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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy"

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Ulunyan, Arutyun. « “Cotton Shadow” of the Great Game (1880s — Early 20th Century) ». ISTORIYA 13, no 12-1 (122) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023789-6.

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The article analyzes the interconnection between the political and economic interests of Britain in the context of the Great Game in the 1880s — early 20th century and the strengthening of the British participation in making and development of the Russian cotton industry. Archival sources, materials of parliamentary reports, the British press, publications of British and Russian participants in the events, all of them, provide legitimate basis to detect the peculiarities of the links between Britain’s economic and political interests during this period. The “cotton shadow” of the Great Game turned out to be a phenomenon that allows even at the statistical level to reveal the prevailing importance of economic interests over purely political assessments of the likely Russian threat to Britain in Central and East Asia and partially overshadow them.
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Rosner, David, et J. Rogers Hollingsworth. « A Political Economy of Medicine : Great Britain and the United States ». Journal of American History 74, no 4 (mars 1988) : 1386. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894499.

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Boyer, George R. « The Evolution of Unemployment Relief in Great Britain ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 34, no 3 (janvier 2004) : 393–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219504771997908.

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The history of unemployment relief in Britain from 1834 to 1911 was not a “unilinear progression in collective benevolence,” culminating in unemployment insurance. The combination of poor relief and private charity to assist cyclically unemployed workers from 1834 to 1870 was more generous, and more certain, than the relief provided for the unemployed under the various policies adopted from 1870 to 1911. A major shift in policy occurred in the 1870s, largely in response to the crisis of the Poor Law in the 1860s. Because the new policy—a combination of self-help and charity—proved unable to cope with the high unemployment of cyclical downturns, Parliament in 1911 bowed to political pressure for a national system of relief by adopting the world's first compulsory system of unemployment insurance.
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Riall, Lucy. « The Shallow End of History ? The Substance and Future of Political Biography ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no 3 (janvier 2010) : 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2010.40.3.375.

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The “Great Man” tradition of political life-writing in Britain originated in the Dictionary of National Biography (which commenced publication in 1882) and continues to this day in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. The commercial popularity of the genre has persisted despite the challenges of post-structuralism and the rise of cultural and gender history. Contemporary political biographers who wish to incorporate new methodologies in their work, however, could approach the lives of Great Men through a study of how they acquired their reputations, thereby helping to explicate not only the importance attached to political heroes in history but also the creation of political biography itself. One case in point is my biography of Giuseppe Garibaldi, which analyzes the construction of, and political strategy behind, the remarkable fame and popularity of this revolutionary leader.
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Clements, B., et C. D. Field. « Public Opinion toward Homosexuality and Gay Rights in Great Britain ». Public Opinion Quarterly 78, no 2 (1 juin 2014) : 523–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfu018.

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Paci, Simone, Nicholas Sambanis et William C. Wohlforth. « Status-Seeking and Nation-Building : The “Piedmont Principle” Revisited ». Journal of Interdisciplinary History 51, no 1 (juin 2020) : 65–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01520.

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The pursuit of status on the international stage through participation in the Crimean War was critical to Italy’s drive toward unification. Piedmont’s Prime Minster Count Camillo di Cavour’s entry into the wartime alliance with France and Great Britain was a major component in his nation-building project, which Italy’s enhanced status after the war brought to fruition. Primary sources highlight the nexus between status competition at the international level and domestic political outcomes. Similar processes can explain the success and failure of other nation-building enterprises.
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Buultjens, Ralph. « The Ethics of Excess and Indian Intervention in South Asia ». Ethics & ; International Affairs 3 (mars 1989) : 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1989.tb00213.x.

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This article examines four interlinked historical aspects of intervention from a philosophic and ethical perspective. What are the dimensions of intervention and how is it managed? What conditions govern intervention? How can intervention be evaluated? What are the moral issues in intervention? India, the world's largest democracy, has promoted its power through intervention in neighboring countries under the cloak of morality. The United States, Great Britain, and Russia have nonetheless tacitly endorsed India's role as the policing force in the region. Does this recognition justify India's actions toward its weaker and smaller neighbors?
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Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. « The Ideology of Colonization : Metamorphoses of the Colonial Question in the Political Philosophy of Alexis de Tocqueville ». ISTORIYA 13, no 4 (114) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021057-1.

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In this article the evolution of views on the empire, colonies and colonization by Alexis de Tocqueville, the outstanding French liberal thinker of the 19th century, are analyzed. It was shown that in the process of expanding the scale of the colonization of the 19th century Tocqueville, like many other French thinkers, began to defend and justify colonial domination, trying to justify colonial policy in every possible way and try to give it legitimacy. Although Tocqueville was fully aware of the vices of colonization, he was ready to defend it. He believed that the French nation could not afford not to be the dominant colonial power. Justifying the expansion of the French empire, he believed that the colonial project could contribute to the political unification of the French, and at the same time he feared that France would lose its position and its international reputation, lagging behind Great Britain in the annexation of overseas possessions. Tocqueville’s ideas about progress and the understanding of progress were fairly typical of nineteenth-century European thinkers. In 19th century Europe as a rule, attempts to justify colonization were combined with a linear theory of progress and a belief in the superiority of Europeans over other worlds.
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Kharkovsky, Ruslan. « Mahdist State in the Colonial Struggle of France and Great Britain in Sudan (1880s — 1890s) ». ISTORIYA 13, no 2 (112) (2022) : 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020471-7.

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The article analyzes the evolution of the “Sudanese question” in the system of international relations in the last third of the 19th century. The thesis is argued that for Great Britain control over the Sudanese territories was an important link in the struggle for the creation of the world’s largest colonial empire. The threat of war between Britain and France during this period was quite real. The military, primarily naval, weakness of France was one of the essential reasons for its retreat from Sudan. The settlement of the colonial differences between England and France in Northeast Africa later became one of the reasons for the emergence of the Entente as a counterbalance to the growing German Empire.
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GIANNAKOPOULOS, GEORGIOS. « “MAKE BRITAIN GREAT AGAIN” : ANGLO-AMERICAN THOUGHT AND WORLD POLITICS IN THE AGE OF EMPIRES ». Modern Intellectual History 15, no 2 (30 janvier 2017) : 593–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244316000378.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy"

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Mason, David (David Mark George). « Burke's political philosophy in his writings on constitutional reform ». Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66187.

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Buchsbaum, Robert Michael III. « The Surprising Role of Legal Traditions in the Rise of Abolitionism in Great Britain’s Development ». Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416651480.

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Tsang, S. Y. S. « Great Britain and constitutional reform in Hong Kong (1945-1952) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371769.

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Brown, Joseph Andrew. « The sociology of first-time voting in Great Britain, (1964-1987) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316954.

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Squires, Michael. « Change and continuity : an appraisal of railway policy making in Great Britain ». Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310933.

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Royed, Terry J. « Policy promises and policy action in the United States and Great Britain, 1979-1988 / ». The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487780865407853.

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Hilton, Adrian. « Free schools : the role of Conservative and Liberal political thought in shaping the policy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:961415dd-a137-4f0d-b8e7-1b1927835053.

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'The landscape of schooling in England has been transformed over the last five years' (House of Commons Education Committee, 2015:3). More than half of secondary schools in England have become academies, independent of local authorities and funded directly by central government. The programme was begun by New Labour in 2002, and by the time they left office at the 2010 General Election 203 academies had been established. The policy was considerably extended between 2010-2015 by the Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition, and 'Free Schools' were introduced by Education Secretary Michael Gove: that is, schools 'set up in response to what local people say they want and need in order to improve education for children in their community' (DfE, 2013/2015). By the time of the 2015 general election, there were 4,674 newly-sponsored or converter academies and 252 'Free Schools', representing 64% of secondary school students (47% of all state school students), and 51% of secondary schools (32% of all state schools). This research argues the hypothesis that there is a high degree of philosophical continuity on this policy across the main political parties in England. It also analyses the extent to which the policy-makers invoke historical expressions of conservatism and/or liberalism in their articulation of that convergence. Drawing on past associations with politicians, the principal expositors and key architects of the 'Free Schools' policy were interviewed, and these transcripts have given insight into how the themes of policy are conceptualised and understood. The data suggests that there are convergent philosophical views across the main political parties, and agreement on the course of history of the policy. There are, however, ethical concerns about the pace of reform, the primacy of the 'market', and the extent to which democratic public goods are consistent with schools that are 'free'.
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Stefanidis, Ioannis. « United States, Great Britain and Greece, 1949-1952 : the problem of Greek security and internal stability ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244192.

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Worley, Katherine E. « Reason sways them : Masculinity and political authority in the English Civil War ». View abstract/electronic edition ; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318372.

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Larcinese, Valentino. « Political information, elections and public policy ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/431/.

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This thesis contributes to the study of the role of information in elections and public policy formation. Its main focus is on information acquisition and voting behaviour. Chapter 1 discusses the motivation of this research and presents a survey of related literature. Chapter 2 focuses on electoral turnout, Chapter 3 on public policy, and Chapter 4 on mass media. Chapter 2 studies the impact of information on electoral turnout. Since incentives to be informed are correlated with other incentives to participate in public life, a model of information acquisition and turnout is introduced to isolate potential instrumental variables and try to establish a causal relation. Results are tested on the 1997 General Election in Britain. It is shown that information, as well as ideology, matters for turnout. It also contributes to explain the systematic correlation of turnout with variables like education and income. Voters' knowledge of candidates and of other political issues is also substantially influenced by mass media. Chapter 3 presents a model that links the distribution of political knowledge with redistributive policies. It argues that voters can have private incentives to be informed about politics and that such incentives are correlated with income. Therefore redistribution will be systematically lower than what the median voter theorem predicts. Moreover, more inequality does not necessarily lead to an increase in redistribution and constitutional restrictions might have unintended consequences. In Chapter 4 it is argued that instrumentally motivated voters should increase their demand for information when elections are close. In supplying news, mass media should take into account information demand, as well as the value of customers to advertisers and the cost of reaching marginal readers. Information supply should therefore be larger in electoral constituencies where the contest is expected to be closer, the population is on average more valuable for advertisers, and the population density is higher. These conclusions are then tested with good results on data from the 1997 General Election in Britain.
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Livres sur le sujet "Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy"

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Nicholson, Peter P. The political philosophy of the British idealists : Selected studies. Cambridge [England] : Cambridge University Press, 1990.

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Michael, Otsuka, dir. Finding oneself in the other. Princeton, N.J : Princeton University Press, 2013.

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Studies on the reception of Plato and Greek political thought in Victorian Britain. Farnham, Surrey : Ashgate Pub Co., 2011.

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Hofmann, Wilhelm. Repräsentative Diskurse : Untersuchungen zur sprach-reflexiven Dimension parlamentarischer Institutionen am Beispiel des englischen Parlamentarismus. Baden-Baden : Nomos, 1995.

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Himmelfarb, Gertrude. The moral imagination : From Edmund Burke to Lionel Trilling. Chicago : Ivan R. Dee, 2006.

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Godwin, William. Political and philosophical writings of William Godwin. Sous la direction de Philp Mark, Fitzpatrick Martin 1944- et Clemit Pamela. Brookfield, Vt : Pickering & Chatto, 1999.

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John, Gray. Isaiah Berlin. Princeton, N.J : Princeton University Press, 1997.

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Isaiah Berlin. London : HarperCollins, 1995.

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John, Gray. Isaiah Berlin. Princeton, N.J : Princeton University Press, 1996.

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Berlin. London : Fontana Press, 1995.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy"

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Terao, Hanno. « Poverty and Ideologies : How the Welfare State Gained Political Support in Britain ». Dans Sustainable Development Goals Series, 3–15. Singapore : Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-4859-6_1.

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AbstractThis chapter uses the method of the history of political thought to analyze the relationship between poverty and ideologies. Three major ideologies which have influenced government policies regarding poverty in modern welfare history will be analyzed: liberalism, exclusionism, and social democracy. This chapter uses the historical case of Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to examine what these ideologies said about government social policy as a way of alleviating poverty, and how support for (or antagonism against) the welfare state grew therefrom. It was found that in Britain, a new version of liberal ideology that incorporated some elements of social democracy appeared and contributed to the expansion of the welfare state in the early twentieth century. From the analysis in this chapter, three conclusions can be drawn for the first goal of the SDGs. First, in order to eliminate relative poverty in developed countries, it is necessary to recognize the variety of interpretation different ideologies have given to poverty as a social problem. Second, to increase the influence of a particular ideology, consideration should be given to the path dependence of originally rooted cultural factors, for example, the strength of liberal ideology in the case of modern British politics. Third, a comprehensive discourse that spans science, philosophy, and policy is required in order to gain broad support for a particular ideology.
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Porter, Theodore M. « Statistics as Social Science ». Dans The Rise of Statistical Thinking, 1820-1900, 17–40. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691208428.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses statistics as social science. The systematic study of social numbers in the spirit of natural philosophy was pioneered during the 1660s, and was known for about a century and a half as political arithmetic. Its purpose, when not confined to the calculation of insurance or annuity rates, was the promotion of sound, well-informed state policy. Political arithmetic was, according to William Petty, the application of Baconian principles to the art of government. Implicit in the use by political arithmeticians of social numbers was the belief that the wealth and strength of the state depended strongly on the number and character of its subjects. Political arithmetic was supplanted by statistics in France and Great Britain around the beginning of the nineteenth century. The shift in terminology was accompanied by a subtle mutation of concepts that can be seen as one of the most important in the history of statistical thinking.
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« Political Science in Great Britain and Germany : ». Dans Political Science : Reflecting on Concepts, Demystifying Legends, 58–71. Verlag Barbara Budrich, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvdf08wf.10.

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Worster, Donald. « The Ecology of Order and Chaos ». Dans Wealth of Nature. Oxford University Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195092646.003.0016.

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The science of ecology has had a popular impact unlike that of any other academic field of research. Consider the extraordinary ubiquity of the word itself: it has appeared in the most everyday places and the most astonishing, on day-glo T-shirts, in corporate advertising, and on bridge abutments. It has changed the language of politics and philosophy— springing up in a number of countries are political groups that are self-identified as “Ecology Parties.” Yet who ever proposed forming a political party named after comparative linguistics or advanced paleontology? On several continents we have a philosophical movement termed “Deep Ecology,” but nowhere has anyone announced a movement for “Deep Entomology” or “Deep Polish Literature.” Why has this funny little word, ecology, coined by an obscure nineteenth-century German scientist, acquired so powerful a cultural resonance, so widespread a following? Behind the persistent enthusiasm for ecology, I believe, lies the hope that this science can offer a great deal more than a pile of data. It is supposed to offer a pathway to a kind of moral enlightenment that we can call, for the purposes of simplicity, “conservation.” The expectation did not originate with the public but first appeared among eminent scientists within the field. For instance, in his 1935 book Deserts on the March, the noted University of Oklahoma, and later Yale, botanist Paul Sears urged Americans to take ecology seriously, promoting it in their universities and making it part of their governing process. “In Great Britain,” he pointed out, . . . the ecologists are being consulted at every step in planning the proper utilization of those parts of the Empire not yet settled, thus . . . ending the era of haphazard exploitation. There are hopeful, but all too few signs that our own national government realizes the part which ecology must play in a permanent program. Sears recommended that the United States hire a few thousand ecologists at the county level to advise citizens on questions of land use and thereby bring an end to environmental degradation; such a brigade, he thought, would put the whole nation on a biologically and economically sustainable basis.
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« Cultural and contextual constraints upon the development of political science in Great Britain ». Dans The Development of Political Science, 103–17. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203203767-7.

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Wight, Martin. « What Confers Political Legitimacy in a Modern Society ? » Dans International Relations and Political Philosophy, 262–79. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848219.003.0020.

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In this essay Wight considered several sources of legitimacy for a modern Western society. A well-functioning state bureaucracy is a necessity. Popular consultation involving the consent of the governed is also essential. In Britain elective parliamentary democracy meets this need. Citizens must agree on the principle of respecting current laws pending their revision through legal channels. A new authoritative source of legitimacy may replace an old one if citizens transfer their loyalty to it. Time may either heal the injured and legitimate the results of social conflicts or exacerbate antagonisms. Communist regimes and right-wing autocrats such as General Franco in Spain and the Shah of Iran appealed to a principle of ‘legitimation by success’. Other legitimation myths have included ‘childhood ideas of Robin Hood’, ‘the siege’, and ‘the pilgrimage’, but the most fundamental source of legitimacy resides in the blood shed for a society’s independence and the rebirth of its great founding principles. This bloodshed justifies the society’s rededication to pursuing its unfinished work. An opposing question concerns the individual dissenter’s political legitimacy, which must hinge on certain criteria (such as rationality and conscientiousness) to win moral respect. The ‘rationalist illusion’ supposes that citizens can be critical spectators in the proceedings of their own society and its politics. Such detachment is not attainable, and derives from the fallacy that political life can be reduced to the conscious and purposeful management of material needs.
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Rose, Jonathan. « Up from Middlebrow ». Dans Readers' Liberation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198723554.003.0006.

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The Chinese had a word for it—wanbao quanshu. It’s a bibliographic term, which literally means “complete compendia of myriad treasures,” but an alternate translation might be “middlebrow.” These were encyclopedic works that distilled and summarized sophisticated science, history, and politics in cheap, accessible, illustrated guidebooks. Their audience (as a 1933 survey of Shanghai bookstalls confirmed) was neither the educated elite nor the impoverished peasantry, but an intermediate semi-educated class of shop-clerks, apprentices, housewives, workers, and prostitutes. Very few readers had thoroughly mastered the Chinese vocabulary of 50,000 characters, but many more, without much difficulty, had learned 2,000 basic terms, enough to read popular newspapers and wanbao quanshu. The latter commonly ran the subtitle wanshi buqiuren (“myriad matters you won’t need to ask”), which underscored their mission: self-education. They had titles like Riyong wanshi baoku choushi bixu, which could be rendered “Treasury of all daily things necessary for social relations” or (more idiomatically) “How to win friends and influence people.” Wanbao quanshu were the contemporaneous counterparts of H. G. Wells’s The Outline of History and Will Durant’s The Story of Philosophy. They flourished in Republican-era China, the same time frame that Joan Shelley Rubin identified as the heyday of American middlebrow culture. In societies where a wide gap opens up between elite and pulp literature, where literacy is growing but access to higher education is still restricted, where modernizing forces arouse both optimism and anxiety, middlebrow bridges those divides and makes sense of rapid change. Those conditions certainly prevailed in China, the United States, and Great Britain in the first half of the twentieth century, but not only then. Middlebrow has a very long history: wanbao quanshu can be traced back to the seventeenth century. And how about eighteenth-century Europe? Two generations ago historians studied the High Enlightenment of Voltaire and Rousseau, one generation ago Robert Darnton discovered a Low Enlightenment of Grub-Street hacks and smut-mongers, and now a team of young scholars at Radboud University in the Netherlands are creating the database MEDIATE: Middlebrow Enlightenment: Disseminating Ideas, Authors and Texts in Europe (1665–1820).
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Halsey, A. H. « The History of Sociology in Britain ». Dans British Sociology Seen from Without and Within. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263426.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the battle between literature and science for domination of sociology, a topic that has rather been neglected as a theme in the history of sociology in Britain if also perhaps overheated nowadays in exchanges over relativism between the denizens of ‘cultural studies’ and the proponents of a ‘science of society’. The chapter argues that, traditionally, the social territory belonged to literature and philosophy. A challenge was then raised by science especially in the nineteenth century. Then, especially in the twentieth century, social science developed so as to turn a binary contrast into a triangular one. Sociology had three sources in Western thought: one literary (political philosophy), one quasi-scientific (the philosophy of history), and one scientific (biology). It is no accident that both sociology and social policy were placed first at the London School of Economics, the Fabian institution invented and fostered by Sidney and Beatrice Webb in 1895.
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Skorupski, John. « Reason in History ». Dans Philosophy and the Historical Perspective, sous la direction de Marcel van Ackeren et Lee Klein, 104–19. British Academy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266298.003.0007.

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This chapter discusses two Hegelian themes that are important for the history of philosophy: the way in which reason is active in history, and the role of history in revealing reason. These are approached through the history of philosophy by considering (i) the epistemological significance of tradition and conviction, and (ii) the nature of ‘rational explanation’ and its role, alongside other factors, in explaining historical changes of philosophical outlook. The Hegelian themes are then discussed by examining two great changes in late modern philosophy: one in philosophy of science and mind, the other in ethics and political philosophy.
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O'Connor, Patrick. « Saving Sheriff Bell : Derrida, McCarthy and the Opening of Mercantile Ethics in No Country for Old Men ». Dans Cormac McCarthy, Philosophy and the Physics of the Damned, 142–71. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474497268.003.0007.

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This chapter provides a summative account of themes developed throughout the book. Concentrating on political philosophy, I argue that the best way to understand the political implications of McCarthy’s literature is by situating his work as a response to Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America, a response which argues for the anarchistic dimension of McCarthy’s political imaginary. If McCarthy is one of literature’s ‘great unifiers,’ uniting science and spiritualism, matter and spirit, nature and culture, then I argue that this tendency is replicated in the political sphere. The political dimension of McCarthy’s work can be understood as an effort to unite order and chaos, civility and anarchy, character and fate, and ruler and ruled.
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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy"

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Horobets, Olena. « EXPORT AND IMPORT CAPACITIES OF BOOK TRADE IN THE U.S. AND GREAT BRITAIN : A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS ». Dans PUBLIC COMMUNICATION IN SCIENCE : PHILOSOPHICAL, CULTURAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND IT CONTEXT. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/15.05.2020.v1.05.

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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Political science – Great Britain – Philosophy"

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Papadopoulos, Yannis. Ethics Lost : The severance of the entrenched relationship between ethics and economics by contemporary neoclassical mainstream economics. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp1en.

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In this paper we examine the evolution of the relation between ethics and economics. Mainly after the financial crisis of 2008, many economists, scholars, and students felt the need to find answers that were not given by the dominant school of thought in economics. Some of these answers have been provided, since the birth of economics as an independent field, from ethics and moral philosophy. Nevertheless, since the mathematisation of economics and the departure from the field of political economy, which once held together economics, philosophy, history and political science, ethics and moral philosophy have lost their role in the economics’ discussions. Three are the main theories of morality: utilitarianism, rule-based ethics and virtue ethics. The neoclassical economic model has indeed chosen one of the three to justify itself, yet it has forgotten —deliberately or not— to involve the other two. Utilitarianism has been translated to a cost benefit analysis that fits the “homo economicus” and selfish portrait of humankind and while contemporary capitalism recognizes Adam Smith as its father it does not seem to recognize or remember not only the rest of the Scottish Enlightenment’s great minds, but also Smith’s Theory of Moral Sentiments. In conclusion, if ethics is to play a role in the formation of a postcapitalist economic theory and help it escape the hopeless quest for a Wertfreiheit, then the one-dimensional selection and interpretation of ethics and morality by economists cannot lead to justified conclusions about the decision-making process.
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