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1
Perdue, Rebekah. « Comparative Political Stability in Latin America : Case Studies in Costa Rica, Argentina, and Cuba ». Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/983.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science
2
Odendahl, Laura Jean. « Political Reconstruction of the Southern Lady : A Case Study, 1856-1907 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2002. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626372.
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3
Akrami, Rahimullah. « Revisiting Afghanistan's Modern History : The Role of Ethnic Inclusion on Regime Stability ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1547332876379751.
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4
Lee, Myon Woo. « Policy change and political leadership in Japan case studies of administrative reform and tax reform / ». The Ohio State University, 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32057359.html.
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5
Puckey, Adrienne 1946. « The substance of the shadow : Māori and Pākehā political economic relationships, 1860-1940 : a far northern case study ». Thesis, University of Auckland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/3387.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Between 1860 and 1940 Aotearoa New Zealand’s economy and economic base was transformed in a number of significant ways, following similar patterns in earlier-established British colonies. The influx of European immigrants drastically altered the demography and contested land – the economic base. Money became increasingly important as medium of exchange and unit of account. Whereas the economy was unregulated or lightly-regulated before 1860, regulation increasingly formalised economic relations and institutions, and work organisation became more impersonal. In urban areas these transformations were substantially complete by 1940. However, in rural areas, where most Mäori and fewer Päkehä lived, economic transformation was more of a hybrid than a complete change from one form to another. The informal economy (unmeasured and unregulated), and particularly the rural informal economy, contributed (and still contributes) quantitatively to the national economy. Whether within Mäori communities, within Päkehä communities or between the two, the more informal rural economy depended on social relations to a large extent. Mäori had choices about how they related to the introduced economic system, ranging from full engagement to rejection and non-involvement, with numerous negotiated positions in between. With the conviction that they could satisfactorily negotiate terms of participation, Mäori had invited Europeans to the far north. The extent of Mäori involvement in all the dominant (formal) economic activities of the far north, 1860-1940, clearly indicates their efforts were integral rather than peripheral to the Päkehä economy. But Mäori economic activity has been relegated to the shadows of economic history. The relationship between the two systems is better understood by recognising the interplay between formal and informal (shadow) economies. The social organisation of work, the kaupapa of the informal economy, the diversity of strategies and tactics, and relationship building (both bonding and bridging), were the strengths from which far northern Mäori relentlessly engaged with the Päkehä economy, while maintaining a degree of autonomy until World War One. In effect they played an invisible hand of cards, invisible, that is, to studies of the formal economy.Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.
6
Ooten, Melissa D. « "A Bad Case of Fossilized Tradition" : The Discourse of Race and Gender in Women's Battle for the Ballot in Richmond, Virginia 1909-1920 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626322.
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7
Cherok, Jessica A. « Explaining Education : Case Studies on the Development of Public Education Institutions ». Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1275426868.
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8
Volkmann, Abigail J. « River Basin Management and Restoration in Germany and the United States : Two Case Studies ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/165.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The uses and management of water resources play an important role in the development of a culture and the health of its environment and population. Humans throughout history have consistently exploited rivers, which degrades water quality and leads to water scarcity. This thesis is an examination of two river restoration projects, one on the Oder River in Germany and the other on the Klamath River in the United States, that represent each country's efforts to reverse river exploitation. These cases in Germany and the United States demonstrate the importance of achieving a better understanding of the political instruments and strategies for mitigating environmental issues on a global scale.
9
Modin, Ludwig. « Stability and Change in Role Conceptions : The Case of Russia and the Annexation of Crimea ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-411974.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper addresses the question of whether Russia’s role conception changed after the annexation of Crimea. Research on role conceptions has a solid standing within foreign policy analysis, but information on role change and what it is that affects it has not been given the necessary attention. The paper’s theoretical framework contains earlier theoretical definitions of role conceptions and role change. In conjunction with the theoretical approach, process tracing and systematic text analysis with a focus on narratives are used as methodological tools. Relevant findings are then generated through the study of elite-expressions of the Russian master role from, firstly, the period between 2012 and late 2013, and, secondly, 2014. In brief, the results indicate that no major change occurred. Rather the role conception remained stable throughout both sequences. This suggests that the ramifications of the annexation of Crimea did not challenge the Russian master role and that it was not perceived as a crisis by Putin and his colleagues. Moreover, it is possible that role change more likely occurs when exceptional circumstances arise unexpectedly and when they fundamentally challenge ingrained role conceptions.
10
Ulbrich, Bryan Armand 1969. « The implementation of environmental policy on Indian lands : A case study on the Pueblo of Isleta ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291868.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper examines the implementation of environmental policy on Indian land, by conducting a case study of the Pueblo of Isleta. In 1992 the EPA acknowledged the jurisdictional authority of the Pueblo to establish water quality standards for the Rio Grande. The Pueblo has since attempted to implement these standards despite opposition from the city of Albuquerque. The premise of this paper is that tribes, in general, have assumed a greater role in regulating their environments although financial, technical, and statutory impediments continue to thwart complete tribal control. By examining the historical process of inclusion of tribes into the regulatory arena and applying this to the Pueblo of Isleta, this paper presents a concise analysis of one tribes response to the intricacies of environmental regulation.
11
Mitchell, Brian. « Oscar James Dunn : A Case Study in Race & ; Politics in Reconstruction Louisiana ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1351.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The study of African American Reconstruction leadership has presented a variety of unique challenges for modern historians who struggle to piece together the lives of men, who prior to the Civil War, had little political identity. The scant amounts of primary source data in regard to these leaders’ lives before the war, the destruction of many documents in regard to their leadership following the Reconstruction Era, and the treatment of these figures by historians prior to the Revisionist movement have left this body of extremely important political figures largely unexplored. This dissertation will examine the life of one of Louisiana’s foremost leaders, Lt. Governor Oscar James Dunn, the United States’ first African American executive officeholder.
Using previously overlooked papers, Masonic records, Senate journals, newspaper articles and government documents, the dissertation explores Dunn’s role in Louisiana politics and chronicles the factionalization of the Republican Party in Reconstruction New Orleans. Born a slave and released from bondage at an early age, Oscar J. Dunn was able to transcend the stigma which was often attached to those who had been held in slavery. A native of New Orleans, born to Anglo-African parents, he was also able to transcend the language barrier that often excluded Anglo-Africans from social acceptability in Afro-Creole society. Although illiterate, Dunn’s parents made critical strides in securing his social mobility by providing him with both a formal education and a trade apprenticeship. Those skills propelled Dunn forward within his Anglo-African community wherein he became a key figure in the community’s two most important institutions, the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church.
This dissertation argues that Dunn’s political ascent was linked to the political enfranchisement of antebellum Anglo-Africans in Louisiana, Dunn’s involvement in Anglo-African institutions (particularly the York Rite Masonic Lodge and the African Methodist Episcopal church) and Dunn’s ability to find middle ground in the racially charged arguments that engulfed Reconstruction New Orleans’s political arena.
Keywords:
Oscar Dunn, Reconstruction, New Orleans, Republican, Louisiana, African American, Politics
12
Debbas, Malek. « Examining Lebanon’s Susceptibility to Foreign Influence : Institutional Roadblocks to State Stability ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1586.
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Lebanon has historically been at the center of Middle Eastern conflict. Religious diversity and weak institutions have resulted in the country’s continual exploitation by powerful foreign states. At first, a historical overview of Lebanon demonstrates how certain events over the past 200 years have shaped the country. Based on recurring political and economic misfortunes, sectarian tensions within Lebanon have flared since the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. This thesis argues that in order to stabilize the country and prevent the meddling of foreign powers, a focus must be placed on establishing a national identity, strengthening the country’s political institutions, and creating an accountable economic system.
13
Wilson, Ann Conner. « Putnam’s Two-Level Game : Case Studies of Serbian and Russian Reactions to the Kosovar and Chechen Independence Movements ». The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274721632.
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14
Weldon, Catherine Leigh. « The changing nature of conflict in Africa : challenges for the United Nations ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50649.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 2006.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The nature of conflict in Africa has changed from the Cold War to the post-cold War era. This is evident in the internal and external factors and actors involved within the conflict dynamics. During the Cold War era politics and the quest for control of the state formed the basis for conflicts in Africa, from anti-colonial wars of independence and liberation struggles to secessionist attempts. In the post-Cold War era with the loss of external superpower support, this has changed with the growing significance of identity politics, and conflicts based on the differences of ethnicity, religion and the quest for the control of resources and land, characterised by extreme violence and the rise of actors other than the state, within failed and collapsed states. These conflicts have thus presented challenges to the United Nations (UN) in relation to its traditional means of maintaining international peace and security, and the internal dynamics of the decision-making processes, political will and accompanying resources and financial factors within the organisation. The challenges faced by the UN in Africa therefore lie not only within the nature of conflict and the nature of the African state but also within the internal constraints inherent within the organisation itself. The conflicts in Mozambique and Rwanda respectively represent how the nature of conflict has changed in Africa from the Cold War to the post-Cold War era and both illustrate the challenges the UN has faced in light of the changing nature of African conflict. While Mozambique offers an example of a typical Cold War conflict, based on the quest for control of the state and exacerbated by superpower support, Rwanda represents an example of a typical post-Cold War internal conflict based on identity politics and extreme violence manifest as genocide. By comparing and contrasting these two conflicts, and the subsequent involvement of UN peace maintenance operations in these conflicts, this thesis offers a comparative study of "old" and "new" wars in Africa in order that a better understanding of the nature of conflict in Africa can be reached and to illustrate the challenges faced by the UN in light of this changing nature of conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aard van konflik in Afrika het vanaf die tydperk van die Koue Oorlog tot die na-Koue Oorlog tydperk aansienlik verander. Dit is in die innerlike en uiterlike faktore en akteurs wat by die konflik betrokke is waarneembaar. Gedurende die Koue Oorlog tydperk was interstaatlike konflik 'n hoofkenmerk. Dit was ook die fase van antikoloniale oorloë wat dikwels met eksterne steun geveg is. In die na-Koue Oorlog tydperk met die verlies van uiterlike supermoondheid ondersteuning, het interne konflik binne swak state dikwels oor die beheer van skaars hulpbronne, of oor identiteit en griewe gegaan. Die konflik het uitdagings aan die Verenigde Nasies (VN) gestel wie se vredesregime kwalik vir rebelle en kindersoldate voorsiening gemaak het. Dit het ook eise gestel aan die politieke wilskrag van lede van die Veiligheidsraad om in dergelike konflikte betrokke te raak. Die uitdaging vir die VN in Afrika lê dus nie net in die aard van konflik en die aard van die staat in Afrika wat verander het nie, maar ook in nuwe eise vir vrede. Die twee gevallestudies van die konflik in Mosambiek en Rwanda demonstreer hoe hierdie aard van konflik verander het, en hoe moeilik dit is om vrede te maak waar akteurs (rolspelers) kwalik binne konvensionele raamwerke hanteer kan word. Waar Mosambiek 'n voorbeeld van 'n tipiese Koue Oorlogse konflik was - stryd vir die beheer oor die staat en aangevuur deur supermoonhede, is Ruanda weer 'n meer eietydse voorbeeld van 'n tipiese na-Koue Oorlogse interne konflik, gebaseer op identiteitspolitiek wat met ekstreme geweld en volksmoord gepaard gegaan het. Hierdie tesis bied 'n vergelykende studie van sulke "ou" en "nuwe" oorloë in Afrika en bied moontlik 'n beter begrip van die aard en oplossing van sulke konflikte wat by uitstek nuwe uitdagings aan die tradisionele opvattings van die VN stel.
15
Wallis, Joanne Elizabeth. « Laying strong foundations : does the level of public participation involved in constitution-making play a role in state-building ? Case studies of Timor-Leste and Bougainville ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610442.
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16
Dildine, James Lowell 1951. « When the dust settles : A case study of the effects of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act on a National Park Service repository ». Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278575.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is based on research conducted at the National Park Service (NPS) Western Archeological and Conservation Center (WACC) for the purpose of making determinations regarding funerary objects according to the guidelines required by the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA Public Law 101-601). The analysis is intended to show that only a nominal amount of artifacts stored at WACC are actually subject to NAGPRA guidelines regarding funerary objects and perhaps more importantly that the curation procedures and conditions surrounding the acquisition of these objects has negatively impacted their research value.
17
Noury, Abdul Ghafar. « Essays on Economics of political Behavior ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211488.
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18
Solli, Audun. « Theorising African states : the case of Angola from a critical theory perspective ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2855.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.This thesis is a theoretical contribution to the debate about statehood in Sub-Saharan Africa. My primary aims have been to interrogate the use of the state concept on the continent, and to open up new theoretical avenues to analyse the state. My starting point has been that the state is a key to solving socio-economic challenges. Yet the social theory that purports to make sense of the state in Africa is poor. Mainstream scholars use prefixes such as ‘failed’, ‘weak’ and ‘quasi’ to make sense of existing African states. If they call for such labels, it is only because an unhelpful ideal type based on the ‘modern’ European state is postulated. Such scholarship is limited to theorising the distance between the ideal type and real states. This approach gives a functionalist account of the state’s relationship with society and economy, but fails to explain the state as a historical product and expression of the distribution of power between social groups. As an alternative way to theorise states, I propose a synthesis between Robert W. Cox and Mahmood Mamdani. Combining Mamdani’s and Cox’s theoretical frameworks avoids the problems that arise when Eurocentric International Relations (IR) theories are applied to an African context. The synthesis adds to both frameworks by addressing a shortcoming in Cox by paying more attention to power struggles in the periphery, and redresses the exclusive focus on Africa in Mamdani. Adding Cox to Mamdani contextualises Mamdani’s African state in space as well as time, whereas adding Mamdani to Cox shows how African states respond to outside pressures and in the process (re)constitute the world order by adding an inside-out pressure. I use a single case study of the Angolan state to illustrate how a Coxian / Mamdanian synthesis contributes to the debate. This theoretical framework turns the attention to four aspects. First, there is a close historical link between the economic structure and the form of the state in the country, from the slave trade to today’s political economy of oil. Second, I look at the attempts of the Angolan state elite to legitimise its own power. I posit that in the context of social destitution and poverty, strategies to sustain consent based rule assumes particular importance. Third, the Angolan state is an expression of internal powers struggles between social groups in the country. The contemporary balance of power is volatile: recent economic growth has the potential of unsettling old power structures, as the relative balance of who has access to economic power changes. Lastly, the world order supports the current structure of power in Angola, largely thanks to the political economy of oil. Oil gives the Angolan regime ample economic resources, as well as crucial support from oil companies and the states that import the oil. This foreign support underwrites the regime and constitutes an important element in its support base
19
Bucknell, Clare. « Poetic genre and economic thought in the long eighteenth century : three case studies ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:71e97b4d-c009-487c-8efb-fdb71eefa080.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the eighteenth century, the dominant rhetorical and explanatory power of civic humanism was gradually challenged by the rise of a new organising language in political economy. Political economic thought permitted radically different descriptions of what laudable private and public behaviour might be: it proposed that self-interest was often more beneficial to society at large than public-mindedness; that luxury had its uses and might not be a threat to liberty and political integrity; that landownership was no particular guarantee of virtue or disinterest; and that there was nothing inherently superior about frugality and self-sufficiency. These new ideas about civil society formed the intellectual basis of a large body of verse written during the long eighteenth century (at mid-century in particular), in which poets engaged enthusiastically with political economic arguments and defences of commercial activity, and celebrated the wealth and plenty of Britain as a modern trading nation. The work of my thesis is to examine a contradiction in the way in which these political economic ideas were handled. Forward-looking and confident poetry on public themes did not develop pioneering forms to suit the modernity of its outlook: instead, poets articulated such themes in verse by appropriating and reframing traditional genres, which in some cases involved engaging with inherited moral values and philosophical preferences entirely at odds with the intellectual material in hand. This inventive kind of generic revision is the central interest of the thesis. It aims to describe a number of problematic meeting points between new political economic thought and handed-down poetic formulae, and it will focus attention on some of the ways in which poets manipulated the forms and tropes they inherited in order to manage – and make the most of – the resulting contradictions.
20
Amupanda, Job Shipululo Kanandjembo. « A comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in the Southern African Development Community region : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71597.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Conflicts are a prevalent phenomenon in Africa. Of major wars after the Second World War, many occurred on the African continent. Families go to bed not sure of seeing one another on the following day. Conflicts and the lack of peace in Africa have been correctly identified as a major obstacle on the emancipation path that the African masses tread from poverty, underdevelopment and much want. Africa thus needs to take conflict resolution and the maintenance of peace on the continent seriously. One cannot, in any way, attempt to solve something that one does not understand. Research is, thus, important in the search for a peaceful Africa. In expression of such sentiments, the current study was undertaken to gain an understanding of peacemaking in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The study seeks to make a comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in this region. Such was wanting or minimal in the literature on Namibia. The study considered two case studies, those of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola. The study found that Namibia is not only an active participant in SADC peacemaking, but it has contributed to the return of peace and stability in the region; the country played an important role in peacemaking in both the DRC and Angola. It found various similarities and differences between the two case studies. It was established that Namibia takes a twofold approach to peacemaking for it engaged in both diplomatic and military actions. Additionally, the study found that Namibia’s peacemaking role, in the cases considered, was conducted in a secretive manner. This is to say that the approach was somewhat secretive albeit becoming public knowledge later. While all cases are regarded as successful in terms of objectives vis- à-vis results analysis, the study found that the Angolan peacemaking was more successful than the DRC. This comparative analysis is, therefore, presented for those seeking to understand Namibia’s peacemaking in the region and also as a basis for future studies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Konflik is ʼn algemene verskynsel in Afrika. Van die grootste oorloë sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het op die Afrikavasteland plaasgevind. Gesinne gaan saans bed toe sonder om te weet of hulle mekaar die volgende dag sal sien. Konflik en die gebrek aan vrede in Afrika word met reg bestempel as ʼn groot struikelblok vir die Afrikamassas se bevryding van armoede, onderontwikkeling en uiterste gebrek. Afrika behoort dus erns te maak met konflikbeslegting en die handhawing van vrede op die vasteland. Tog kan ʼn mens nie eintlik iets probeer oplos indien jy dit nie volkome begryp nie. Navorsing is dus belangrik in die strewe na ʼn vreedsame Afrika. Hierdie studie is derhalwe onderneem om ʼn begrip te bied van vredestigting in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap- (SAOG-)streek. Meer bepaald bied die ondersoek ʼn vergelykende uiteensetting van Namibië se rol in vredestigting in die SAOG-streek – ʼn onderwerp waaroor daar tot dusver weinig, indien enigiets, in literatuur oor Namibië te vinde was. Die studie ondersoek twee gevallestudies, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) en Angola. Die navorsing bevind dat Namibië nie net ʼn aktiewe deelnemer aan SAOG-vredestigting is nie, maar ook tot die herstel van vrede en stabiliteit in die streek bygedra het; die land het ʼn belangrike rol in konflikbeslegting in sowel die DRK as Angola gespeel. Verskeie ooreenkomste en verkille tussen die twee gevallestudies het uit die navorsing na vore gekom. Dit blyk dat Namibië ’n tweeledige benadering tot vredestigting volg: Die land onderneem diplomatieke sowel as militêre optrede. Verder het die studie bevind dat Namibië sy rol as konflikbeslegter in die twee gevalle wat ondersoek is op ’n skugter manier vervul het. Dit is om te sê dat die benadering was ietwat geheimsinnig al is dit besig om openbare kennis later. Hoewel alle gevalle as geslaagd beskou kan word aan die hand van die oogmerke en die uiteindelike uitkomste, het die studie bevind dat vredestigting in Angola geslaagder was as in die DRK. Hierdie vergelykende uiteensetting word dus aangebied vir diegene wat Namibië se benadering tot vredestigting in die streek wil verstaan, en dien terselfdertyd as grondslag vir toekomstige studies.
21
Awad, Siham Samir. « The impact of the application of Sharia law on the rights of non-Muslims in the light of international principles : the case of Sudan ». Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22690.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The idea of exploring the topic of the thesis has been promoted by the revival of Islam as a legal system in a number of Islamic nation states, as an assertion and part of their identity. This development is regarded by some as adversely affecting non-Muslim citizens in such states when looked at in the light of international principles.Sudan, a multireligious state, declared the application of Sharia laws in 1983. The thesis addresses the impact of the application of Sharia law on non-Muslims within the historical, political and legal context of Sudan. This is examined in the light of international principles.
To this end, the thesis uses a comparative methodology, entailing the identification of the areas of inconsistencies between rules of Sharia governing non-Muslim subjects and international norms. Thus, an examination of Sudanese laws based on Sharia having an impact on non-Muslims is made.
22
De, Vos Johannes Nicolaas. « A security community in Africa : a critical assessment of the African Union’s contribution towards the construction of a potential security community since 2002 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20159.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to provide a critical discussion of the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community since its inception in 2002. Utilising Security Community Theory, and the framework for the study of security communities developed by Adler & Barnett (1998) it commences with an interrogation of the AU. This interrogation is arranged along the three tiers of the framework. The first tier is the precipitating conditions, which cause states to orient themselves in each other’s direction and desire to coordinate their relations. The second tier investigates the factors conducive to the development of mutual trust and collective identity. The third, and final, tier identifies the necessary conditions of dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study goes on and introduces three African case studies, which illustrate the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community. The case studies are the African Union mission in Burundi, the African Union mission in Sudan, and the recent intervention of the African Union in the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. All three case studies were able to provide ample evidence to illustrate the AU’s contributions. The study concludes with two major findings. Firstly, this study is able to illustrate that the AU has made significant contributions towards the development of peace and security in Africa. Secondly, that the AU has made significant contributions at all three tiers of the framework, and therefore major contributions to the potential development of an African security community. However, the AU is still in its embryonic phase, and any prediction concerning the existence, or potential existence of an African security community would be premature. Even though there are ostensibly, positive developments in the area of continental peace and security this study is able to illustrate several remaining challenges to further contributions by the AU. The first is a lack of resources. The AU is heavily dependent on the contributions of its member states, and a number of members persistently fail to meet their contributions to the organization. A second challenge is the loosely defined relationship with the UN (and other external partners). It is crucial that a constructive relationship be established, if not, differences might antagonise the two organisations and negatively affect any future contributions of the AU towards the development of an African security community. Finally, the role of core states, most notably regional hegemons such as South Africa and Nigeria will remain important for stabilizing and encouraging the further development of an African security community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om n kritiese bespreking te bied van die bydra wat die Afrika Unie na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het sedert sy intrede in 2002. Deur gebruik te maak van Sekuriteits Gemeeenskap Teorie, en die raamwerk vir die studie van sekuriteits gemeenskappe deur Adler & Barnett (1998) begin die studie met n direkte ondersoek van die AU. Hierdie ondersoek vind plaas volgens die drie vlakke van die raamwerk. Die eerste vlak is die kondisies wat veroorsaak dat state hulself na mekaar orienteer, en n wil ontwikkel om hulle sake te koordineer. Die tweede vlak ondersoek die faktore vir die ontwikkeling van wedersydse vertroue en gesamentlike identiteit. Die derde, en finale, vlak identifiseer die nodige kondisies van afhanklike verwagtinge vir vreedsame verandering. Die studie gaan voort met drie Afrika geval studies, wat die bydra van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap illustreer. Die geval studies sluit in die Afrika missie in Burundi, die Afrika missie in Sudan, en die onlangse intervensie deur die AU in die na-eleksie krisis in Côte d'Ivoire. Al drie geval studies verskaf wye getuienis wat die bydra van die AU illustreer. Die studie sluit af met twee hoof bevindings. Eerstens, kon hierdie studie illustreer dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes na die ontwikkeling van vrede en sekuriteit in Afrika gemaak het. Tweedens, dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes op al drie vlakke van die raamwerk gemaak het, en daarom ook mondige bydraes tot die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het. Nogtans, is die AU self nog in n onvolwasse stadium, en enige voorspelling in verband met die bestaan, of oor die potensiele bestaan van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap is voortydig. Al is daar opmerkilike positiewe ontwikkelinge in die area van kontinentale vrede en sekuriteit, kan hierdie studie steeds verskeie uitdagings identifiseer wat verdere bydraes deur die AU kan hinder. Die eerste uitdaging is n tekort aan bevondsing. Die AU is hoogs afhanklik op die bydrae van sy lidmaat state, maar n paar lede mis aanhoudend hulle bydraes tot die orginasasie. n Tweede uitdaging is die ongedefineerde verhouding tussen die AU en die VN (en ander eksterne vennote). Dit is belangrik dat n konstruktiewe verhouding in werk gestel word, indien nie, kan verskille die twee organisasies van mekaar dryf en enige toekomstige bydraes van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits kompleks negatief beinvloed. Laastens, sal die rol van kern state, mees aanmerklik streek leiers soos Suid Afrika en Nigerie, belangrik bly om die sekuriteits kompleks te stabiliseer en verdere ontwikkeling in die toekoms te bevorder.
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Lucas, Anne M. « Strategic Nonviolence and Humor : Their Synergy and Its Limitations : A Case Study of Nonviolent Struggle led by Serbia’s Otpor ». Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1292889981.
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Leistner, Paul Roland. « The Dynamics of Creating Strong Democracy in Portland, Oregon : 1974 to 2013 ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1521.
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Communities across the United States are experiencing a "civic revival" that is reconnecting community members with local decision-making and civic life in their communities. Since the 1980s, academic researchers and local governance reformers have advocated for a shift away from the traditional top-down, expert-driven approach to governance and toward a governance model in which government leaders and staff and community members work as partners to shape the community and make local decisions. Portland, Oregon, since the 1970s, has been known nationally and internationally as a city with a tradition of strong community involvement. Portland's successes and failures offer a valuable case study into what it takes to develop, implement, and sustain policies, structures, and programs that encourage greater participatory democracy.
This dissertation reviews the evolution of Portland's community and neighborhood system from its creation in the 1970s through 2013 through an examination of the many reviews of the system over the years supplemented by reviews of newspaper accounts and informal, unstructured interviews with individuals who were involved in different processes and programs. This dissertation investigates which elements are important to the success of a city-wide community and neighborhood involvement system, the factors that help or hinder the adoption and implementation of system reforms, and strategies that help embed system advances to prevent them from being eroded or undone.
This dissertation argues that a community that wants to move toward much greater participatory democracy and community governance must develop and implement a comprehensive strategy that accomplishes three goals: involving many more people in the civic life in their community, building community capacity to organize and be involved in local decision making, and significantly improving the willingness and ability of city leaders and staff to work in partnership with community members and organizations. This dissertation also argues that community and neighborhood involvement systems need to include not only traditional geographic-based neighborhood associations but also communities of people who find their community through shared identity.
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Howes, Sigi. « Tot Nut van het Algemeen' School, Cape Town 1804-1870 : case study of a Cape school's response to political and philosophical changes in the 19th century ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53775.
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Thesis (MEd)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The name of the School 'Tot Nut van het Algemeen' appears often in the literature on early Cape education. It is described as an institution of excellence that boasts many famous pupils such as President Jan Brand, Ds JH Neethling and 'Onze Jan' Hendrik Hofmeyr. In this study I explore how the School managed to adapt to political, social and philosophical changes to survive for 70 years. I do this through telling the narrative of its existence and functioning, and investigate the vexing question as to why it was forced to close in 1870. The research document consists of 9 chapters. The introductory chapter provides the orientation for the study. It is followed by a chapter dealing with the factors that led to the establishment of the School, taking into account events both overseas and at the Cape. Chapter 3 focuses on the British occupation of the Cape, with special emphasis on the Anglicisation of schools and the reaction of the colonists to this change of circumstance. Chapter 4 describes the School's activities from 1832, covering among other aspects, its reopening, curriculum and funding. The School's link with the South African College is also explored. In Chapter 5, I discuss the education policies that shaped the School, as well as the ideals of liberalism and democracy in as far as the School practiced them. Chapter 6 deals with the closing of the School, and I offer various reasons for this. In chapter 7, I present cameos of some of the influential teachers, while the School's legacy to Cape society is examined in Chapter 8. The study concludes with a reflection that draws these facts into an integrated view and highlights pertinent insights into the 'Tot Nut' as a worthy institution in the light of the findings revealed in this research.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die naam van die skool 'Tot Nut van het Algemeen' verskyn dikwels in die literatuur oor vroeë onderwys aan die Kaap. Dit word as 'n puik instansie beskryf, met menige bekende oudleerlinge soos President Jan Brand, Ds JH Neethling en 'Onze Jan' Hendrik Hofmeyr. In hierdie studie ondersoek ek hoe die Skool by verskeie politiese, sosiale en filosofiese veranderinge aangepas het om sodoende 70 jaar te kon oorleef. Dit doen ek deur die Skool se bestaan en funksionering te beskryf, en ek spreek die frustrerende kwessie aan waarom dit in 1870 gedwing is om te sluit. Die navorsingsverslag bestaan uit 9 hoofstukke. Die inleiding behels die oriëntasie ten opsigte van die studie. Dit word gevolg deur 'n hoofstuk wat handeloor die faktore wat tot die ontstaan van die Skool gelei het, waar daar na gebeure oorsee sowel as aan die Kaap, gekyk word. Hoofstuk 3 fokus op die Britse besetting, veralop die Anglisasie van die skole en die , koloniste se reaksie daarop. Hoofstuk 4 beskryf die Skool se aktiwiteite vanaf 1832, onder andere sy heropening, die kurrikulum en bevondsing. Die Skool se verwantskap met die Suid- Afrikaanse Kollege word ook bespreek. In Hoofstuk 5 ondersoek ek die opvoedingsbeleid wat die Skool beïnvloed het, asook die ideale van liberalisme en demokrasie in so ver die Skool dit beoefen het. Hoofstuk 6 handeloor die sluiting van die Skool en ek bied verskeie redes daarvoor aan. In Hoofstuk 7 bestaan uit sketse van die vernaamste onderwyspersoneel, terwyl die Skool se bydrae tot die Kaapse samelewing in Hoofstuk 8 voorgelê word. Die studie word afgerond met 'n terugblik wat hierdie feite in 'n integreerde perspektief oor die 'Tot Nut' bymekaar bring en, in die lig van die bevindings wat in hierdie navorsing blootgelê is, kan dit as 'n waardige instansie beskou word.
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Windsor, Carol A. « Industry policy, finance and the AIDC : Australia from the 1950s to the 1970s ». Thesis, University of Queensland, 2009. http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:189307.
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This thesis, conceived within a Marxist framework, addresses key conceptual issues in the writing and theorising on industry policy in post second world- war Australia. Broadly, the thesis challenges the way that industry policy on the left of politics (reflected in the social democratic and Keynesian positions) has been constructed as a practical, progressive policy agenda. Specifically, the thesis poses a direct challenge to the primacy of the ‘national’ in interpreting the history of industry policy. The challenge is to the proposition that conflicts between national industry and international finance arose only from the mid 1980s. On the contrary, as will be seen, this is a 1960s issue and any interpretation of the debates and the agendas surrounding industry policy in the 1980s must be predicated on an understanding of how the issue was played out two decades earlier. As was the case in the 1960s, industry policy in the 1980s has been isolated from two key areas of interrogation: the role of the nation state in regulating accumulation and the role of finance in industry policy. In the 1950s and more so in the 1960s and early 1970s there was a reconfiguration of financing internationally but it is one that did not enter into industry policy analysis. The central concern therefore is to simultaneously sketch the historical political economy on industry policy from the 1950s through to the early 1970s in Australia and to analytically and empirically insert the role of finance into that history. In so doing the thesis addresses the economic and social factors that shaped the approach to industry finance in Australia during this critical period. The analysis is supported by a detailed examination of political and industry debates surrounding the proposal for, and institution of, a key national intervention in the form of the Australian Industry Development Corporation (AIDC).
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Black, Jennifer. « Lock My Body, Can't Trap My Mind : A Study of the Scholarship and Social Movements Surrounding the Case of Imprisoned Radical Mumia Abu-Jamal ». The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1354642836.
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Dhalla, Alisha Malika. « Blood Ba'ath : The Rise and Fall of the Ba'ath Party in Syria and Iraq ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1654.
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The Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party was established in Syria during the mid-twentieth century, originally championing Arab unity and freedom from foreign influence. The party eventually managed to rise to power in Syria and Iraq, thereby concluding the widespread political instability that had previously plagued both countries. In each of these contexts, autocratic leaders emerged at the forefront of the ruling regimes and manipulated the party to bolster their rule for over three decades. This paper examines the Ba’ath party’s history and ideology to understand the party’s source of strength. It also discusses the party’s role in achieving power as well as the different functions it undertook in Syria and Iraq once autocratic rule was established. Finally, it studies the fall of both regimes and the status of the Ba’ath party today.
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Hollands, Glenn Delroy. « The politics of planning in Eastern Cape local government : a case study of Ngqushwa and Buffalo City, 1998-2004 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008199.
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This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.
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Meyer, Anthony Lee Isaac. « Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in BipolarSystems : A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464219367.
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Edmundson, Joshua R. « THE ONE EXHIBITION THE ROOTS OF THE LGBT EQUALITY MOVEMENT ONE MAGAZINE & ; THE FIRST GAY SUPREME COURT CASE IN U.S. HISTORY 1943-1958 ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/399.
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The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history.
Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.
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Vollgraaff, Helene. « Values and the environmental/green movement of South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52602.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and growth of the environmental/green movement has been linked to a value shift from materialism towards postmaterialism. In this study, the emergence of the South African environmental/green movement and its growth potential is investigated within the context of Ronald Inglehart's value change theory and its implications for developing societies. The positive link between postmaterialism and environmentalism is well researched and widely accepted. However, many researchers focusing on developing societies argue that a shift towards postmaterialism does not adequately explain the emergence of environmentalism, because environmentalism is taking root in developing societies despite postmaterialist values not being prioritised. This relationship is investigated by means of a literature study about the values, principles and issues addressed by the environmental/green movement. It is argued in this study that environmentalism can indeed be linked to postmaterialism, but that prematerialist values could also playa role, especially in developing societies. The South African environmental/green movement is discussed as an example of environmentalism in a developing society. The South African movement is often described as a white middle class movement. It is argued on the basis of a literature study that the movement has changed considerably and incorporates a wide range of interests ranging from more conservative forms of environmentalism to radical political forms of environmentalism such as environmental justice. This change is linked to the concepts of prematerialism and postmaterialism emphasising that both sets of goals seems to be prioritised by different discourses within the movement. Issues concerning both the welloff and the poor are addressed by the movement. This is followed by an analysis of the 1995 World Value survey data set to obtain a demographic and socio-economic profile of the active members of an environmental organisation and the environmentally concerned. The relationship between active membership of an environmental organisation, the environmentally concerned and the concepts of prematerialism, materialism and postmaterialism is also established. The positive relationship between postmaterialism and environmentalism is confirmed, but contradictory results have been found regarding the relationship between prematerialism and environmentalism. This can possibly be attributed to the inadequate survey material that is available. Although active membership of an environmental organisation correlates positively with prematerialism, no relationship could be found between environmental concern and prematerialism. Lastly, a demographic and socio-economic profile of the "don't know" response group has also been compiled as this group is an important target group for the expansion of the environmental/green movement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die totstandkoming en groei van die groen- of omgewingsbeweging word gekoppel aan 'n waardeverskuiwing van materialisme na postmaterialisme. Die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging en die groeipotensiaal daarvan word ill hierdie studie ondersoek binne die raamwerk van Ronald Inglehart se waardeverskuiwingsteorie en die implikasies daarvan vir ontwikkelende lande. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid is goed nagevors en geniet wye aanvaarding. Tog het verskeie navorsers, veral dié wat op ontwikkelende lande fokus, probleme daarmee. Hierdie navorsers argumenteer dat postmaterialisme nie die totstandkoming van die omgewingsbeweging in ontwikkelende lande voldoende verklaar nie, aangesien die beweging in hierdie lande posgevat het terwyl die prioritisering van postmaterialisme ontbreek. Hierdie verband word ondersoek d.m.v. 'n literatuurstudie oor die waardes, beginsels en vraagstukke wat deur die groen/omgewingsbeweging aangespreek word. Daar word in hierdie studie geargumenteer dat omgewingsbewustheid wel aan postmaterialisme gekoppel kan word, maar dat prematerialistiese waardes waarskynlik ook 'n rol kan speel, veral in ontwikkelende lande. Die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging word beskryf as 'n voorbeeld van omgewingsbewustheid in 'n ontwikkelende land. Die Suid-Afrikaanse beweging word dikwels beskryf as 'n wit middelklasbeweging. Daar word op grond van 'n literatuurstudie geargumenteer dat die beweging aansienlik verander het sodat dit nou 'n breë verskeidendenheid van belange aanspreek wat wissel van die meer konserwatiewe vorme van omgewingsbewustheid tot die radikale politieke vorme soos byvoorbeeld omgewingsregverdigheid (Eng: environmental justice). Die verskuiwing word aan die konsepte van postmaterialisme en prematerialisme verbind. Dit word beklemtoon dat verskillende groeperings binne die groen/omgewingsbeweging verskillende waardes prioritiseer. Vraagstukke wat beide die welvarendes en die armes raak, word deur die beweging aangespreek. Die literatuurstudie word gevolg deur 'n analise van die 1995 World Value Survey datastel. 'n Demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die aktiewe lede van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en respondente wat as omgewingsbewus geïdentifiseer is, is opgestel. Die verhouding tussen die konsepte van prematerialisme, materialisme en postmaterialisme en aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie aan die een kant en omgewingsbewustheid aan ander kant word ook bespreek. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid, sowel as aktiewe lidmaatskap word deur die data bevestig. 'n Positiewe verband is ook tussen aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en prematerialisme gevind, maar teenstrydige resulte is gevind rakende die verband tussen omgewingsbewustheid en prematerialisme. Hierdie resultate kan egter moontlik beïnvloed wees deur die onvoldoende meetinstrument wat beskikbaar is. Laastens is 'n demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die "weet nie" responsgroep saamgestel, aangesien hierdie groep 'n belangrike teiken is indien die groen/omgewingsbeweging wil uitbrei.
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Rowlands, David T. (David Thomas). « Democracy, American nationalism and Woodrow Wilson's search for identity ». Thesis, Department of History, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5790.
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Koleski, John. « Narratives of (in)Justice : Faulty Historical Narratives and Bias in the Case of The Prosecutor v. Dominic Ongwen at the International Criminal Court ». Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1620688022787304.
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Nepgen, Arnold. « The impact of globalisation on trade unions : Cosatu’s present and future engagement in international issues ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1951.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.The effects of ‘accelerated globalisation’ can not be denied when observing modern innovations shaping human life. Its development and consequent revolutionary impact is unlike any other in modern history. The last half of the twentieth century witnessed changes in exponential terms, such as informational and technological innovations that constantly redefine the way people function. This study focuses on the effect of globalisation on trade unions, paying particular attention to the formation of liberal economic conditions, the rise of global capital flows, and the diversification of workers, working conditions and employment patterns. Globalisation has led to the formation of new social, economic, and political conditions which have made it increasingly difficult for trade unions to function in traditional ways. At the heart of this lies the fundamental opposition of capital to labour, and increasingly so under conditions of global competition. Trade unions, are organisations that represent worker interests through solidarity and strength in numbers, traditionally at the national level but increasingly they are being challenged on a global level. Thus, due to various internal and external factors, the situation many unions find themselves in is one of survival instead of growth and influence. The case study of Cosatu was chosen due to the benefit of analysing the organisation’s past success as well as present situation. Although it has not been unaffected by the problems facing unions worldwide, it has managed to achieve some notable successes in the process. The practice of social movement unionism has been highly effective in mobilising under-represented groups, and is found to still be effective in South Africa, although at a diminished scale. It is imperative for all unions to restructure the way they function so as to incorporate previously marginalised groups, to utilise technology and globalisation to their advantage, and to educate potential new entrants to the labour market.
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Bovin, Axel. « Free market or food stockpiles : A comparative case study of food supply in a crisis perspective in Sweden and Finland ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354986.
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The purpose of this study is to identify similarities and differences in preparations by Sweden and Finland to ensure food supply in a crisis. Previous research consisting of separate studies have showed a decreased ability to ensure food supply in crisis in Sweden, and an increased ability in Finland. In a time of raising awareness, changing security concerns and political will, the contribution of this study is to simultaneously investigate the two countries and provide an understanding of the historical- and present approaches. By using comparative case study as method and applying International relations theory, a broader understanding of the different approaches by otherwise similar countries is achieved. The approaches of Sweden can be explained by using realist, neorealist, liberal and neoliberal theories while Finland’s approach best can be explained by realist and neorealist theories. The study is relevant for the field of humanitarian action and conflict since it provides an understanding of the countries contingency plans regarding food. Threat assessments from both countries identifies man-made conflicts such as terrorism, cyber-attacks, use of military force and war to have the possibility to create disruptions in the normal cycles of the society and those of surrounding countries. If these threats were to occur, basic needs must be met, one being food supply.
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Ott, Kenneth Brad. « The Closure of New Orleans' Charity Hospital After Hurricane Katrina : A Case of Disaster Capitalism ». ScholarWorks@UNO, 2012. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1472.
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Abstract
Amidst the worst disaster to impact a major U.S. city in one hundred years, New Orleans’ main trauma and safety net medical center, the Reverend Avery C. Alexander Charity Hospital, was permanently closed. Charity’s administrative operator, Louisiana State University (LSU), ordered an end to its attempted reopening by its workers and U.S. military personnel in the weeks following the August 29, 2005 storm. Drawing upon rigorous review of literature and an exhaustive analysis of primary and secondary data, this case study found that Charity Hospital was closed as a result of disaster capitalism. LSU, backed by Louisiana state officials, took advantage of the mass internal displacement of New Orleans’ populace in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in an attempt to abandon Charity Hospital’s iconic but neglected facility and to supplant its original safety net mission serving the poor and uninsured for its neoliberal transformation to favor LSU’s academic medical enterprise.
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Kaul, Maya. « Deconstructing “Deviance” and “Disorder” as Systems of Domination : Chicago Public Schools as a Case Study of the Effects of Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies on Educational Outcomes in US Schools ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/184.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The rise of “zero tolerance” discipline practices in US primary and secondary schools has become increasingly well documented by the media and empirical studies. Despite the extensive scholarship that has emerged from these conversations, many of these analyses are limited in their scope and do not connect the phenomena of zero tolerance in schools to the diverse, shifting forces at play within American politics and policy today. As such, the goal of this work is to synthesize ideas about zero tolerance across disciplines by integrating historical thought, philosophical frameworks of punishment, shifting policy goals within the US education system, the sociological constructions of “deviance” and “disorder” in the context of the US criminal justice system, and empirical data directly from a school district to develop particular policy recommendations accordingly. The primary research question of this analysis is: What are the effects of zero tolerance discipline policies on educational outcomes? To answer this question, Chicago Public Schools will be employed as a case study from which lessons for the nation at large will be drawn. Ultimately, this analysis ends up revealing the ways in which zero tolerance policies stem from much deeper forces at play between dominant and marginal groups, and what comes to be defined as “deviance” in relation to a socially constructed system of “order.”
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HALDÉN, Peter. « Compound republics as viable political systems : a comparison of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation and the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6344.
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Defence date: 28 July 2006Examining board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Jaap Dronkers, European University Institute ; Prof. Jens Bartelson, University of Copenhagen ; Prof. Richard Little, University of Bristol
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The way the sovereign state is taken for granted in political theory prevents an explanation of historical and contemporary organizations and phenomena different from this ideal type. Peter Haldén bypasses the state and the problems it causes by constructing an understanding of politics and a research model based on classical and early modern republican political theory. This enables historical analysis without anachronism and a new interpretation of the European Union. By comparing the EU with the Holy Roman Empire (1648-1763) and the antebellum United States (1776-1865), he explains that the EU's international weakness is a result of its strength as a security system that stabilizes Europe. The author argues that continued American support and embedding in NATO is necessary in order for the EU to act on the world stage and to stabilize Europe in the long run. Through these theoretical innovations, he explores alternatives to state-building in the Third World.
40
Wallace, Christopher. « The Evolution of the Hellenistic Polis : Case Studies in Politics and Political Culture ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/35078.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The following dissertation sets out to explore the evolution of a handful of civic institutions in the Hellenistic era. The first chapter focuses on the institution of the ephebeia and citizen-training. It centres on three documents: the gymnasiarchic law of Beroea (I. Beroeae 1 [ca. 167 BCE]), the oath of the agelaoi of Dreros (I. Cret. 1.9.1 [ca. 200 BCE]) and the honorary decree for Menas of Sestos. It argues first that citizen training programs of the Hellenistic period had higher rates of participation than the Athenian evidence seems to suggest, and second that three virtues of gymnastic training, euexia, eutaxia and philoponia, were also political and social virtues. The second chapter focuses on Zosimos of Priene (I. Priene 113 [ca. 100 BCE]) and the connection between his two most important reforms: instituting a system of duplicate record-keeping and funding rhetorical training for ephebes. It argues that the speeches of envoys and ambassadors (presbeutic rhetoric) constituted the dominant mode of Hellenistic rhetoric; within that genre, arguments based on history and on official records were considered the most effective. The third chapter focuses on Fabius' letter to Dyme (Syll.3 684 [144 BCE]). It argues that the destruction of Dyme's public archives was not part of a 'socialist' revolution, but rather was a means of rejecting changes to the citizen body forced on the city by Rome. The final chapter turns to the island of Kos. It explores Diokles' decree (IG XII.4.1 75 [ca. 200 BCE]) as an example of how the balance between self-interest and communal interests were negotiated.
41
« Changing Political and Intellectual Landscapes during the Mid-Ming : Revival of Private Academies, Emergence of jianghui, and the Enshrinement Case of 1584 ». Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.38542.
Texte intégralRésumé :
abstract: This thesis examines the relationship between political culture, Confucian intellectuals, and the rise of a new intellectual and cultural paradigm during the early to mid-Ming dynasty (1368 – 1644). The main goal of this thesis is to supplement current scholarship on Chen Xianzhang’s 陳獻章 (1428 – 1500) life as an intellectual of Cantonese origin and his political activities at both local and national levels. Furthermore, the thesis supplements current research on the Yangming School and the School’s contribution to the revitalization of private academies during the Ming with a study on the relationship between the three Confucian intellectuals enshrined in 1584 and the revival of private academies from the perspective of political history. In analyzing the relationship between these various aspects of the Ming political and intellectual landscapes, the thesis uses the 1584 Confucian Temple enshrinement, which involved Wang Yangming 王陽明 (1472 – 1529) and his two older contemporary Confucian intellectuals, Chen Xianzhang and Hu Juren 胡居仁 (1434 – 1484), as an entry point to explore the dynamics behind the political and cultural changes at the time. It aims to investigate the issue of cultural power versus imperial power, the central-versus-peripheral narrative in Ming politics, the evolution of how cultural power was asserted by members of the Confucian tradition, and the manifestation of such evolution in response to contemporary political discussions. The author begins with an analysis of the revival of private academies (shuyuan 書院) during the mid-Ming, and the influence of Chen Xianzhang and Hu Juren in this revival. He then dissects the relationship between the revival of private academies and the emergence of jianghui 講會 (discussion gatherings) in the following decades. Finally, the thesis discusses the struggle of mid-Ming intellectuals in gaining cultural legitimization for both private academies and jianghui activities by urging the imperial court to give due recognition through enshrining Wang, Chen, and Hu in the Confucian Temple, and the historical significance of this struggle to the development of the Confucian tradition in the Ming. The author ultimately argues that Chen Xianzhang, contrary to the common perception about him being a philosopher-poet who was indifferent to political discourses, was in fact a politically active intellectual; and that Chen’s contributions to the revival of private academies in Guangdong predated that of Wang Yangming in the Jiangnan region.Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Asian Languages and Civilizations 2016
42
« 文本與語境 : 《北洋官報》與清末北洋新政 ». 2012. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549343.
Texte intégralRésumé :
《北洋官报》于1902 年12 月创刊发行，至1912 年5 月随清王朝的覆灭而寿终正寝。纵观清末十年《北洋官报》的刊行，可见其应新政而生，又以报道和宣传新政为第一要务。本研究旨在透过《北洋官报》来看清末北洋新政。具体而言，首先要探讨的是作为新政喉舌的《北洋宮报》的创刊背景，即清末新政与北洋独特的政治文化;同时，也要梳理这份新式官报与晚清业已存在的报纸之间的文本联系。其次要具体探讨的是北洋官报局的局务，包括《官报》的发行、书籍为主的印刷业务的开展，以及"官纸印刷"的筹划与争论等。其三是《北洋官报》对新政的展示和宣传。其四是《北洋官报》在展示新政与启蒙民众过程中对日本的借鉴与推崇。通过以上四方面的研究，本论文主要探讨了《北洋官报》及官报局在北洋新政中的作用《官报》在展示新政、启蒙民智上所形成的官方新政话语和所体现的官方与非官方之间的互动关系，以及北洋与中央之间的复杂关系等。就时间的划分而言， 1906 年之前，清末新政主要集中在经济、教育、军事等诸领域的改革， 1906 年之后转为以中央与地方推行的宪政改革为主要内容。依此，本论文讨论《北洋官报》对新政的展示和宣传就以1906 年为界，分为两个峙段:新政时期和宪政时代。前者侧重于《北洋官报》中的不同部分如何展示新政;后者侧重于从《官报》中看到的清末宪政推进情况。论文正文的末章则对宪政时代作详细论析。
综合言之， 《北洋官报》从其创刊之际，即与晚清的变局、北洋政治文化以及清末新政息息相关。《官报》为新政产物和应新政而生的同时，又以宣扬新政与开民智为己任，塑造了呈现于《官报》上的新政话语。作为官方报纸上的新政话语，并非纯然代表官方立场表达官方意志，而是既有官方的一面，又有非官方的一面，更有官方与非官方之间互动的一面。《官报》的语境既与一个多元与过渡的时代息息相关，同样，这个多元与过渡的时代也呈现在《宮报》的各种不同文本空间之中。体现在《北洋官报》中的北洋新政，在某种程度上也预示了北洋政治左右民初政局的现象，这是多元变化和过渡形态的一个方面。
The Beiyang Gazette (Beiyang guanbao) published its first issue in December, 1902, and stopped publication in May, 1912, following the fall of the Qing Dynasty. From an overview of its ten-year publication and circulation, it is clear that the gazette was born to serve the late Qing reform, and publicizing and reporting on the reform became its top priority. This thesis aims at studying the reform through textual and contextual analyses of the Beiyang Gazette. In details, the author first investigates the background of the gazette as the mouthpiece of the reform, to understand the unique political culture of the reform under the Beiyang authorities in the late Qing. This study also traces the textual links between the new-style Beiyang Gazette and other contemporary newspapers. Second, the thesis examines the Bureau of the Beiyang Gazette in length. Details include the distribution of the gazette, the development of its book-based printing business, the controversy of "official paper" printing, and so forth. Third, the representation ofthe reform in the Beiyang Gazette is studied through textual analysis. Fourth, Japan as an enlightening model for the Chinese reform as portrayed in the Beiyang Gazette is discussed. In sum, the thesis examines the function of the Beiyang Gazette and its bureau in the Beiyang reform, the official discourse of the reformed in the gazette and its role in demonstrating the reform and enlightening the people, the interaction between the official and the unofficial realms, and the complicated relations between the Beiyang and the central governments, and other related topics.
It is found that the year 1906 was a watershed between two stages of the Beiyang reform. Before 1906, areas of the reform were mainly economy, education, military, etc. After 1906, the main concern was constitutional implementation by the central and local authorities. Chapter 6 of the thesis focuses on the second period and demonstrates in details the advancement of constitutional implementation.
In sum, the Beiyang Gazette was under the influence of the Beiyang political culture ever since it started publication. To serve the Beiyang authorities, the gazette took priority in publicizing the reform and enlightening the people. The reform discourse, as formed by the Beiyang Gazette, contained not only official, but also unofficial factors which interacted with each other. The context of the discourse had been closely related to the backdrop of an age of multiplicity and transition which was in turn represented in different textual spaces of the gazette. The Beiyang reform embodied in the Beiyang Gazette, to a certain extent, heralded the Beiyang politics that came to affect China for some time after 1911. This vicissitude can be seen as one dimension of the phenomenon of multiple changes in a transitional era.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
姜海龍.
Sumitted date: 2011年11月.
Sumitted date: 2011 nian11 yue.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 268-275)
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Jiang Hailong.
Chapter 第一章 --- 绪论 --- p.1
Chapter 一 --- 选题意义 --- p.1
Chapter 二 --- 概念界说 --- p.4
Chapter 三 --- 学术史回顾 --- p.6
Chapter 一 --- 关于清末民初天津史的研究 --- p.6
Chapter 二 --- 关于晚清报纸的研究 --- p.9
Chapter 三 --- 清末《官报》的研究 --- p.15
Chapter 四 --- 清末新政研究 --- p.16
Chapter 四 --- 研究思路及史料支撑 --- p. 25
研究思路 --- p.25
论文所使用的史料 --- p.27
Chapter 五 --- 研究方法与论文结构 --- p.28
研究方法 --- p.28
论文结构 --- p.28
论文大致内容 --- p.28
Chapter 第二章 --- 语境与文本: 《北洋官报》之创刊 --- p.35
Chapter 第一节 --- 历史语境:《新政上谕》与《江楚会奏变法三折》之间 --- p.35
《新政上谕》的解读 --- p.35
《江楚会奏变法三折》的出台 --- p.38
Chapter 第二节 --- 内陆码头式的北洋政治文化 --- p.41
内陆码头"北洋"政治地理版图的生成 --- p.41
内陆码头与北洋政治文化 --- p.45
Chapter 第三节 --- 两种文本: 《京报》与《申报》 --- p.52
《京报》 :前官报形态? --- p.53
从《申报》到《北洋官报》 :官方的模仿和对抗? --- p.58
Chapter 第四节 --- 《北洋官报》的创刊 --- p.65
《北洋官报》创办 --- p.65
北洋官报局的章程 --- p.67
晚清新式官报的起点? --- p.69
Chapter 本章结语 --- p.70
Chapter 第三章 --- 新政展示(1902-1906): 从文牍到新闻 --- p.71
Chapter 第一节 --- 皇权秩序的"象征性存在" --- p.71
Chapter 第二节 --- 文牍中的新政展示 --- p.76
从章奏到官文牍 --- p.76
文牍与新政 --- p.78
文牍中的袁世凯 --- p.85
Chapter 第三节 --- 新闻中的"新政纪事" --- p.90
新政报道:文牍的延续 --- p.90
新政报道:与私家之报的共识 --- p.93
Chapter 本章结语 --- p.98
Chapter 第四章 --- 局:官方与非官方之间 --- p.101
Chapter 第一节 --- 官报局:清末新政中的"局" --- p.101
晚清以来的"局" --- p.101
天津的"局" --- p.103
北洋官报局 --- p.111
Chapter 第二节 --- 《官报》发行 --- p.113
首创《官报》派销模式 --- p.114
第一份邮发报纸 --- p.119
Chapter 第三节 --- 兼营印刷出版业 --- p. 122
官方印刷与出版机构 --- p.122
官方书籍出版 --- p.126
官方与非官方之间 --- p.129
Chapter 第四节 --- "官纸印刷"的争论 --- p.134
官纸印刷会详 --- p.134
咨议局对"官纸印刷"的驳议 --- p.142
Chapter 本章结语 --- p.149
Chapter 第五章 --- 日本因素 --- p.151
以日为师 --- p.151
Chapter 第一节 --- 在印刷领域的借鉴与效仿 --- p.154
对《日本官报》的借鉴 --- p.154
印刷问答:中日官报局长的"面对面" --- p.157
Chapter 第二节 --- 《官报》中的《日俄战纪》 --- p. 167
从《普法战纪》到《日俄战纪》 --- p. 167
从西电到西报 --- p.171
从新闻到新知 --- p.176
Chapter 第三节 --- 日本新知 --- p.180
《官报》中的新知略述 --- p.181
日本新知 --- p.184
Chapter 本章结语 --- p. 195
Chapter 第六章 --- 宪政时代 --- p.197
Chapter 第一节 --- 广告中的宪政 --- p.198
Chapter 第二节 --- 文牍中的宪政--宪政编查馆 --- p.203
Chapter 第三节 --- 文牍中的宪政--直隶地方自治 --- p.212
Chapter 第四节 --- 新政纪闻中的"议会纪事" --- p.220
以选举为中心的展示 --- p.221
以议案为中心的展示 --- p.225
Chapter 第五节 --- 变化 --- p.229
官报的变化 --- p.230
从部、周到议董两会 --- p.232
Chapter 本章结语 --- p.240
Chapter 第七章 --- 结语 --- p.242
新政与新政话语 --- p.242
官方与非官方之间 --- p.244
北洋与中央 --- p.249
附录 --- p.255
Chapter 附录一 --- 《北洋官报序三》、《北洋官报序四》 --- p.255
Chapter 附录二 --- 《北洋官报》所载京师风景插图 --- p.257
Chapter 附录三 --- 《北洋官报》不同时期所登载的商务印书馆广告 --- p.264
参考文献 --- p.268
43
« 中国抗争政治中的谣言与动员 : 以义和团与五四运动为主线 ». Thesis, 2009. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075531.
Texte intégralRésumé :
张楠迪扬.Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 140-157)
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Zhang Nan Diyang.
44
« 殖民地知識分子之興起 : 以香港、台灣及新加坡作個案 ». Thesis, 2009. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074934.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Colonial intellectual is a good point of entry for making sense of anti-colonial movement because in many cases they constituted the pioneer of the movement. Moreover, in some cases, they became the founding father of new nations. However, such an important social category received inadequate attentions.The main concern of this research is: how to make sense of the fact that in some colonies, anti-colonial movement were stronger while in others, the subjects were silent. The present writer would use colonial intellectuals from three areas (Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore) as cases to illustrate the development of anti-colonial movements in above three areas in late nineteenth Century and Early Twenty Century.
Using the theory of institutionalization as theoretical framework, the present writer argued that the level of institutionalized of the society is the prime mover of the event. To view colonial society as a social group, it is argued that only in those societies reaching a high level of institutionalization, then members of the society would develop a kind of locally oriented vision of the society. That kind of vision is the necessary condition of anti-colonial movement. In the following thesis, the present writer would discuss in what way colonial governance, migration, and the conditions of pre-colonial society shaped the level of institutionalization of the discussed cases.
劉紹麟.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 72-10, Section: A, page: .
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Liu Shaolin.
45
« 紅色僑鄉 : 民國以來廣東潮州地方的家族、移民與革命 = Red emigrant community : lineage, migration and revolution in Chaozhou, since 1920s ». 2014. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6116208.
Texte intégralRésumé :
家族、移民和革命，是考察中國的僑鄉社會，尤其是民國時期的僑鄉社會所不可或缺的三大元素。傳統的華人華僑研究，多把華僑與國民黨的革命活動聯繫起來，以突出華僑對國民黨革命的重要性。然而，這些研究往往忽略了華僑跟共產黨領導的革命的繫連。在當代的潮汕地區，爲了吸引華僑投資家鄉與促進僑鄉的文化旅遊發展，部分僑鄉重構鄉村參與共產黨革命的歷史，建立起「紅色僑鄉」。「紅色僑鄉」這個文化標籤的建立，成爲僑鄉、僑居地與國家之間的文化、政治關係的象徵符號。本文主要以廣東澄海後溝村為個案研究，由此討論僑鄉社會如何塑造自身的歷史與文化。本文嘗試指出，第一次國共合作破裂之後，共產黨在鄉村中秘密動員、組織農民階級對抗「地主階級」，鄉民參加革命能夠起到協調地域社區權力結構中力量的不平衡的作用。自20年代中后期在僑鄉社會中形成的關係網絡延續至抗日戰爭及解放戰爭，與海外移民網絡共同影響著鄉村的宗族和地域社會。當代僑鄉的紅色革命形象，是國家自上而下的意識形態工程所塑造的，也是地方家族、移民在追尋自身利益與政治認同的結果。
Lineage, migration and revolution are three major elements to study emigrant communities in China, especially in the Republican period. Traditional studies on overseas Chinese focus on the relationship between overseas Chinese and KuoMinTang’s revolutionary activities and highlight the importance of overseas Chinese to KMT revolution. However, these studies often ignore the relationship between overseas Chinese and revolutionary activities led by Chinese Communist Party. In the Chaoshan region, some of the emigrant communities, in order to attract overseas Chinese investment and develop cultural tourism, attempt to establish a "Red Emigrant Community" status through reconstructing the history of village’s participating in CCP’s revolution.
"Red Emigrant Community", or Hongse qiaoxiang, is a cultural label linking emigrant communities and the State. This thesis, using Hougou village as an example explores how emigrant communities shape their own "red" history and culture. After the first cooperation of KMT and CCP, CCP secretly began to mobilize and organize peasants against landlords in villages. Villager’s participation in revolutionary activities could be seen as a balance of power in the local community. Together with their overseas networks, emigrant communities’ revolutionary networks, which were formed in the 1920s and continued through the WWII and the Liberation, influenced villages’ lineage and regional structures. Red Emigrant Community is not only a top-down National projects. It is a result of pursuing interests and seeking political identity by local lineage and overseas Chinese.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
王惠.
Parallel title from added title page.
Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-187).
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Wang Hui.
46
Hlopoyiya, Ntandazo. « The potential conflict between a just land reform policy and nation building : a case study of the cornfields community ». Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/3323.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study explores the government's current land refonn programme in the light of nation building. It is hypothesised that though the government means well by its introduction of the programme, the current land refonn policy will negatively affect race relations. This is due to the fact that the introduction of this policy has exacerbated white fears of dispossession and raised black expectations of redress. Therefore, the success of this policy will exacerbate white dissatisfaction, and the failure of the policy will frustrate black expectations. Nevertheless, it is argued that this is only prevalent in the short run where as in the long run nation building could be achieved through this programme.Thesis (M.Soc.Sci.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.
47
Chaklader, Anjan K. « The impact of royal commissions on public policy : worker’s compensation in British Columbia, 1941-1968 ». Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/3303.
Texte intégralRésumé :
During the years 1941 to 1968, issues relating to workers’ compensation in British
Columbia were subjected to the unprecedented number of three royal commissions. An
explanatory framework that evaluates the merits of the commissions and their
recommendations, both perceived and otherwise, and the degree to which governments
adopted the recommendations, is presented in this paper. The framework is designed to
make use of the available relevant primary sources, particularly minutes of the commission
proceedings, newspaper accounts and legislative statutes.
All three of the Commissions were thorough, well-received exercises whose
recommendations were almost wholly adopted by B.C. governments, though in differing
time frames. The need for the second Commission, which was created a mere six years
after the finish of the first, primarily arose because of rapid developments in the B.C.
labour movement during the mid-1940’s. An infusion of leaders with communist ties
caused it to harden demands for workers’ compensation benefits and reforms. The first
Commission had been considered a success by all parties, but the context of its
recommendations had changed due to the increase in labour’s militancy. This second
Commission was also considered to be reasonably successful. However, dissatisfaction
with a Workmen’s Compensation Board that had completely turned over shortly after the
second Commission, led to demands, particularly by labour, to create another commission
to review its work and procedures. Board members, at that time, were subject to long
tenures and were without any formal mechanism with which to be reviewed.
Critical to the success of the three Commissions was the independent, non-partisan
nature of their proceedings and recommendations. Because of this, the credibility accorded to the recommendations, particularly by labour, caused the Commissions to supercede the
traditional mode of cabinet or legislative committtee deliberation for public policy
formation in this case. The series of Commissions ended because of satisfaction with the
Workmen’s Compensation Act, a much higher turnover rate of the Board and increased
strength of the provincial labour-backed New Democratic Party. Thus, the Commissions
and the three B.C. Supreme Court Justices that served as the Commissioners, must go
down in history has having played a significant role in the evolution of occupational safety
and health policy in British Columbia.
48
Chirombe, James. « The interface of music and politics : exposition of Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga's post 2000 music ». Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25540.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The research is an Afrocentric engagement that analyses selected songs by Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga in post-independence Zimbabwe. The study is informed by Afrocentricity, which provides the theoretical anchorage to the exposition and elucidation of the pursuit for independence, liberation and freedom of Zimbabweans in the post-independence era. The study analyses selected sungura songs composed and sung by Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo in post-2000 era. The study indicates that post-independence Zimbabwe of 2000 to
2010 reflects a decade of crisis. The exposition unfolds through a critical exegesis of selected songs by these sungura artists. The two sungura musicians are among the leading musical voices in Zimbabwe. The study is largely qualitative in nature and used interviews and questionnaires to solicit information from research participants. Respondents comprise musicians, music producers and academics in the Zimbabwe. The study stimulates more interest and research in sungura music as well as illuminating the significance of their messages to ongoing debates on the Zimbabwean crisis/crises thereby establishing the relationship between music and politics. This position is made against the backdrop of their commitment and courageous efforts by such protest musicians to comment on ‘big’ political and economic issues seriously affecting the performance of Zimbabwean economy. The study also establishes that cronyism, patronage and corruption have become major industries of the day in Africa. Through fighting for the voiceless masses, the study argues that Zimbabwe is faced by the crisis of governance and the nation has taken the medals of humiliating its own people. Pertaining to the leadership crisis in Zimbabwe, the study also shows that musicians who include Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo insinuate that the deep seated Zimbabwean challenges are a manifestation of a nation that is parentless. In their protest music, the artists reiterate that poverty, hunger, diseases and other forms of sufferings that the country encountered and continue to face are a sign of a country that is an orphan implying the dearth of people centred leadership. Additionally, findings from the study show that the land issue is one of the commonly identified factors that are ascribed to partial independence in Zimbabwe translating into crisis. The land question invited attention from Hosiah Chipanga as reflected in his post-2000 music where he suggests that Zimbabweans were to a larger extent betrayed by ZANU (PF) leadership.Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)
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Yudkoff, Ambigay. « "When voices meet" : Sharon Katz as musical activist during the apartheid era and beyond ». Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25340.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study investigates the work of the performer, composer, educator, music therapist and activist Sharon Katz. Beginning in 1992, Katz made history in apartheid South Africa when she formed a 500-member choir that showcased both multi-cultural and multi- lingual songs in their staged the production, When Voices Meet, which incorporated music, songs and dance, intended to assist in promoting a peaceful transition to democracy in South Africa.
The success of the concerts of When Voices Meet led to Katz securing sponsorships to hire a train, “The Peace Train”, which transported 130 performers from city to city with media crews in tow. The performers’ mission on this journey was to create an environment of trust, of joy, and of sharing through music, across the artificially-imposed barriers of a racially segregated society.
This investigation includes several areas of inquiry: The South African Peace Train; the efforts of the non-profit Friends of the Peace Train; Katz’s work with Pennsylvania prisoners and boys at an American Reform School; the documentary When Voices Meet, and the American Peace Train Tour of July 2016, bringing the message of peace and harmony through song to racially and socio-economically divided Americans on a route that started in New York and culminated with a concert at UNESCO’s Mandela Day celebrations in Washington D. C. These endeavours are examined within the framework of musical activism.
The multi-faceted nature of Katz’s activism lends itself to an in-depth multiple case study. Qualitative case study methodology will be used to understand and theorise musical activism through detailed contextual analyses of five significant sets of related events. These include Katz’s work as a music therapist with prisoners in Pennsylvania and a Boys’ Reform School; as activist with The South African Peace Train of 1993; as humanitarian with Friends of the Peace Train; in making the documentary, When Voices Meet, and as activist with the American Peace Train Tour of 2016.
In documenting the grass-roots musical activism of Sharon Katz, I hope to contribute towards a gap in South African musicological history that would add to a more comprehensive understanding of musical activism and its role in social change.Art History, Visual Arts and Musicology
D. Litt. et Phil. (Musicology)
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SÖRENSEN, Jens Stilhoff. « State collapse and social reconstruction in the periphery : the political economy of ethnicity and development : Yugoslavia, Serbia, Kosovo ». Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6333.
Texte intégral