Bibliographies thématiques / Political satire, Germany (East)

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political satire, Germany (East) »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 26 juillet 2024

Mis à jour le 27 juillet 2024

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political satire, Germany (East)"

Aron, Hadas. « Postcommunist Germany ». German Politics and Society 41, n^o 4 (1 décembre 2023) : 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410406.

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Abstract This article situates Germany within postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to explain current political outcomes, particularly, the disproportionate success of the AfD in eastern Germany. Similar to CEE, politics in eastern Germany is fragmented and volatile compared to western Germany; the political system in the east reflects conservative social values; and east German patterns of discontent are similar to CEE. However, in CEE, party systems were new and thus volatile and susceptible to populist mobilization from both mainstream and radical parties. Conversely, East Germany integrated into the developed West German party system and adopted its traditional parties, lowering the east's potential for volatility and polarization. Moreover, since the east is a minority within Germany, its relative volatility has limited impact on the German system.

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Ormonova, Sabira. « FORMATION OF THE SATIRE GENRE IN THE WORLD LITERATURE ». Alatoo Academic Studies 2020, n^o 3 (30 septembre 2020) : 262–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2020.203.31.

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In this article, the author provides an overview of the origin of the genre of satire and humor in literature. Satire as a lyric-epic genre which was originated in the literature of Ancient Rome. In ancient Greek literature, the origin of satire dates back to the II- millennium BC. The development of satire in the Middle Ages continued in the literature of the countries of the East and Europe. In the literature of Western Europe during the Middle Ages, satirical elements can be found in the songs of the Vagant folk poets. 16-17th centuries satirical elements acquire a prosaic and open poetic journalistic nature and are widely disseminated in the writings of writers, working in the directions of romanticism, realism and modernism. In 17-18 centuries in England confrontation between two political parties - Tories and Whigs contributed to the development of the satire genre. 19th century magazine satire tends to feuilleton and contributes to the widespread use of satire in novels and dramas. XX century in the development of Russian satire, the release of magazines plays an important role "Satyricon" (1908-1914), "New Satyricon" (1913-1918).

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Jeffries, Ian. « East Germany in comparative perspective ». International Affairs 67, n^o 1 (janvier 1991) : 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621274.

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McCauley, Martin. « Germany between East and West ». International Affairs 64, n^o 1 (1987) : 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621499.

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Jörs, Inka. « East Germany : another party landscape ». German Politics 12, n^o 1 (avril 2003) : 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000412331307554.

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Flockton, Chris, et Eva Kolinsky. « Recasting east Germany : An introduction ». German Politics 7, n^o 3 (décembre 1998) : 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644009808404523.

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Spaiser, Viktoria. « Young Immigrants’ Internet Political Participation in Germany ». International Journal of E-Politics 4, n^o 1 (janvier 2013) : 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2013010101.

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This paper discusses the results of research on young immigrants’ political participation on the Internet in Germany. The research focuses on young people from Turkish and East European backgrounds. The interrelation between offline political activities and online political participation is explained and the differences between the two groups are examined. While young German Turks are particularly politically active Internet users, young German East Europeans are rather hesitant about using the Internet for political purposes. Statistical models show that young German Turks’ political Internet use is motivated by grievances, while young German East Europeans’ political Internet use is motivated by sentimental pessimism and world-weariness.

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Merziger, Patrick. « Humour in Nazi Germany : Resistance and Propaganda ? The Popular Desire for an All-Embracing Laughter ». International Review of Social History 52, S15 (21 novembre 2007) : 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003240.

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Two directions in the historiography of humour can be diagnosed: on the one hand humour is understood as a form of resistance, on the other hand it is taken as a means of political agitation. This dichotomy has been applied especially to describe humour in National Socialism and in other totalitarian regimes. This article argues that both forms were marginal in National Socialism. The prevalence of the “whispered jokes”, allegedly the form of resistance, has been exaggerated. The satire, allegedly the official and dominant form of humour, was not well-received by the National Socialistic public. This article will reconstruct the rise of a third form, the “German humour”, and discuss the reasons for its success by looking at why satire failed.

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Willnat, Lars. « The East German press during the political transformation of East Germany ». Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 48, n^o 3 (décembre 1991) : 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929104800304.

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Thompson, Wayne C. « Germany and the East ». Europe-Asia Studies 53, n^o 6 (septembre 2001) : 921–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130120078568.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Political satire, Germany (East)"

Smith, Patricia Jo. « Democratizing East Germany : ideas, emerging political groups, and the dynamics of change / ». Thesis, Connect to this title online ; UW restricted, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10784.

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Clarke, Kimberly Anne. « The Collapse of Communism in East Germany 1945-1990 ». W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625687.

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Deess, E. Pierre. « The socialist ethic and the spirit of revolution : institutional practices and the collapse of East Germany in 1989 / ». Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9728762.

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Windell, Jennifer. « Auslanderfeindlichkeit in Contemporary Germany| Not Just an "East German Problem" ». Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1540568.

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In the years since unification, the phenomenon of xenophobia ( Ausländerfeindlichkeit) in Germany has been largely understood as an "east German problem." The recent discovery of a series of murders by an underground cell of eastern German neo-Nazis – who killed eight Turkish immigrants and one Greek immigrant between 2000 and 2006 – has again directed Germany's attention to the problem of Ausländerfeindlichkeit and right-wing extremism in eastern Germany. Scholars, politicians, and members of the media base their treatment of the subject on the assumption that eastern Germans are more xenophobic than western Germans, despite the fact that very few foreigners actually live in eastern Germany. This thesis employs historical analysis, population data, and public opinion survey data to determine whether or not this assumption holds true.

Ausländerfeindlichkeit, meaning "hostility toward foreigners," is a type of prejudice in which native Germans view non-German immigrants to be inferior based on characteristics such as culture, religion, and ethnicity. In both East and West Germany, as well as in united Germany, Ausländerfeindlichkeit has led to social and institutional discrimination and even violence against foreigners. Since the terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001, and the subsequent revelation that part of the attacks were planned by immigrants in the northern German city of Hamburg, the primary target of Ausländerfeindlichkeit in Germany has been the country's Muslim population, which is comprised primarily of Turkish immigrants and their German-born offspring. Though many countries around the world experience prejudice within their societies, this problem is of particular importance and interest in the German case because of the country's Nazi past.

German population data shows that only about 5% of the 7.4 million foreigners in Germany live in the eastern part of the country. Foreigners comprise less than 3% of the total population in eastern Germany. Turkish immigrants in particular are highly concentrated in the west and only 1% of the Turkish population lives in eastern Germany. Despite the smaller number of foreigners living in eastern Germany in comparison to western Germany, a majority of the public opinion surveys consulted show that eastern Germans have more negative attitudes towards foreigners than western Germans. Other survey data, on the other hand, finds no statistically significant difference between eastern and western German attitudes towards foreigners, making it unclear if eastern Germans really are more Ausländerfeindlich. The public opinion survey studies consulted also found that Ausländerfeindlich attitudes vary within the eastern and western regions themselves and that in several western German states, anti-foreigner sentiment is just as high as in the east, facts which are obscured when Ausländerfeindlichkeit is only looked at in terms of east and west. Survey data makes it clear that significant portions of both eastern and western German society hold negative attitudes towards foreigners.

In light of these findings, this thesis advocates a shift away from this east-west paradigm in the study of Ausländerfeindlichkeit in Germany. Instead, the issue must be dealt with on the national level, with the recognition that the potentially higher levels of xenophobia in the east do not absolve western Germans of a need to deal with prejudice in their own region.

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Collins, Steven Morris. « Intelligence and the Uprising in East Germany 1953 : An Example of Political Intelligence ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011823/.

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In 1950, the leader of the German Democratic Republic (East Germany), Walter Ulbricht, began a policy of connecting foreign threats with domestic policy failures as if the two were the same, and as if he was not responsible for either. This absolved him of blame for those failures and allowed Ulbricht to define his internal enemies as agents of the western powers. He used the state's secret police force, known as the Stasi, to provide the information that supported his claims of western obstructionism and to intimidate his adversaries. This resulted in a politicization of intelligence whereby Stasi officers slanted information so that it conformed to Ulbricht's doctrine of western interference. Comparisons made of eyewitness' statements to the morale reports filed by Stasi agents show that there was a difference between how the East German worker felt and the way the Stasi portrayed their attitudes to the politburo. Consequently, prior to June 17, 1953, when labor strikes inspired a million East German citizens to rise up against Ulbricht's oppressive government, the politicization of Stasi intelligence caused information over labor unrest to be unreliable at a time of increasing risk to the regime. This study shows the extent of Ulbricht's politicization of Stasi intelligence and its effect on the June 1953 uprising in the German Democratic Republic.

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Baumann, Steffen. « Political Culture in West and East Germany at the TIme of Reunification : Revisiting the Civic Culture ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278781/.

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Studies of political culture have often focused on the impact of political institutions on political culture in a society. The scientific community has accepted the position that institutions shape beliefs and attitudes among the citizens towards the system they live in. This study tests this hypothesis by using survey data collected during the fall of 1990 in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, West, and East Germany.

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Jampol, Justinian. « Swords, doves, and flags : political symbols and their appropriation in the GDR 1949-1989 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547764.

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Theriault, Barbara M. « The "Conservative Revolutionaries" : the protestant and catholic churches in East Germany after radical political change ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211547.

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Rieche, Alexandra Hughes. « The political manipulation of history : the 750th anniversary celebrations in East and West Berlin in 1987 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670294.

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Ochs, Eva. « "Heute kann ich das ja sagen" : Lagererfahrungen von Insassen sowjetischer Speziallager in der SBZ/DDR / ». Köln [u.a.] : Böhlau, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2007385880.html.

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Livres sur le sujet "Political satire, Germany (East)"

Oertel, Joachim. Feindberührung : Das Ministerium für Satire (MfS) schlägt zurück--. Berlin : A. Tykve, 1995.

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Hanitzsch, Dieter. Die STASI-Akte des F.J. Strauss : Mit sensationellen Enthüllungen ! : von IHM selbst freigegeben. München : P. List, 1992.

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Dale, Gareth. Popular protest in East Germany. London : Frank Cass ; New York : Routledge, 2005.

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Gordon, Joseph S. Historical propaganda : Political indoctrination in East Germany. Washington, D.C : National Defense University, 1997.

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Opp, Karl-Dieter. Origins of a spontaneous revolution : East Germany, 1989. Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 1995.

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Alan, Dundes, dir. You call this living ? : A collection of East European political jokes. Athens : University of Georgia Press, 1990.

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Federation of Indo-German Societies in India, dir. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Germany. New Delhi : Federation of Indo-German Societies in India, 2013.

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Auerbach, Thomas. Vorbereitung auf den Tag X : Die geplanten Isolierungslager des MfS. Berlin : Der Bundesbeauftragte für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik, Abteilung Bildung und Forschung, 1994.

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Thomas, Beck. Politschulung der DDR-Grenztruppen. Sindelfingen : Libertas, 1989.

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Eberhard, Schneider. The central political elite of the German Democratic Republic. Köln : Bundesinstitut für Ostwissenschaftliche und Internationale Studien, 1988.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political satire, Germany (East)"

Megas, Achilleas. « Multiple Political Rivalry : Meaning and Significance ». Dans Soviet Foreign Policy Towards East Germany, 145–61. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20001-9_7.

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Stanzel, Volker. « A nuclear fall-out turning political ». Dans Transnational Encounters between Germany and East Asia since 1900, 123–42. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series : Routledge studies in modern history ; 37 : Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351232517-7.

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Watts, Meredith W. « Polarization and the Development of Political Ideology in Germany ». Dans Democracy, Socialization and Conflicting Loyalties in East and West, 165–94. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14059-6_6.

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Olivo, Christiane. « Political Dissidence and Civil Society in Pre-1989 East Germany ». Dans Creating a Democratic Civil Society in Eastern Germany, 61–89. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312299590_4.

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Shortt, Linda. « Re-Imagining East Germany in the Berlin Republic : Jana Hensel, GDR Memory and the Transitional Generation ». Dans Memory and Political Change, 115–29. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230354241_7.

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Moebius, Stephan. « Sociology in Germany After 1990 ». Dans Sociology in Germany, 141–71. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71866-4_6.

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AbstractWhile far-reaching intellectual influences changed the face of sociology in the 1980s, the development of sociology in the 1990s was first and foremost shaped by a concrete social and political transformation, the fall of the Berlin Wall. Soon after the German reunification, East German sociology almost entirely disappeared and West German sociology extended to the East. The triumph of capitalist society fostered a brief comeback of modernization theory. As the system change came along with severe social problems, theories and research projects focusing on social exclusion, precarious work, and xenophobia moved to the center stage of sociological thinking. The first decade of this century again brought about major changes for society and sociology. Market logic increasingly dominated social and education policy; economic thinking and its involvement in political affairs was on the rise and may have contributed to a marginalization of the influence of sociology on policy making. Characteristic is a further specialization and differentiation, visible through the multiplication of special sociologies. The landscape of sociological theory in Germany continued to change: Earlier, grand theories were dominant, whereas nowadays a trend toward sociological diagnoses of contemporary society can be observed. Overall, contemporary sociology in Germany can be characterized by the following features: (1) historically and philosophically informed sociological theory has always been and still is important, (2) German sociology lacks self-confidence compared to US-American sociology, (3) German sociology has a critical attitude and a strong tradition of public sociology, (4) self-critical debates and internal controversies have always existed and still persist in the field of German sociology. Most recently, this could be observed in the splitting off of the Academy of Sociology from the German Sociological Association and the accompanying debates.

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Cordes, Charlotta, Mareike zum Felde et Heiko Pleines. « The Question of Legacies : Socialist Elites in Post-Socialist Transformations—East Germany’s Elites from a Comparative Perspective (1990–2020) ». Dans Roadblocks to the Socialist Modernization Path and Transition, 227–53. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37050-2_9.

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AbstractToday’s knowledge about elites in East Germany since 1990 is still shaped by the convergence perspective, which implicitly defines West Germany as the benchmark of desired development. In this contribution, we challenge existing assumptions by changing the reference frame. To do so, we compare a sample of office holders in politics and the economy (1990–2020) in East Germany with corresponding elite members in selected countries of Eastern Central Europe (N = 2439). We differentiate between two groups within the elite of East Germany defined by the place of their socialisation prior to 1989, which happened either in East Germany or in West Germany. We consider their political learning process, professional background as well as their age and gender. While East Germany’s regional elites are, in many aspects of their social profiles, very similar to the national elites in East Central Europe, our analysis also identifies important differences. Moreover, we argue that for a better understanding of political elites the question of political socialisation and experience should be at the centre of further investigation.

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Baylis, Thomas A. « Elites, Institutions, and Political Change in East Central Europe : Germany, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia ». Dans Postcommunist Elites and Democracy in Eastern Europe, 107–30. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26385-1_5.

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Glück, Antje. « Cold War or Inner Unity ? How a New Generation of Journalists Challenge Persistent Bias in Reporting East Germany in DIE ZEIT ». Dans Springer Handbooks of Political Science and International Relations, 559–72. Cham : Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-48739-2_34.

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Seibel, Wolfgang. « The Quest for Freedom and Stability : Political Choices and the Economic Transformation of East Germany 1989–1991 ». Dans German Unification, 99–119. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230337954_5.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political satire, Germany (East)"

Schultz, Anne-Catrin. « Searching for Identity through Nostalgia and Modernity–Tendencies in German Architecture after the Re-unification in 1990 ». Dans 108th Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.108.71.

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Architecture has been used to demonstrate political change in many instances throughout history. This research paper explores tendencies in German architecture after West and East Germany unified in 1990 after more than 40 years under separate political systems, economic conditions and architectural development. The main narrative of the research traces the process of defining new identities after the collapse of a strong physical border and a shift in political and economic structure. Practically overnight an area of more than 40,000 square miles was added to West Germany, and the land and inhabitants of the former GDR joined a lifestyle that seemed to have been driven by consumption and opportunity. Over the next few decades, a building boom unfolded in the area that was formerly East Germany and in the city of Berlin. Architecture after 1990, the year of the German re-unification, also modeled a set of values aiming at progress, unity and technical ability. It retained a preference for glass curtain walls and stone ve-neers, balancing optimism for a great future with nostalgia for 19th century’s past. In the former West Germany, the architectural evolution was little impacted, but the former East Germany underwent a comprehensive renewal, es-pecially in the realm of infrastructure, civic, commercial and transportation buildings. This paper compares three specific urban interventions, the Berlin Potsdamer Platz development, Leipzig Hauptbahnhof (Leipzig main train station), and Coutbus Technical University Library, that aimed at identifying and articulating shared formal principles that signify a united country. After 1990, Western architects seized the opportunity and secured numerous commissions along a new type of frontier, and their urban and architectural interventions had the effect of creating and supporting a new German identity.

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Андросова, Т. В. « Finland as a Part of the Russian Empire 1809–1917 : A State within a State ». Dans Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.018.

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Географический фактор играет двоякую роль в истории Финляндии и ее взаимоотношений с внешним миром. С одной стороны, территориальное положение на окраине Европы обусловило то, что финны сравнительно поздно включились в цивилизационный процесс. С другой стороны, земли, омываемые водами дальних заливов Балтийского моря, находятся в одном из наиболее важных со стратегической точки зрения европейских регионов. Хотя к «финским территориям» издавна проявляли интерес также Англия, Германия и Франция, влияние извне связано для финнов прежде всего с соперничеством ближайших соседей. Политический вакуум, в котором финны пребывали вплоть до начала XI в., пытались заполнить с запада – Швеция и римскокатолическая церковь, с востока – Россия (Великий Новгород) и православная церковь. Первая граница между Швецией и Россией была установлена в 1323 г. Согласно Ореховскому мирному договору Швеция получила юго-западные и западные финляндские территории, Россия – Восточную Карелию. В XVIII в. Россия приступила к поэтапному возвращению финляндских земель, присоединив Финляндию по итогам войны 1808–1809 гг. В границах архиконсервативной Российской империи родилось и постепенно оформилось финляндское государство западного типа. Финляндия получила широкую политическую и экономическую автономию – правительство, четырехсословный орган народного представительства (сейм), налоговую и финансовую систему, свое гражданство, валюту и пр. Финляндию от новой метрополии изначально отделяла таможенная граница. Главой законодательной власти являлся император, управлявший Финляндией на основе коренных законов (конституции) шведского времени. Будучи частью Российского государства, Финляндия постепенно стала политической общностью, а также одним из наиболее экономически развитых регионов империи. Уступки со стороны России были связаны с необходимостью обеспечить безопасность западной границы. The geographical factor plays a twofold role in the history of Finland and its relations with the outside world. On the one hand, the territorial situation on the edge of Europe caused the Finns to join the civilizational process relatively late. On the other hand, the lands washed by the waters of the far reaches of the Baltic Sea are located in one of the most strategically important European regions. Although England, Germany and France have long been interested in the "Finnish territories", external influence for Finns is primarily connected with the hostility of their closest neighbors. It was the political vacuum in which the Finns remained until the beginning of the XI century, that Sweden and the Roman Catholic Church tried to fill from the west, Russia (Veliky Novgorod) and the Orthodox Church – from the east. The first border between Sweden and Russia was established in 1323. According to the Orekhov Peace Treaty, Sweden received the southwestern and western Finnish territories, Russia – East Karelia. In the XYIII century Russia began the gradual return of the Finnish lands, annexing Finland after the results of the war of 1808–1809. Within the borders of the arch-conservative Russian Empire, a Western-type Finnish state was born and gradually took shape. Finland received a wide political and economic autonomy – the government, the four–member body of the People's representation (Seim), the tax and financial system, its citizenship, currency, etc. Finland and the new metropolis were initially separated by the customs border. The head of the legislative power was the emperor, who ruled Finland on the basis of the fundamental laws (constitution) of the Swedish period. Being a part of the Russian state, Finland gradually became a political community, as well as one of the most economically developed regions of the empire. Russia's concessions were determined by the need to ensure the security of the western border.

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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad et Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. « MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY” ». Dans Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.

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