong and secure Union, the question arises whether national institutions, such as the National Defence Institute (IDN), can contribute, and in what way, to strengthen the EU's foreign policy on security and defence. The present internship report aims to reflect on the National Defence Institute mission areas through activities such as research, training and awareness raising. It aims, as well, to reflect on the specialization of experts in the field of the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy. And, when possible, establish a relationship between the internship institution, the National Defence Institute and the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy. The first chapters of this report are dedicated to the contextualisation of the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy and of a review of the literature concerning the increasing of bureaucratic politics within the European Union's Common Security and Defence Policy. The following chapters aim to explore the mission, values, objectives and activities of the National Defence Institute, as well as to reflect upon the previous chapters. Finally, being an internship report, the last chapter is dedicated to the activities and functions performed in the period between September 10, 2018 and March 29, 2019 at the National Defence Institute.

Depuis l’élection de Jean Charest en 2003, nous constatons que les dogmes issus du discours idéologique néolibéral (déréglementation, privatisation, libéralisation et réduction des dépenses publiques) ont régulièrement et fortement inondé tous les domaines de l’espace public québécois, tant chez les élus que chez les grands conglomérats de médias écrits et audiovisuels. Nous cherchions à savoir qui exerçait une si grande influence pour que rayonnent ces idées conservatrices dans les discours publics au Québec. Nos recherches nous ont menée à un Think Tank québécois : l’Institut économique de Montréal. L’élite intellectuelle qui compose cette organisation a su user d’une influence importante auprès de certains médias écrits, notamment ceux de Gesca, qui, grâce à l’étendue de son puissant réseau social et à son adhésion aux stratégies d’influence de ses pairs, les Think Tanks partisans, a relayé les idées néolibérales de l’IEDM à l’intérieur du discours public québécois. Ce Think Tank a ainsi fait rayonner ses idées dans les pages des quotidiens parmi les plus lus par les Québécois francophones. De jeunes Think Tanks comme l’IEDM jugent primordial l’accès aux médias pour façonner l’opinion et les politiques publiques. Leur objectif est de réussir à influencer la mise à l’agenda et le cadrage des médias afin qu’ils favorisent leurs propositions et leurs idées. L’analyse de trois cas a permis de montrer, qu’à trois moments différents, l’IEDM a influencé la mise à l’agenda des quotidiens de Gesca et que le cadrage s’est révélé favorable aux propositions de l’IEDM dans une proportion importante.
Since the election of Jean Charest in 2003, we notice that the neoliberal’s ideas (deregulation, privatization, liberalization, and reduction of government expenditures) have regularly inundated all public exchange of ideas in Quebec, from elected politicians to media conglomerates. The author tried to determine how conservative ideas became part of the public discourse in Quebec. Our research lead us to a Quebec think tank: Montreal Economic Institute. The managers of this organization used its important influence with written media, particularly Gesca. Thanks to its large, powerful social network and its influence strategy, the Montreal Economic Institute think tank was able to transmit its neoliberal ideas. In this way, this think tank has spread these ideas in the pages of the most read Quebecois daily newspapers. Young think tanks, such as Montreal Economic Institute, believe that access to the media is essential to shape public opinion and public policy. Their purpose is to influence the setting of the agenda and the framing of discourse in the media to favor the respective think tank’s propositions and ideas. The author analyzed three different cases, at three different times, in which she demonstrates that the Montreal Economic Institute has influenced the agenda setting of Gesca, and that the framing was largely favorable to the Montreal Economic Institute’s propositions.

Тихомирова Є. Є. Аналітичні центри зовнішньополітичного спрямування країн Скандинавії: порівняльний аналіз : кваліфікаційна робота магістра спеціальності 291 "Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії" / наук. керівник О. М. Казакова. Запоріжжя : ЗНУ, 2020. 145 с.
UA : Об’єктом дослідження є зовнішня політика країн Скандинавії. Предметом дослідження є порівняльний аналіз діяльності аналітичних центрів зовнішньополітичного спрямування країн Скандинавії. Мета дослідження полягає у вивченні на основі джерел та літератури феномену аналітичних центрів зовнішньополітичного спрямування у країнах Скандинавії та порівняння особливостей їхньої діяльності. Наукова новизна полягає в доповнені та систематизації знань про політичні системи країн Скандинавії, основних акторів процесу прийняття рішень у зовнішній політиці цих країн, а також у виявленні специфічних рис розвитку головних напрямків їхньої зовнішньополітичної діяльності. Отримало подальший розвиток висвітлення проблеми впливу аналітичних центрів на формування зовнішньополітичних курсів даних держав. Висновки. Сьогодні ми все частіше стикаємося із щоденним збільшенням інформаційних потоків. Інформація стає найціннішим ресурсом, і подібні реалії поширюють такі явища на політичній арені, як інформаційне протистояння, війни «смислів» тощо, які з постійним розвитком найновітніших технологій отримують все нові й нові форми. Саме тому ми можемо помітити суттєве зростання ролі аналітичних центрів у політичних системах. Аналітичні центри займають дуже вагому роль на політичних аренах скандинавських країн. Вони активно розвиваються та перетворюються на повноцінних політичних гравців із високим рівнем залучення до процесу вироблення зовнішньої політики цих держав. Так, дослідницькі установи повністю реалізують тут своє завдання з подолання розриву між теоретичними знаннями та їх практичним застосуванням, зі створення та поширення ідей. В умовах перетворення аналітичних центрів на «п’яту гілку влади» та зростання їхнього впливу на політичну систему тої чи іншої країни подальше вивчення подібного феномену вбачається нам необхідним для глибшого розуміння тих процесів, що відбуваються на сучасному етапі.
EN : In the era of rapid and fundamental changes, every country faces new challenges caused by the process of globalization. These recent tendencies make modern states abandon the policy of force and search for some new ways of shaping foreign policy, considering their endeavours towards realization of their national interests and the will for strengthening and extension of their influence on the international arena. That represents one of the main reasons why diplomatic success can be provided exactly by efficient use of public opinion or, for instance, close cooperation with non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and direct interaction with civil society. Government officials and diplomats are trying to enhance contacts with NGOs’ representatives both inside and outside the state for their further use in order to have certain advantages, since any negotiations are built on personal relations. Each country has a certain inner mechanism which creates both key vectors of its foreign policy and its image on the international arena. Therefore, the process of shaping foreign policy represents a complicated system, including a number of actors inside the state having their own interests, which are sometimes totally different. Consequently, the process of shaping foreign policy turns into a complicated integral issue. Furthermore, nowadays it is of great importance to include different non-state structures into the process of shaping foreign policy, such as think tanks, NGOs, civil society representatives etc., in order to make efficient foreign policy decisions. This kind of practice is commonly used in the Scandinavian countries, such as Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark and Iceland. In general, these states can be characterized by a complex and close interaction between all political actors, which have been actively joined by think tanks in recent years. The relevance of this topic is in the fact that it is of significance to learn the activity of foreign policy think tanks in the context of daily increase of information. Moreover, it represents a pressure point for Ukraine as well. In our opinion, this kind of study will contribute to the process of making efficient foreign policy decisions towards the states of the region in general, as well as to comprehension of the Scandinavian tradition of conducting their foreign policy. Furthermore, it can be helpful in further development of mutually beneficial political, economic and cultural partnership with other states, avoiding controversial issues. Thus, our thesis firstly, allows further analysis of the process of shaping foreign policy in the countries of Scandinavia and the role of think tanks in it; secondly, contributes to further comprehension of think tank involvement in the process of making efficient foreign policy decisions, which is of great importance. The research object of our master’s thesis is foreign policy of the Scandinavian countries. The subject of this research paper is a comparative analysis of foreign policy think tanks in the Scandinavian countries. The aim of the research is a comprehensive analysis, on the basis of the sources and literature, of the foreign policy think tanks phenomenon in the Scandinavian countries and a comparative analysis of their activity. For achieving the above set goals we are to investigate the following specific research objectives: - to analyse the key points of think tanks evolution in general; - to determine and characterize the main special features of the Scandinavian political systems; - to study the key vectors of foreign policy of the Scandinavian countries; - to compare the role of foreign policy think tanks in the political systems of the Scandinavian countries. The chronological frames of this study include the period of the Scandinavian countries’ development from the end of the XX century (when there was a dramatic increase in the number of foreign policy think tanks in the region) to the beginning of the XXI century, namely 2019, which enables us to comprehensively analyse the tendencies that characterize the Scandinavian countries nowadays. Sometimes the author can go beyond the defined chronological frames on grounds of research expedience. The geographical boundaries of the research cover the current territory of the Republic of Finland, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Norway, the Kingdom of Denmark and the Republic of Iceland. As for the research novelty, it lies in the complex study of the problem; therefore the attention is paid not only to the object directly but to the circumstances of its formation. The author systematizes the information about political systems of the Scandinavian countries, as well as the key actors of the process of shaping foreign policy. Scandinavian foreign policy think tanks were compared. The theoretical significance of the research consists in the fact that on the basis of a large amount of the material analyzed and conclusions made it is possible to further elaborate and improve the theoretical principles concerning the phenomenon of foreign policy think tanks and their role in the political systems of the Scandinavian countries. The applied significance of the research is that the conclusions made during the study may be useful for further researches on the topic. Conclusions. The amount of information is growing dramatically. Nowadays information represents the most valuable resource. Thus, these circumstances cause such issues as information confrontation and wars of “meanings” on the political arena. With the constant development of the latest technologies this phenomenon obtains new forms and mechanisms. It represents one of the key reasons for the dramatic increase of the role of think tanks in political systems. Think tanks have changed drastically in the process of their evolution. Initially they represented an impermanent platform for discussing important political and international issues. On the contrary, they are to be an efficient mechanism of promoting positions of groups of interests now. Furthermore, they seek to become independent political actors playing significant role in the process of shaping foreign policy. The development of think tanks represents a common occurrence for the Scandinavian countries. However, their appearance and types do depend on the history of a country, its political culture, the level of democracy, etc. Consequently, it is impossible to evaluate the role of think tanks without any comprehension of the country’s political background. Thus, we have come to a conclusion that all Scandinavian countries, including Sweden, Finland, Norway, Iceland and Denmark, represent highly developed states with democratic governments. Finland and Iceland are republics while the other countries are constitutional monarchies where monarchs have exclusively ceremonial functions. We also need to stress that the Scandinavian countries occupy a very similar “niche” on the international arena. The fundamental vectors of their foreign policies are the following: - promotion of the ideas of peace and international cooperation; - peaceful settlement of disputes and mediation; - peace-keeping; - contribution to implementation of the policy of sustainable development. Moreover, these countries can also be characterized as ones of the world’s largest donor countries, providing relief and financial aid to countries suffering from conflicts and war, poverty etc. Recently, these states have also been promoting the ideas of gender equality and appealing for solving the problems concerned with climate changes. Thus, in this regard, we can evaluate their key foreign policy ideas as almost idealistic. On the other hand, as tensions arise in the world, these countries strengthen their cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). In our opinion, this fact represents the deep understanding of international situation by the countries of the region. However, we should underline that Finland refrains from joining the alliance directly. The rule of law is declared in all the Scandinavian countries by their Constitutions, according to which in these states the governments are divided into three bodies that have their own complex structures. It is necessary to stress that in every state of the region there is an efficient mechanism of preventing the concentration of power by providing for checks and balances. The process of shaping foreign policy represents a complex integral issue in the Scandinavian countries. It includes a great amount of political actors, having their own different views on the country’s role and status on the international arena. Thus, the official institutions are the key actors in making foreign policy decisions. In the countries of the region, they are the following: - the head of the state (the President or monarch); - the Parliament; - the government; - the Foreign Ministry; - the Ministry of Defense. Moreover, the role of the head of the state (the President) is more significant in the republics, such as Finland and Iceland, comparing to the constitutional monarchies. Furthermore, the Scandinavian countries can also be characterized by a high level of political culture and an active role of civil society influencing the political system significantly. It is necessary to underline that in all these countries there are close relations between different political actors, such as political, business and media structures, as well as NGOs representatives. In such circumstances, it can create obstacles towards making an efficient foreign policy decision. In Scandinavia, the first think tanks were created in the last century. However, it was a protracted process. For instance, in Finland it can be explained by the political reality of the Cold War when there was a strict system of shaping foreign policy in the country concerning the USSR’s influence on the state. On the other hand, in Sweden and Norway, political decision-making on the basis of scientific researches is a common occurrence. However, a huge amount of think tanks was not necessary in these countries at that time. Nowadays, the largest number of think tanks is in Sweden. In our opinion, this is due to a more rapid development of such institutions in the last century, comparing to the other Scandinavian countries. In addition, there is a historical tradition of making political decisions on the basis of practical recommendations created by researchers. On the contrary, another Scandinavian country, Iceland, has the fewest number of think tanks among the states of the region. Nevertheless, we do believe that the current amount of think tanks is sufficient for them to play a significant role in the process of shaping foreign policy in such a small country. Mostly there are both government and party-affiliated types of think tanks in Sweden, Finland and Norway. Advocacy think tanks are dominant in Denmark. Their activity is not aimed at conducting scientific research but promoting particular ideas and values. Moreover, there are not many autonomous think tanks in the country. Although, a level of a think tank’s independence still remains an open-ended question. On the contrary, university-affiliated think tanks prevail in Iceland. Furthermore, think tanks provide practical recommendations for official institutions in all the countries of the region. However, this tendency is not dominant in Finland, where the Finnish society represents the main audience for think tanks. It is of great importance to stress the special feature of Norwegian think tanks as well. They conduct a highly efficient international activity including cooperation with the United Nations (UN) and its structures in order to solve international conflicts. Norwegian think tanks’ representatives often broker to different peace talks worldwide. Scandinavian think tanks are very active in their use of media structures and the Internet in order to promote their ideas and raise public awareness of foreign policy pressing issues. It is a common practice to use electronic resources to present the results of their researches. Moreover, using social networks contributes significantly to making their communication with the audience cheaper, faster and more effective. Thus, it increases the efficiency of think tanks’ activity compared to those that use, for example, printed newspapers or journals. Overall, think tanks play their significant role on the political arena in the Scandinavian countries. Their development is extremely dynamic so they are becoming independent political actors endeavouring to influence dramatically the process of shaping foreign policy. Their researches contribute to bridging the gap between theory and practice, as well as to creating and promoting ideas. In condition of their turning into the “fifth branch of power” it is necessary to study the phenomenon further in order to comprehend the global tendencies.
FR : De nos jours, il est d’une grande importance d’inclure les différentes structures non étatiques dans le processus d’élaboration de la politique étrangère, telles que les сentres analytiques, les ONG, les représentants de la société civile, etc., afin de prendre des décisions efficaces en matière de la politique étrangère. Ce type de pratique est couramment utilisé dans les pays scandinaves, tels que la Norvège, la Suède, la Finlande, le Danemark et l’Islande. En général, ces Etats peuvent être caractérisés par une interaction complexe et étroite entre tous les acteurs politiques, auxquels les сentres analytiques se sont activement joints ces dernières années. L’actualité de ce travail. L’étude des activités des centres analytiques de la politique étrangère est extrêmement importante dans le contexte de l’augmentation quotidienne des flux mondiaux d’information. C’est également tout à fait pertinent pour l’Ukraine. Selon nous, cela aidera à prendre les bonnes décisions concernant la politique étrangère de l’ensemble des pays de la région, à comprendre les principales caractéristiques des modèles scandinaves du développement démocratique, ainsi que les politiques étrangères traditionnelles de ces pays. L’objet de cette recherche est la politique étrangère des pays scandinaves. Le sujet de la recherche est l`analyse comparative des centres analytiques de la politique étrangère des pays scandinaves. Le but de cette recherche consiste à une analyse complète, basée sur l’étude des activités des centres analytiques de la politique étrangère des pays scandinaves et la comparaison des caractéristiques de leurs activités. Pour atteindre le but, nous avons identifié les objectifs de notre recherche qui suivent: - analyser les étapes principales de la transformation des centres analytiques; - identifier et caractériser les caractéristiques essentielles des systèmes politiques des pays en question; - explorer les vecteurs principaux de la politique étrangère de la région; - révéler et comparer le rôle des centres analytiques de la politique étrangère dans les systèmes politiques scandinaves. Conclusions contiennent les résultats suivants de la recherche: Aujourd’hui, nous sommes de plus en plus confrontés à une augmentation quotidienne des flux mondiaux d’informations. L’information devient la ressource la plus précieuse, et des réalités se répandent dans l’arène politique comme la confrontation de l’information, les guerres de «sens», etc., qui, avec le développement constant des dernières technologies, prennent de nouvelles formes différentes. C’est pourquoi nous pouvons constater une augmentation significative du rôle des centres analytiques dans les systèmes politiques. Les centres analytiques ont radicalement changé au cours de leur évolution. Au départ, ils représentaient une sorte de plateforme non permanente pour discuter d’importantes questions politiques et internationales. Au contraire, ils doivent être maintenant un mécanisme efficace de promotion des positions de groupes d'intérêts. En outre, ils cherchent à devenir des acteurs politiques indépendants jouant un rôle important dans le processus de l’élaboration de la politique étrangère. Le développement des centres analytiques est un phénomène courant dans les pays scandinaves. Cependant, leur apparence et leur nature dépendent de l’histoire d’un pays, de sa culture politique, du niveau de démocratie, etc. Ainsi, nous avons déduit que tous les pays scandinaves, y compris la Suède, la Finlande, la Norvège, l’Islande et le Danemark, se représentent comme des États développés et dotés des gouvernements démocratiques. La Finlande et l’Islande sont les républiques tandis que les autres pays sont les monarchies constitutionnelles où les monarques ont exclusivement des fonctions cérémonielles. Nous devons également souligner que les pays scandinaves occupent une «niche» très similaire sur la scène internationale. Les vecteurs fondamentaux de leur politique étrangère sont suivants: - promotion des idées de paix et de coopération internationale; - règlement pacifique des différends et médiation; - maintien de la paix; - contribution à la mise en œuvre de la politique du développement durable. En outre, ces pays peuvent également être caractérisés pour titre des plus grands pays donateurs du monde, fournissant des secours et une aide financière aux pays souffrant de conflits et de guerre, de pauvreté, les problèmes liés aux changements climatiques. Ainsi, à cet égard, nous pouvons évaluer leurs idées clés de la politique étrangère comme presque idéalistes. D’autre part, alors que les tensions surgissent dans le monde, ces pays renforcent leur coopération avec l’Organisation du Traité de l’Atlantique Nord (OTAN). Selon nous, ce fait représente la profonde compréhension de la situation internationale par les pays de la région. Cependant, nous devons souligner que la Finlande s’abstient de rejoindre directement l’alliance. La primauté du droit est proclamée dans tous les pays scandinaves par leurs constitutions, selon lesquelles, dans ces États, les gouvernements sont divisés en trois organes qui ont leurs propres structures complexes. Il est nécessaire de souligner que dans chaque état de la région, il existe un mécanisme efficace pour empêcher la concentration du pouvoir en prévoyant des freins et contrepoids. Le processus d’élaboration de la politique étrangère représente une question intégrale dans les pays scandinaves. Il comprend un grand nombre d’acteurs politiques, qui ont leurs propres points de vue sur le rôle et le statut du pays sur la scène internationale. Ainsi, les institutions officielles sont les acteurs clés dans la prise de décisions de politique étrangère. Dans les pays de la région, ce sont ceux qui suivent: - chef de l’État (le Président ou le Monarque); - Parlement; - Gouvernement; - Ministère des Affaires étrangères; - Ministère de la Défense. De plus, le rôle du chef de l’État (le Président) est plus important dans telles républiques comme la Finlande et l’Islande, par rapport aux monarchies constitutionnelles. En outre, les pays scandinaves peuvent également être caractérisés par un niveau élevé de culture politique et un rôle actif de la société civile influençant de manière significative le système politique. Il faut souligner que dans tous ces pays, il existe des relations étroites entre les différents acteurs politiques, tels que les structures politiques, commerciales et médiatiques, ainsi que les représentants des ONG. Dans de telles circonstances, cela peut créer des obstacles à une prise de décision efficace en matière de politique étrangère. En Scandinavie, les premiers centres analytiques ont été créés au siècle dernier. Cependant, c’était un long processus. Par exemple, en Finlande, cela peut s’expliquer par la réalité politique de la guerre froide quand il y avait un système strict de formation de la politique étrangère du pays concernant l’influence de l’URSS sur l’État. En revanche, en Suède et en Norvège, la prise de décision politique sur la base de recherches scientifiques est courante. Cependant, une quantité énorme de groupes de réflexion n'était pas nécessaire dans ces pays à l’époque. De nos jours, le plus grand nombre de centres analytiques se trouve en Suède. Selon nous, cela est dû à un développement plus rapide de ces institutions au cours du siècle dernier, par rapport aux autres pays scandinaves. En outre, il existe une tradition historique de prise de décisions politiques sur la base de recommandations pratiques élaborées par des chercheurs. Au contraire, un autre pays scandinave, l’Islande, possède le moins de centres analytiques parmi les états de la région. Néanmoins, nous pensons que le nombre actuel de centres analytiques est suffisant pour qu’ils jouent un rôle important dans le processus d’élaboration de la politique étrangère dans un si petit pays. Il existe principalement des centres analytiques à la fois gouvernementaux et affiliés à des partis en Suède, en Finlande et en Norvège. Les centres analytiques sur le plaidoyer dominent au Danemark. Leur activité ne vise pas à mener des recherches scientifiques mais à promouvoir des idées et des valeurs particulières. De plus, il n’y a pas beaucoup de centres analytiques autonomes dans le pays. Cependant, le niveau d’indépendance d’un centre analytique reste une question ouverte. Au contraire, les centres analytiques affiliés à l'université prévalent en l’Islande. En outre, les centres analytiques fournissent des recommandations pratiques aux institutions officielles de tous les pays de la région. Cependant, cette tendance n’est pas dominante en Finlande, où la société finlandaise représente le principal public des centres analytiques. Il est également très important de souligner la particularité des centres analytiques norvégiens. Ils mènent une activité internationale très efficace, y compris la coopération avec les Nations Unies (ONU) et ses structures afin de résoudre les conflits internationaux. Les représentants des centres analytiques norvégiens négocient souvent différents pourparlers de paix dans le monde. Les centres analytiques scandinaves sont très actifs à utiliser des structures médiatiques et l’Internet afin de promouvoir leurs idées et de sensibiliser le public aux questions urgentes de politique étrangère. Il est courant d’utiliser des ressources électroniques pour présenter les résultats de leurs recherches. De plus, l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux contribue de manière significative à rendre leur communication avec le public moins chère, plus rapide et plus efficace. Ainsi, il accroît l’efficacité de l’activité des centres analytiques par rapport à ceux qui utilisent, par exemple, des journaux imprimés ou des revues. Dans l’ensemble, les centres analytiques jouent leur rôle important sur la scène politique dans les pays scandinaves. Leur développement est extrêmement dynamique, de sorte qu’ils deviennent des acteurs politiques indépendants qui s’efforcent d’influencer considérablement le processus d’élaboration de la politique étrangère. Leurs recherches contribuent à combler le fossé entre la théorie et la pratique, ainsi qu’à créer et promouvoir des idées. A condition qu’ils deviennent la «cinquième branche du pouvoir», il est nécessaire d’étudier plus avant le phénomène afin de comprendre les tendances globales.

With the proliferation of 21st century educational technologies, science teaching and learning with digitally acclimatized learners in secondary science education can be realized through an online Science-Technology-Society-Environment (STSE)-based issues approach. STSE-based programs can be interpreted as the exploration of socially-embedded initiatives in science (e.g., use of genetically modified foods) to promote the development of critical cognitive processes and to empower learners with responsible decision-making skills. This dissertation presents a case study examining the online environment of a grade 11 physics class in an all-girls’ school, and the outcomes from those online discursive opportunities with STSE materials. The limited in-class discussion opportunities are often perceived as low-quality discussions in traditional classrooms because they originate from an inadequate introduction and facilitation of socially relevant issues in science programs. Hence, this research suggests that the science curriculum should be inclusive of STSE-based issue discussions. This study also examines the nature of students’ online discourse and, their perceived benefits and challenges of learning about STSE-based issues through an online environment. Analysis of interviews, offline classroom events and online threaded discussion transcripts draws from the theoretical foundations of critical reflective thinking delineated in the Practical Inquiry (P.I.) Model. The PI model of Cognitive Presence is situated within the Community of Inquiry framework,encompassing two other core elements, Teacher Presence and Social Presence. In studying Cognitive Presence, the online STSE-based discourses were examined according to the four phases of the P.I. Model. The online discussions were measured at macro-levels to reveal patterns in student STSE-based discussions and content analysis of threaded discussions. These analyses indicated that 87% of the students participated in higher quality STSE-based discussions via an online forum as compared to in-class. The micro-level analysis revealed students to attain higher cognitive interactions with STSE issues. Sixteen percent of the students’ threaded postings were identified in the Resolution Phase 4 when the teacher intervened with a focused teaching strategy. This research provides a significant theoretical and pedagogical contribution to blended approach to STSE-based secondary science education. It presents a framework for teachers to facilitate students’ online discussions and to support learners in exploring STSE-based topics.