Bibliographies thématiques / Political Parties. Southern Europe. Internal Democracy

Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political Parties. Southern Europe. Internal Democracy »

Auteur : Grafiati

Publié le 11 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political Parties. Southern Europe. Internal Democracy"

Bosco, A. « REVIEW ARTICLE - Adapting to Democracy : Political Parties Between Transition and Consolidation in Southern Europe ». South European Society and Politics 6, n^o 2 (septembre 2001) : 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714004941.

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Malčič, Matevž, et Alenka Krašovec. « New Parties and Democracy in Slovenia ». Politics in Central Europe 15, n^o 1 (1 juin 2019) : 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0005.

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AbstractWhile no stranger to new political parties, Slovenia’s party system became much more unstable after 2008 with the constant arrival of electorally very successful parties. Further, while the citizens’ satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions has never reached the heights seen in Western Europe, the crisis years saw them drop to historical lows. In these circumstances, one may expect successful new parties to assure greater responsiveness, or a balance between responsible and responsive politics, and to bring improvements to citizens’ opinion on their satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions. In addition, new parties are usually more prone to democratic innovations, which can be associated with the popular idea of introducing stronger intra-party democracy in their internal functioning. The analysis shows that in 2014 Slovenia experienced both the nadir of public opinion on democracy and the political system, and the most electorally successful new party. Nevertheless, improvements in satisfaction with democracy and the political system only slowly emerged after 2014, to a considerable extent coinciding with the return to economic prosperity, while even these improvements left enough room for yet another successful new party at the 2018 elections. Concerning innovations in intra-party democracy, we are only able to identify some smaller democratic innovations. Given this, it seems that the new parties themselves have had a relatively limited impact on democracy in Slovenia.

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Bourne, Angela K., et Fernando Casal Bértoa. « Mapping ‘Militant Democracy’ : Variation in Party Ban Practices in European Democracies (1945-2015) ». European Constitutional Law Review 13, n^o 2 (8 mai 2017) : 221–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019617000098.

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Introduction – Explaining party bans, political and legal contexts – Banned parties and banning states in Europe, the political context – Nature of banned parties – Nature of banning states – Tolerant and intolerant democracies, the legal context – Evolving rationales for party bans and procedures for proscription – Contemporary rationales for banning parties – Anti-democratic ideology – Non-democratic internal organisation – Party names – Party orientation to violence – Protecting the present order – Evolving rationales for party bans – Weimar and legitimacy paradigms – Conclusions, directions for future research

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Rüdig, Wolfgang, et Javier Sajuria. « Green party members and grass-roots democracy : A comparative analysis ». Party Politics 26, n^o 1 (5 février 2018) : 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818754600.

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When Green parties emerged in the 1970s and 1980s, their political project included a strong commitment to a new type of internal party organization, giving power to the ‘grass roots’. With Green parties having become well established in most West European party systems, has the vision of ‘grass-roots democracy’ survived the party foundation stage? What drives the ongoing or waning commitment to grass-roots democracy? Analysing party membership survey data from 15 parties collected in the early 2000s when many Green parties had for the first time become involved in national government, we find that it is the social movement oriented, pacifist, left-wing membership that is most committed to grass-roots democracy. It is the current involvement in social movements rather than past activity that is most important. Support for grass-roots democracy is also stronger in ‘Latin Europe’ and Greece but weaker in parties which have become established in parliament and government.

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Balampanidis, Ioannis, Ioannis Vlastaris, George Xezonakis et Magdalini Karagkiozoglou. « ‘Bridges Over Troubled Waters’ ? The Competitive Symbiosis of Social Democracy and Radical Left in Crisis-Ridden Southern Europe ». Government and Opposition 56, n^o 1 (2 avril 2019) : 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2019.8.

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AbstractDuring the economic crisis, the radical left, especially in countries of the European South, continued its course from marginality to mainstream while social democracy found itself trapped in its previous strategic orientations. This article examines the two political families in a relational and comparative perspective, focusing on the interaction of social democratic and radical left parties that evolved in a series of national cases (Greece, Portugal, Spain and France) and in particular within the political and electoral cycle of 2015–17. The ideological, programmatic and strategic responses of these parties to the critical juncture of the crisis, which mark a convergence or deviation in the paths of the two ‘enemy brothers', shed light on their political and ideological mutations, transformations and/or adaptations.

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MacFarlane, S. Neil. « Democratization, Nationalism and Regional Security in the Southern Caucasus ». Government and Opposition 32, n^o 3 (juillet 1997) : 399–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb00777.x.

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FOR SOME YEARS NOW, WESTERN ACADEMICS AND POLICY-MAKERS HAVE embraced the cause of democratic reform in Central and Eastern Europe. To take but one well-known example, President Clinton in the 1994 State of the Union Address cited the absence of war among democracies as a reason for promotion of democracy around the world. Assistance to former Warsaw Pact and newly independent states has been made conditional to varying degrees on the acceptance of democratic change. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development and associated non-governmental organizations have unleashed armies of promoters of democracy throughout the region to: observe elections; monitor human rights; draft new constitutions and laws defending civil and political rights; train judges and police personnel; and organize and assist political parties, media and non-governmental pressure groups. In short, they have sought to transplant the fabric of civil society and democratic institutions. These armies have landed on terrain often quite foreign to them and have often displayed little sensitivity to the social, economic and political context in which they are operating. This may have contributed to results other than those intended.

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Muis, Jasper, et Tim Immerzeel. « Causes and consequences of the rise of populist radical right parties and movements in Europe ». Current Sociology 65, n^o 6 (14 juillet 2017) : 909–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392117717294.

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This article reviews three strands in the scholarship on the populist radical right (PRR). It covers both political parties and extra-parliamentary mobilization in contemporary European democracies. After definitional issues and case selection, the authors first discuss demand-side approaches to the fortunes of the PRR. Subsequently, supply-side approaches are assessed, namely political opportunity explanations and internal supply-side factors, referring to leadership, organization and ideological positioning. Third, research on the consequences of the emergence and rise of these parties and movements is examined: do they constitute a corrective or a threat to democracy? The authors discuss the growing literature on the impact on established parties’ policies, the policies themselves, and citizens’ behaviour. The review concludes with future directions for theorizing and research.

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Borriello, Arthur. « Beyond the Wave, the Sea : Re-assessing the Impact of the Economic Crisis on Southern Europe's Populist Upsurge ». Krisis | Journal for Contemporary Philosophy 41, n^o 1 (15 juin 2021) : 24–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/krisis.41.1.37166.

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The paper re-assesses the relation between the economic crisis and the rise of populist parties in the South of Europe. It argues that the former did not cause the latter directly, but rather played out as a catalyst of previously existing trends, i.e. the erosion of party democracy and the disintermediation of Western societies. It combines several theoretical approaches to advance an explanatory model that replaces the relation between crisis and populism – conceived of as political, performative and discursively mediated – within its structural pre-conditions. By doing so, it aims at providing a synthetic and steady explanation of the contemporary rise of populism in Southern Europe and beyond.

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Pollack, Benny. « Transitions from dictatorship to democracy : comparative studies of Spain, Portugal, and Greece and Securing democracy : political parties and democratic consolidation in Southern Europe ». International Affairs 67, n^o 4 (octobre 1991) : 808–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622509.

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Kluknavská, Alena, et Josef Smolík. « We hate them all ? Issue adaptation of extreme right parties in Slovakia 1993–2016 ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, n^o 4 (28 septembre 2016) : 335–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.002.

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This article presents electoral developments and mobilization issues of the extreme right political parties between 1993 and 2016. It analyzes the changes in the extreme right discourses and framing strategies in relation to their electoral results. We argue that during the transition to democracy in the 1990s and partially later in the 2000s, the extreme right parties were predominantly focusing on the issues related to national sovereignty and were successful mostly in the context of hostility against groups that could potentially threaten this independence, while their electoral achievements were affected mainly by their internal party stability. In the late 2000s, the extreme right has, however, begun to adopt a strategy that has bridged nationalist, populist and xenophobic discourses, with stronger success during the economic and refugee crises in Europe.

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Thèses sur le sujet "Political Parties. Southern Europe. Internal Democracy"

Zunino, Mattia. « The political party in the paradigm of crisis. The case of the socialist tradition political parties in Southern Europe. A comparative study ». Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/11385/222519.

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Livres sur le sujet "Political Parties. Southern Europe. Internal Democracy"

1942-, Pridham Geoffrey, dir. Securing democracy : Political parties and democratic consolidation in southern Europe. London : Routledge, 1990.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. Securing Democracy : Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. Securing Democracy : Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. Securing Democracy : Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. Securing Democracy : Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. Securing Democracy : Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Securing Democracy : Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.

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Securing Democracy : Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe. Routledge, 1990.

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Pridham, Geoffrey. Securing Democracy : Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Southern Europe. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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P, Diamandouros Nikiforos, et Gunther Richard, dir. Parties, politics, and democracy in the new Southern Europe. Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political Parties. Southern Europe. Internal Democracy"

Duff, Andrew. « Parliamentary Europe ». Dans Constitutional Change in the European Union, 37–55. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10665-1_4.

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AbstractDevelopment of EU democracy is hampered by the lack of proper political parties at the federal level. To rectify this, electoral reform of the European Parliament must introduce transnational lists for a portion of MEPs. Treaty rules for the election of the next Commission president should be respected by the Parliament. A formula should be agreed upon for seat apportionment in the Parliament, and the federal principle of degressive proportionality should be extended to the voting system in the Council. A limited right of initiative should be granted to MEPs, alongside internal reforms. Both the European Parliament and national parliaments should reinforce the scrutiny of their respective executives.

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Greble, Emily. « “The Bonfire of Muslim Unity” ». Dans Muslims and the Making of Modern Europe, 164–90. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197538807.003.0007.

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Minority protections only gave power to groups of minorities, not individuals, and so Muslims in Yugoslavia felt great pressures to unify on some grounds. Already in the early 1920s, internal factionalization grew across many different fault lines: language, region, class, political goals, and religious practice. Exploring these rifts, this chapter draws attention to different kinds of political spaces that Muslims used in their efforts to shape their place in Europe: political parties, madrasas, cultural associations, waqf boards, nationalist organizations, and activist groups. It also reveals how over the course of the 1920s and into the early 1930s, a period in Yugoslavia that included both troubled democracy and authoritarianism, being Muslim became understood, both within and outside of the community, as having political inflections.

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Čakar, Dario Nikic. « Croatia : Strong Prime Ministers and Weak Coalitions ». Dans Coalition Governance in Western Europe, 640–79. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.003.0019.

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Since regaining its independence in 1991, Croatia experienced major transformation of constitutional and political system in 2000, when illiberal semi-presidential rule was replaced with functional parliamentary democracy. These changes also established a new pattern of executive politics, with coalition governments as a norm. Furthermore, in the post-2000 period the prime ministerial government was established as the dominant governance model, with prime ministers taking over the leading role in coalition politics. Building on this notion, this chapter identifies several major features of coalition governance in Croatia: very general and rather brief coalition agreements without written rules on cabinet decision-making and on how to resolve internal conflicts; an informal and personalized way of handling conflicts between coalition parties; the dominant position of the prime minister and limited ministerial autonomy; and the policy and personnel conflicts between coalition parties as the main reason for cabinet termination. Thus, similarly to some other countries in Central Eastern Europe region, all three stages of coalition governance in Croatia are heavily dominated by top party leaders and particularly prime ministers, thus creating the patterns of informal and personalized coalition decision-making. The prime ministerial dominance is reflected in weak coalition arrangements, with very limited coordination established between coalition parties and the lack of broader conflict resolution mechanisms, which makes coalition cabinets especially fragile and unstable, particularly when challenged by the inclusion of new parties in government.

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Ronchi, Stefano, et Patrik Vesan. « Reforming Without Investing ». Dans The World Politics of Social Investment : Volume II, 108–34. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197601457.003.0005.

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This chapter investigates the political dynamics that hinder social investment reform in Southern Europe. It does that by providing an in-depth analysis of the Italian case. Between 2013 and 2018, a window of opportunity for social investment opened up in Italy, when center-left governments sought to garner support among upper-middle classes. However, the final reform output was a mix of non–social investment strategies: market liberalism (labor market deregulation) and social protectionism (compensatory cash transfers took priority over policies to enhance human capital or work–family reconciliation). The turn away from a social investment strategy was driven by two political supply-side factors: EU pressures for internal devaluation and national party competition favoring compensatory measures for lower-middle classes in the presence of a divided center-left and rising challenger parties. After the 2018 elections, the League and the Five Star Movement formed a government that promoted full-blown social protectionism.

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