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Articles de revues sur le sujet « Political party organization – Ireland »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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1

REID, COLIN. « STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921 ». Historical Journal 53, no 3 (17 août 2010) : 723–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000269.

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ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.
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Dunphy, Richard, et Stephen Hopkins. « The organizational and political evolution of the workers' party of Ireland ». Journal of Communist Studies 8, no 3 (septembre 1992) : 91–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279208415165.

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Cross, William. « Understanding Power-Sharing within Political Parties : Stratarchy as Mutual Interdependence between the Party in the Centre and the Party on the Ground ». Government and Opposition 53, no 2 (7 juillet 2016) : 205–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.22.

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Recent literature has renewed interest in the stratarchical model of intraparty decision-making. In this version of party organization, the functions performed by parties are distributed among their discrete levels. The result is a power-sharing arrangement in which no group has control over all aspects of party life. Thus, the model potentially provides an antidote to the hierarchical version of organization. This article examines the principal parties in Australia, Canada, Ireland and New Zealand to test whether there is empirical evidence of stratarchy. An examination of candidate nomination, leadership selection and policy development finds strong evidence of shared authority between both levels of the party in key areas of intraparty democracy. Both levels accept that they cannot achieve their goals without the support of the other and so a fine balancing act ensues, resulting in constant recalibration of power relations. There is, however, little evidence of the commonly presented model of stratarchy as mutual autonomy for each level within discrete areas of competency. Instead, both the party on the ground and in the centre share authority within all three areas, resulting in a pattern of mutual interdependence rather than mutual autonomy.
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DHÁIBHÉID, CAOIMHE NIC. « THE IRISH NATIONAL AID ASSOCIATION AND THE RADICALIZATION OF PUBLIC OPINION IN IRELAND, 1916–1918 ». Historical Journal 55, no 3 (3 août 2012) : 705–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000234.

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ABSTRACTAt the 1918 general election, Sinn Féin overtook the Irish Parliamentary Party as the dominant political force within nationalist Ireland, a process that has its origins in the aftermath of the Easter Rising of 1916. This article argues that to understand better this shift in public opinion, from an initially hostile reaction to the Dublin rebellion to a more advanced nationalist position,1it is important to recognize the decisive role played by a political welfare organization, the Irish National Aid Association and Volunteer Dependents' Fund. The activities of the INAAVDF significantly shaped the popular memory of the Rising, but also provided a focus around which the republican movement could re-organize itself. In foregrounding the contribution of the INAAVDF to the radicalization of political life in Ireland between 1916 and 1918, the article argues that this understudied but important organization offers a useful way of charting popular responses to the Rising and its aftermath, as well as laying the foundations for a reinvigorated political and military campaign after 1917.
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Erne, Roland, et Markus Blaser. « Direct democracy and trade union action ». Transfer : European Review of Labour and Research 24, no 2 (8 avril 2018) : 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258918764079.

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Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens’ initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful right2water European Citizens Initiative (ECI) of the European Federation of Public Service Unions and the failed fair transport ECI of the European Transport Workers’ Federation at EU level. Whereas unions have successfully used direct democratic instruments to (i) defend social achievements or (ii) as a lever to extract policy concessions, direct democracy is also challenging. Successful direct democratic campaigns require unions that are able to mobilise their own rank-and-file and to inspire larger sections of society.
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Brück, Tilman, et Neil T. N. Ferguson. « Money can’t buy love but can it buy peace ? Evidence from the EU Programme for Peace and Reconciliation (PEACE II) ». Conflict Management and Peace Science 37, no 5 (8 mai 2018) : 536–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218766865.

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Efforts to evaluate third-party peacebuilding interventions are welcome but many studies rely on experimental approaches that might be at odds with the theories that underpin the discipline. Rigorously evaluating interventions ill-suited to experimental analyses is just as important, however, especially when programmes adopt novel approaches. In this article, we employ an instrumental variables approach to evaluate one such intervention – the EU Programme for Peace and Reconciliation (PEACE II). Following contemporary peacebuilding theories, PEACE II disseminated funds to grassroots organizations via unique intermediate funding bodies and an innovative open competition. Splitting Northern Ireland into 582 wards, we merge panel data on individuals’ perceptions of neighbourhood quality with PEACE II’s accounts. One-stage analyses show that individuals in treatment regions report significantly elevated perceptions. Two-stage approaches, accounting for biases arising from the rollout method, show no significant relationship. Post-estimation analyses imply that funding did not reach areas with the poorest observable indicators. We thus remain agnostic on the effectiveness of the funded projects but conclude that, despite solid theoretical foundations, weaknesses in the application of these theories hampered potential positive impacts. Future interventions can learn from this and should ensure stronger ties between the theoretical base and how these theories are applied to funding disbursement. JEL Codes: O18; F35
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Gallagher, Michael, et Michael Marsh. « Party Membership in Ireland ». Party Politics 10, no 4 (juillet 2004) : 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068804043906.

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Morehouse, Sarah M. « Dimensions of State Political Party Organization ». American Review of Politics 15 (1 juillet 1994) : 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.123-139.

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A political party is defined in terms of coalition building: collective effort directed toward capturing public office and governing once that office is attained. Party organization thus defined includes factional organization as well as the administrative apparatus. This definition assumes a linkage between the electoral party and the party inside the government.
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Coletto, David, Harold J. Jansen et Lisa Young. « Stratarchical Party Organization and Party Finance in Canada ». Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no 1 (mars 2011) : 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910001034.

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Abstract. Based on an examination of constitutional and other party documents, Canadian political parties have been described as stratarchically organized (Carty, 2002). We identify four models of internal party financial flows that correspond to different models of internal party organization. We then trace the financial flows into and within the four major Canadian political parties from 2004 to 2007 with a view to identifying the model of party organization that these flows indicate. Our evidence in some respects supports Carty's assertion that Canadian parties are stratarchically organized, but it also suggests that changes to the regulatory regime governing political finance have contributed to a centralization of power at the level of the national party and at the expense of candidates and local associations. This centralizing tendency is significant, as it may disrupt the bargain that underlies the stratarchical organization of Canadian parties.Résumé. À la lumière d'une revue des constitutions et de divers autres documents des partis politiques canadiens, ces derniers ont été décrits comme étant organisés de manière stratarchique (Carty, 2002). Nous dégageons quatre modèles de flux monétaires internes des partis qui correspondent à différents modèles d'organisation interne des partis politiques. Nous retraçons les entrées de fonds des quatre principaux partis politiques canadiens et leur distribution interne de 2004 à 2007 en vue d'identifier le modèle d'organisation de parti qui correspond à ces flux monétaires. Sous certains rapports, nos résultats appuient l'argument de Carty affirmant que les partis canadiens sont organisés de manière stratarchique, mais ils suggèrent aussi que les changements apportés au régime régulateur gouvernant le financement politique ont contribué à une centralisation du pouvoir au niveau national des partis et ce aux dépens des candidats et des associations locales. Cette tendance centralisatrice est importante, car elle peut rompre le compromis qui sous-tend l'organisation stratarchique des partis politiques canadiens.
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Borz, Gabriela, et Kenneth Janda. « Contemporary trends in party organization : Revisiting intra-party democracy ». Party Politics 26, no 1 (11 février 2018) : 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818754605.

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Party organization has regained a new momentum in the party literature over the past decade. In this context, we review the most important advances in the literature and critically examine issues such as: the link between party organization literature and organizational theory literature, party organization and intra-party democracy, and between party organization on paper and in reality. We ascertain the need for more conceptual clarifications in the field and raise questions for debate. We further outline the contribution of this special issue to the theme of intra-party democracy in representative democracies.
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Laver, Michael. « Party choice and social structure in Ireland ». Irish Political Studies 1, no 1 (janvier 1986) : 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907188608406424.

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Pomper, Gerald M. « Party Organization & ; Electoral Success ». Polity 23, no 2 (décembre 1990) : 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3235071.

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Weeks, Liam. « Why are there Independents in Ireland ? » Government and Opposition 51, no 4 (30 mars 2015) : 580–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.47.

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Although the clichéd status of the phrase ‘the party’s over’ makes it almost redundant, the esteem in which parties are held has never been lower. One facet of party decline is the renewed interest in independents. Previously confined to transition states and non-democracies, they have begun to make some political headway in more established states. This is a worrying development for both political parties and those who profess their normative value. This article examines the source of the re-emergent independent presence via a case study of Ireland, a party democracy where they have had the greatest impact. Using constituency-level data, the influences of political, cultural and institutional factors are examined. It is found that independents are a product of both a small political system and declining party attachment. They are a protest option for those not drawn to ideological anti-establishment parties, while there is mixed evidence concerning the influence of a centre–periphery socioeconomic divide.
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Marsh, Michael. « Party identification in Ireland : An insecure anchor for a floating party system ». Electoral Studies 25, no 3 (septembre 2006) : 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.06.013.

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Bolleyer, Nicole, et Liam Weeks. « The puzzle of non-party actors in party democracy : Independents in Ireland ». Comparative European Politics 7, no 3 (23 juillet 2009) : 299–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2008.21.

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Clark, John A., et Charles Prysby. « Introduction : Studying Southern Political Party Activists ». American Review of Politics 24 (1 avril 2003) : 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.1-19.

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The political changes that have occurred in the South over the past several decades have affected the political party organizations in the region. A region once marked by a weak and highly factionalized Democratic Party organization and an almost non-existent Republican Party organization now has two significant party organizations operating in each state. Examining the development of party organizations in the region should tell us much about both political party organizations and southern politics. This study, the Southern Grassroots Party Activists 2001 Project, focuses on political party activists active at the county level. Over 7,000 activists in the eleven southern states were surveyed in 2001. This study is linked to the 1991 Southern Grassroots Party Activists Project, which surveyed a similar group of activists, using a similar questionnaire. The following articles both analyze the 2001 data patterns and compare the 2001 results to the 1991 patterns.
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McGraw, Sean. « Managing Change : Party Competition in the New Ireland ». Irish Political Studies 23, no 4 (décembre 2008) : 627–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180802452861.

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Courtney, Michael. « Social Background and Intra-party Attitudes in Ireland ». Irish Political Studies 30, no 2 (3 avril 2015) : 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2015.1021796.

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Dochartaigh, Niall Ó. « Beyond the dominant party system : the transformation of party politics in Northern Ireland ». Irish Political Studies 36, no 1 (2 janvier 2021) : 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877897.

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Bolleyer, Nicole, Felix-Christopher von Nostitz et Valeria Smirnova. « Conflict regulation in political parties ». Party Politics 23, no 6 (29 avril 2016) : 834–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816642804.

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Independent party tribunals (i.e. intra-party courts) can be used by both the party leadership (e.g. to discipline members) and rank-and-file members (e.g. to challenge the leadership overstepping its authority). Thus, their study offers broad insights into party conflict regulation we know little about. Integrating the literatures on party organization, intra-party democracy and judicial politics, we propose two theoretical rationales to account for tribunal decision-making (whether a case finds tribunal support): tribunal decision-making can be theorized as shaped by elite-member divisions or, alternatively, by how verdicts affect the tribunal’s own position in the organization and organizational stability generally. We test hypotheses derived from these rationales using a new data set covering 243 tribunal decisions made over the life spans of three German parties. While both rationales are empirically relevant, the ‘organizational stability rationale’ proves particularly insightful.
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MITCHELL, PAUL. « Conflict regulation and party competition in Northern Ireland ». European Journal of Political Research 20, no 1 (juillet 1991) : 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1991.tb00256.x.

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MARSH, MICHAEL. « Selecting party leaders in the Republic of Ireland. » European Journal of Political Research 24, no 3 (octobre 1993) : 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1993.tb00382.x.

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McGraw, Sean. « Multi-dimensional Party Competition : Abortion Politics in Ireland ». Government and Opposition 53, no 4 (3 avril 2017) : 682–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.7.

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While the questions of how parties seek to address (or not) pressing issues are critically important, scholars have generally paid little attention to where issues are addressed within the political system, and the consequences for party competition of that choice. The fact that issues can be addressed within several institutional (i.e. functional) domains and levels – general elections, parliament, referenda, courts, local government, etc. – implies that political parties may address an issue, and thereby interact with one another, in consequentially different ways depending on the institutional arena or level of government wherein they seek resolution. This article describes how Ireland’s parties addressed the electorally volatile issue of abortion via referendum campaigns. The article draws upon multiple sources of evidence to support its findings, including original data based on results from the author’s two parliamentary surveys following the 2007 and 2011 election campaigns.
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Aldrich, Andrea S. « Party organization and gender in European elections ». Party Politics 26, no 5 (29 octobre 2018) : 675–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818806630.

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Political parties often monopolize the flow of politicians into elected office making it important to understand when, and under what conditions, parties are more or less likely to promote gender equality in representation. This article argues that party choices to nominate women in elections are conditional on the centralization of candidate selection within the party. Gender quotas and characteristics of the electoral environment have differential effects on candidate lists across party types. Leveraging data at the party level, I test when it is electorally feasible and organizationally possible for parties to nominate women for office. I find that candidate selection procedures condition the effects of party strategy and characteristics of the electoral environment on the percentage of women on electoral lists. The results provide insight into how strategic party choices, attenuated by electoral considerations and organization, impact the diversity of representation in political institutions.
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Xiaonai, Xie. « On the Organization of Party Historiography ». Chinese Law & ; Government 19, no 3 (octobre 1986) : 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/clg0009-46091903107.

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Van Dyck, Brandon. « Why Party Organization Still Matters : The Workers’ Party in Northeastern Brazil ». Latin American Politics and Society 56, no 2 (2014) : 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00229.x.

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AbstractDoes party organization still matter? Much of the party literature suggests that politicians, who can use substitutes like mass media to win votes, lack incentives to invest in party organization. Yet it remains an electoral asset, especially at lower levels of government. Evidence from Brazil’s Workers’ Party (PT) indicates that party elites invest in organization when they prioritize lower-level elections and that this investment delivers electoral returns. In the mid-2000s, the PT strengthened its support across levels of government in the conservative, clientelistic Northeast. Drawing from underutilized data on party offices, this article shows that organizational expansion contributed substantially to the PT’s electoral advances in the Northeast. While President Lula da Silva’s (PT) 2006 electoral spike in the Northeast resulted from expanded conditional cash transfers, the PT’s improvement at lower levels followed from top-down organization building. The PT national leadership deliberately expanded the party’s local infrastructure to deliver electoral gains.
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Arthur, Paul. « Letter from Ireland ». Government and Opposition 26, no 4 (1 octobre 1991) : 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb00405.x.

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WRITING A LETTER FROM IRELAND TOUCHES ON CERTAIN sensitivities because Ireland is a geographic unit in search of political expression. There has always been some doubt about political ownership. Between 1800 and 1921 it was, of course, part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Let us say for the present that Ireland now belongs to that small group of political entities - like Korea and Cyprus - which ‘enjoys’ the condition of partition. And that part of Ireland whence this letter is written, Northern Ireland, has been placed in some sort of historical context by a former leader of the Nationalist Party, Eddie McAteer, when he said of it: ‘and now we are sadly the last imperial aspidistra in the British window.’
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Edwards, Aaron. « Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism : The Northern Ireland Labour Party and Progressive Unionist Party Compared ». Politics 27, no 1 (février 2007) : 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00275.x.

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Barry, Frank, et Clare O’Mahony. « Regime Change in 1950s Ireland ». Irish Economic and Social History 44, no 1 (16 août 2017) : 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489317721406.

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The new Irish export-oriented foreign direct investment (FDI) regime of the 1950s was an inter-party government initiative that facilitated the later Whitaker and Lemass–led dismantling of protectionist trade barriers. The potential opposition of protectionist-era industry to the new FDI regime was defused by confining the new tax relief to profits derived solely from exports, by allocating new industrial grants only to firms that ‘would not compete in the home market with existing firms’, and by retaining the Control of Manufactures Acts of the 1930s that imposed restrictions on foreign ownership. The fact that the United States had overtaken the United Kingdom as the major global source of FDI made it easier to secure Fianna Fáil support. US firms were particularly interested in access to European Economic Community (EEC) markets, however, which was not within Ireland’s gift. The export processing zone at Shannon, which might be seen as Lemass’s response to the inter-party initiatives, proved to be of immediate appeal to them. US firms would come to predominate in the non-Shannon region only after Ireland’s entry to the EEC.
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Hellmann, Olli. « A Historical Institutionalist Approach to Political Party Organization : The Case of South Korea ». Government and Opposition 46, no 4 (2011) : 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01346.x.

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AbstractThe existing literature on party organization is deeply divided over the question of how much freedom of choice decision-makers in a party enjoy in relation to their environment. Although the resulting theoretical deadlock seriously weakens our understanding of party formation and change, no attempt has been made to reconcile the different approaches. This article aims to do just that by offering a historical institutionalist perspective on party organization. Studying the development of political parties in South Korea, it argues that party organizations are best understood as strategic responses to electoral markets. Party organizations reproduce and change, as advantaged factions defend the status quo, while disadvantaged factions work towards organizational reform.
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Heersink, Boris. « Trump and the Party-in-Organization : Presidential Control of National Party Organizations ». Journal of Politics 80, no 4 (octobre 2018) : 1474–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/699336.

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Bolleyer, Nicole. « New party organization in Western Europe : Of party hierarchies, stratarchies and federations ». Party Politics 18, no 3 (18 mars 2011) : 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810382939.

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VanDusky-Allen, Julie, et William B. Heller. « Bicameralism and the Logic of Party Organization ». Comparative Political Studies 47, no 5 (29 mai 2013) : 715–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414013488547.

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Appleton, Andrew M., et Daniel S. Ward. « Measuring Party Organization in the United States ». Party Politics 1, no 1 (janvier 1995) : 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068895001001005.

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O'Malley, Eoin. « Why is there no Radical Right Party in Ireland ? » West European Politics 31, no 5 (26 août 2008) : 960–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380802234631.

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McNALLY, PATRICK. « The Hanoverian Accession and the Tory Party in Ireland* ». Parliamentary History 14, no 3 (17 mars 2008) : 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1995.tb00217.x.

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Norris, Paul. « The 1998 Northern Ireland Assembly Election ». Politics 20, no 1 (février 2000) : 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00109.

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The result of the assembly election in Northern Ireland in June 1998 was a victory for those who support the assembly, but it was not such a triumph for David Trimble and the Ulster Unionist Party. I will examine both the Unionist vote and the Nationalist vote and the consequences.
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Ibenskas, Raimondas, et Nicole Bolleyer. « Forms of Inter-party Cooperation : Electoral Coalitions and Party Mergers ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 32, no 3 (29 avril 2018) : 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418755299.

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This article is part of the special cluster titled Parties and Democratic Linkage in Post-Communist Europe, guest edited by Lori Thorlakson, and will be published in the August 2018 issue of EEPS Various forms of inter-party cooperation have important effects on party system fragmentation and stability in young democracies. However, the conceptualisation and measurement of these forms of inter-party cooperation and the examination of their consequences on party system development remain limited in the literature on parties and party systems. This research addresses this gap in the scholarship in three ways. First, we present the analytical scheme of different types of party cooperation. We argue that the forms of inter-party cooperation vary on two dimensions. The first dimension refers to their structural basis: the stability of the cooperation as captured by whether it is rule-based or, in other words, underpinned by shared rules that are mutually accepted. The second dimension refers to their scope: the number of functional areas of party life subject to cooperation. The two dimensions lead us to four basic forms of inter-party cooperation: (1) non-rule-based, functionally restricted coalitions; (2) rule-based, functionally restricted coalitions; (3) non-rule-based organization-wide mergers; and (4) rule-based organization-wide mergers. Second, we develop theoretical expectations on the frequency of these forms of inter-party cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe. Third, to test these expectations, we present empirical evidence on the number of electoral coalitions and mergers in the first six electoral periods in 10 countries in the region. The results of the analyses support our expectations: non-rule-based organization-wide mergers are rare. The other three forms of party cooperation (non-rule-based coalitions; rule-based coalitions; rule-based mergers) are fairly common in most countries in the region, although less so in the more recent electoral periods.
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Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly B. « The Social Movement as Political Party : The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and the Campaign for Inclusion ». Perspectives on Politics 12, no 1 (mars 2014) : 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300371x.

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For about 10 years beginning in the mid 1990s, Northern Ireland had its own women's political party. The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition (NIWC) was created by members of the women's movement to achieve “equitable and effective political participation” for women. Despite being small, marginal and short-lived, the party increased access for women in nearly all the other political parties in the system. I connect the scholarship on social movements with that on political parties by examining the impact a social movement can have through the venue of its own political party. I argue three main points. First, the success of the NIWC means political parties may be an under-employed tactic in the repertoires of contention used by social movements. Second, the way the movement had an effect as a party is under-theorized in the literature on social movements because it requires consideration of party-system variables such as competition and issue-space. Third, as an identity-based movement, the women's movement in NI construed its goal of access differently than social-movement literature typically does. This under-utilized and under-theorized tactic of movement qua party delivered gains with the potential for long-term influence over policy and cultural values. In short, the movement-party may be an effective mechanism for changing the patterns of democratic representation of marginalized groups.
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Keogh, Dermot. « Ireland, The Vatican and the Cold War : The Case of Italy, 1948 ». Historical Journal 34, no 4 (décembre 1991) : 931–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017362.

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Eamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil lost power in 1948 after sixteen years in office and the five remaining parties in the legislature formed a coalition government. Fine Gael was back in power. The last time the party had held office was in 1932. But they were now only the larger party in an inter-party government which included the Labour party, a splinter group called National Labour (which reunited with the parent party in 1950), Clann na Talmhan, and Clann na Poblachta. This was one of the most ideologically divided governments in the history of the state. It very soon became faction-ridden. Only one thing united this variegated political grouping – the unanimous wish to keep Eamon de Valera and his party in opposition.
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Tonge, Jonathan, et Jocelyn Evans. « Party Members and the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland ». Irish Political Studies 17, no 2 (décembre 2002) : 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714003201.

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Murphy, Mary C., et Katy Hayward. « Party Politics and the EU in Ireland, North and South ». Irish Political Studies 24, no 4 (18 novembre 2009) : 417–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180903274693.

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Coakley, John, John Garry, Neil Matthews et Brendan O’Leary. « Party images in Northern Ireland : evidence from a new dataset ». Irish Political Studies 34, no 1 (13 août 2018) : 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2018.1499621.

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Whiteman, David. « The progress and potential of the green party in Ireland ». Irish Political Studies 5, no 1 (janvier 1990) : 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189008406473.

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Laver, Michael. « Party policy in Ireland 1997 results from an expert survey ». Irish Political Studies 13, no 1 (janvier 1998) : 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907189808406592.

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Gomez, Raul, et Jonathan Tonge. « New members as party modernisers : The case of the Democratic Unionist Party in Northern Ireland ». Electoral Studies 42 (juin 2016) : 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2016.02.008.

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Schlesinger, Joseph A. « The New American Political Party ». American Political Science Review 79, no 4 (décembre 1985) : 1152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956253.

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To understand changes taking place within political parties we must work from a realistic theory, one that accepts these parties as office-seeking coalitions. On that premise I lay out three interacting sets of variables: 1) The structure of political opportunities, or the rules for office seeking and the ways they are treated, and 2) the party system, or the competitive relations among parties, define the expectations of politicians, and thus lead them to create 3) party organizations, or the collective efforts to gain and retain office. Hypotheses derived from the relations among these variables allow us to examine changes in American parties in the twentieth century. They explain why the Progressive era reforms, in tandem with the post-1896 party system, produced an uneven distribution of party organization and weak linkages among candidates and officeholders. The same theory also explains why changes taking place since the 1950s are producing greater organizational effort and stronger partisan links among candidates and officeholders.
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Roberts, Hugh. « Sound Stupidity : The British Party System and the Northern Ireland Question ». Government and Opposition 22, no 3 (1 juillet 1987) : 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017257x0070008x.

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The purpose of this article is to draw attention to a fact about the situation in Northern Ireland which has been almost universally overlooked or misunderstood where, that is, it has not been deliberately concealed, and to draw out its principal implications. This is that the people of Northern Ireland are excluded from the party political System which determines the government of the United Kingdom (the State of which Northern Ireland nominally forms part), that they have not chosen to exelude themselves but have been excluded by the actions of the major British political parties and that their continuing exclusion is today sustained by deliberate decision of the leaders of those parties.
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Nisnevich, Yu A. « Russian “Party of Power” vs Dominant Party ». Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 103, no 4 (9 décembre 2021) : 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-103-4-183-199.

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The article presents a factual analysis of the origin and formation of the “party of power” in Russia. The work demonstrates that at all stages the Russian “party of power” was designed and controlled by the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. The research carried out by the author shows that Russia’s “party of power” does not meet the criteria that would allow to qualify this political party as dominant, in any of its “incarnations”. This fully applies to the United Russia party that does not exert a significant impact on the appointments to the political and administrative positions and does not have any effect on the decisions that determine the state’s policy. The dominance of the United Russia party in the electoral field is ensured primarily by the electoral corruption, as well as by the fact that its “electoral machine” is represented by the system of public authorities at all levels, from federal to local. In turn, the dominance of this party in the State Duma and the rigid and strictly hierarchical administrative structure that it built in the lower chamber of the Russian Parliament allows the Presidential Administration to control the legislative process and parliamentary activity in general. According to the author’s conclusion, the “party of power” is an externally controlled political organization of a party type that protects the interests of Russia’s ruling nomenklatura and implements its goals in the processes of the formation of public authorities through electoral procedures, as well as in the course of the legislative and parliamentary activity. Not only does such an organization fail to meet the criteria of the dominant party, but it also fails to fully correspond to the concept of a political party per se.
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Giger, Nathalie, et Gijs Schumacher. « Bringing party organization back in : a comparative analysis of party representation in Europe ». Political Science Research and Methods 8, no 4 (28 novembre 2019) : 692–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2019.54.

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AbstractIn this study we focus on party organizational characteristics as key determinants of party congruence. We examine how the horizontal and vertical integration of parties is linked to representation in comparative perspective. We further focus on how congruence is achieved by detailing our expectation regarding effects on the uncertainty versus bias in the estimates of party constituents' opinion. Exploiting a comparative database on political parties and data from Comparative Studies of Electoral Systems, we show that having a complex organizational structure and being leadership dominated makes parties less representative of their constituencies. These findings carry important implications for the study of political representation but also for the literature on political parties in crisis.
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