Thèses : « Political parties – Psychological aspects »

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Lee, Kin-sun Alvin, et 李建燊. « A corpus study on the depiction of political parties in British newspapers ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B44670266.

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Stewart, Brandon. « Crossing Over : Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.

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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.

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Riviere, Anouk. « Countries, constituencies and parties : three essays in political economics and on the strategic aspects of voting ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211906.

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Houska, Jeremy Ashton. « Front-runners and newcomers : The dynamics of momentum in electoral politics as explained by cue competition ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2898.

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Conditioning theory and research have contributed substantially to a more complete understanding of a variety of social processes including attitude formation, consumer behavior, and interpersonal attraction. The goal of this thesis was to illuminate further another frequently investigated social process, voting behavior.

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Ford, Deborah Kaylee. « An Evaluation of Moderating Influences of Employee Proactive Personality : Empowerment and Political Skill ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/515.

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An action-orientation within the workplace is often sought out by organizations as a source for competitive advantage. Organizational leaders are increasingly reliant on independently driven employees that will take action without being instructed to do so. Toward this effort, proactive personality has become increasingly popular within the literature as a personality trait associated with an employee's propensity to take charge of situations and demonstrate initiative to make a positive impact. In identifying potential variables that will moderate the effects of proactive personality, a highly relevant construct is empowerment. Proactive personality is thought of as a trait, whereas empowerment can be thought of as the contextual counterpart. In this study, I research both psychological empowerment as an employee interpretation of organizational conditions, such as feelings of self-efficacy, control, and flexibility for action (Arnold, Arad, Rhoades, & Drasgow, 2000) and structural empowerment as the influence of situational workplace context (Kanter, 1977). Despite the theoretical overlap between proactive personality and empowerment, very little has been done to integrate or investigate these variables together to evaluate their relative influences on important outcomes. Given that limited concentration has been focused on boundary conditions of proactive personality, employee political skill is hypothesized as a moderator that will encourage the attainment of important organizational outcomes (i.e., job task performance, job satisfaction) and minimize negative outcomes (i.e., occupational stress and strain) from proactive personality and empowerment. This study is a more complete investigation of proactive personality that not only provides a meaningful theoretical examination, but also informs applied practice. Despite a number of theoretical links between proactive personality and empowerment, the two constructs have been investigated in isolation from one another. Therefore, the relationship between empowerment and political skill is largely unknown. It is unclear whether empowerment and political skill are both necessary to realize optimal results or whether being high on both leads to exponentially better outcomes. This study included 252 nurses from union organizations in Oregon, Florida, and Missouri that registered and were invited to participate (53%). They were surveyed across two points in time, 176 participated at Time 1 and Time 2 and 76 participated in only Time 1. Results did not show support for my hypotheses that improvements would be observed for those high on any two research variables: proactive personality, empowerment, and political skill. However, results consistently support a compensatory model. In general, task performance, perceived effectiveness, and satisfaction with quality of care improved when nurses were high on either proactive personality or empowerment (either structural or psychological). Those high on either proactive personality or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Similarly, those high on either structural empowerment or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Only when a nurse was low on both variables in the model did they show reduced benefits. Several clear practical solutions are readily apparent based on study results. Given that empowerment can be manipulated within an organizational culture and proactive personality can be integrated with selection systems, the results are important for organizational leaders and organizational development consultants. Similarly, this research adds greatly to the literature on political skill, an area that is relatively new. By examining the moderating influence of political skill, this adds to the theoretical advancement of the three constructs while also informing practitioners regarding potential selection, training, and organizational design. Political skill has been seen as an attribute with the capacity to change over time with training, experience, and mentoring (Ferris, Perrewé, Anthony, & Gilmore, 2000). Therefore, the practical implications for organizations are clearly evident. Further, given that both proactive personality and empowerment have received limited evaluation into their boundary conditions, an evaluation of potential moderators helps advance into the understanding of the processes related to action within the workplace.

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Guha, Sohini. « Ethnic parties, material politics and the ethnic poor : the Bahujan Samaj Party in North India ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=111337.

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Many studies explore the determinants of support for ethnic parties, and the consequences of such parties for democracy. This dissertation addresses these questions through a study of the Bahujan Samaj Party (B.S.P.) in India's largest state, Uttar Pradesh (U.P.). The BSP is India's only successful lower caste party, and gained greatest support over the last two decades in U.P., which it now rules. The dissertation argues that material benefits, delivered on a programmatic basis, account for the success of the B.S.P., and perhaps other ethnic parties too, among poorer groups.[...]
De nombreuses etudes se penchent sur les facteurs expliquant l’appui citoyen aux parris ethniques ainsi que les consequences d’un tel appui en ce qui a trait a la democratie. Cette these aborde ces questions a u·avers une etude du Parti Bahujan Samaj (PBS) dans le plus grand Etat indien, !’Uttar Pradesh (UP). Le PBS est le seul parti de basses castes ayant connu un succes electoral en Inde, et dirige maintenant l’UP, resultat d’une popularite croissante au cours des deux dernieres decennies. Cette these argumente que les avantages materiels, distribues de facon programmatique, expliquent le succes du PBS, et sans doute celui d’autres parris ethniques representant les couches les plus pauvres de la societe.[...]

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Veilleux, Candice J. « Impressions of a Female Political Candidate Based on Political Party Affiliation ». UNF Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/811.

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There is a gender gap in United States politics; men are over represented, and prioritize issues/policies differently compared with women. Stereotypes may be associated depending on group memberships. Stereotypes of men (competent) are consistent and stereotypes of women (warm) are inconsistent with politicians (competent). I examined stereotypes of major/non-major political parties, and how party affiliation affects whether stereotypes about men/male politicians/women/female politicians predict female politicians’ traits. Stereotype valence ascribed to political parties is important because people vote for a positively viewed party/representative. I assessed the strength and valence of stereotypes associated with political parties, and found major parties were viewed more positively than non-major parties, and the Democratic and Republican parties were viewed more positively than the Independent Party (Study 1). I found warmth and competence attributes ascribed to women/female politicians/men/male politicians predicted Karen Johnson’s warmth and competence depending on whether Karen Johnson was a major or non-major party candidate. When men/male politicians were perceived as competent Karen Johnson was perceived as competent, but no relationship between men/male politicians’ warmth and Karen Johnson’s warmth emerged. When women/female politicians were perceived as warm/competent, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm/competent. As a major candidate, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm/competent when women/female politicians were perceived as warm/competent. However, when Karen Johnson was a non-major candidate, there was no relationship between women’s competence and Karen Johnson’s competence, and when women/female politicians were perceived as warm, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm (Study 2). Women in office and members of multiple social groups are discussed.

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Mosia, Serame R. « Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.

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Frasca, Gonzalo. « Videogames of the oppressed : videogames as a means for critical thinking and debate ». Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/17657.

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Zhou, Yining. « Disappointment as an effect of curiosity and political apathy : modernation of self-efficacy and mediation of media selection ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/172.

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The study adopts Uses and Gratifications (U&G) theory as the framework to test antecedents and consequences in using fanqiang (bypassing Internet censorship) as an alternative medium along with accessible Internet, TV, newspaper and radio as mainstream media in a Chinese context. By online between-group experimentation (N = 132 in the experimental group, N = 127 in the control group), the study shows that curiosity about forbidden political content and political apathy predict fanqiang and most accessible media use tendencies. Moderation effects exist between curiosity and self-efficacy in predicting fanqiang tendencies. Disappointment as an emotional effect is directly related to curiosity and political apathy, where the mediation effects of media use tendencies are not salient. Explicit Internet censorship increases curiosity about forbidden political content and decreases the dimension of lack of interest in political apathy. However, it does not change accessible media use tendencies and disappointment levels. Still, participants show fewer of fanqiang tendencies than with accessible media, except radio. The results highlight the cognitive roots of motivations and emotional constructs as a part of gratification in U&G research, that self-efficacy as a necessary requirement for curiosity to drive media use, and that information attributes can change motivations. We urge future scholars to build broader explications of political apathy when applied to different societies, to try diverse methods like experimentation in U&G research, and to adopt a sociopsychological approach when studying the influences and effectiveness of Internet censorship.

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McAdams, Erin Stamatia. « The Psychological Dynamics of Group-based Considerations on Partisanship : A Case Study of Christian Conservatives and Conflict in the Republican Party ». Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1243376142.

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Scheepers, Esca. « The psychological experience of being in hiding against the background of political repression in South Africa during the 1986 general State of Emergency : a phenomenological explication ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004586.

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This is a study in Critical Psychology which examines the psychological costs of one of the direct outcomes of political repression - the experience of being in hiding. The aims of the study can be depicted on two levels: it is first and foremost an attempt to provide a true account of the phenomenon of being in hiding. On a second level of equal importance it is an implicit and overt critique of the social order in which this phenomenon takes place. The psychological experience of being in hiding is examined and discussed in its proper socio-political context. Therefore, the theoretical part of the mini-thesis has a strong political bearing, focusing on the State, and extra-parliamentary opposition in South Africa. repression The empirical part of the mini-thesis explicates the psychological experience of being in hiding with the aid of the phenomenological method of investigation. Due to the lack of research on this or similar topics, it is discussed within the framework of the experience of a stressful life event. For the five subjects being in hiding was an extreme intervention which was imposed upon their existences and which brought about a qualitative transformation in the individual subjects mode of being-in-the-world - not only in terms of practicalities, but also on a deep experiential level. It was a phenomenon which touched on fundamental parts of their experience of themselves and their individual worlds and the way in which they actualized themselves. For them it essentially entailed a loss of relationships and roles which resulted in an experience of a measure of encapsulation or separation from the world of others . It was a profound, multi - dimensional disruption of the structure of the subject ' s existence which infused a rich emotional experience .

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Morris, Adam J. « The Effects On a State When They Lose Their Senior Senator ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/41.

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The Primary purpose of this paper is to examine the role and importance of Senior Senators in the US Senate. Many states rely on Senators to bring in federal spending in the form of pork. When states lose their Senior Senator and the power they accumulated through increased tenure, they risk losing certain benefits in terms of pork. We use federal expenditures per dollar of tax and analyze how it is affected by Seniority in the Senate. Population, Income, and unemployment rates in each state were controlled for in our regression analysis. It is concluded that increased tenure significantly increases federal spending to Senators’ states. Though this is statistically significant, we find the effects of losing a Senior Senator to be insignificant in the overall welfare of a state.

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Melo, Ana Katarina Leimig Saraiva de. « Síndrome de alienação parental : um estudo através do olhar de psicólogos e assistentes sociais peritos ». Universidade Católica de Pernambuco, 2013. http://www.unicap.br/tede//tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=916.

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A Alienação Parental é percebida como fenômeno que surge no seio de famílias em conflito de guarda, principalmente no âmbito judicial, e que há pouco tempo tornou-se foco de estudos científicos no campo de atuação da Psicologia, da Psiquiatria e do Direito. Nesse contexto, são necessárias pesquisas e discussões acerca da temática, de forma a contribuir para um maior aprofundamento na prática da Psicologia Clínica, assim como no âmbito do Judiciário, visando aos meios de prevenção e promoção do bem-estar integral da criança e do adolescente vitimados pela Alienação Parental. A presente pesquisa de natureza qualitativa, teve por objetivo compreender as consequências da Síndrome de Alienação Parental (SAP) no núcleo familiar, através do olhar de profissionais da Psicologia e do Serviço Social que lidam com o tema. O instrumento para a coleta de dados, foi a entrevista semiestruturada. Participaram da pesquisa três Psicólogos(as), e três Assistentes Sociais peritos, vinculados ao Poder Judiciário de Pernambuco. Os dados foram analisados através da análise temática descrita por Minayo, possibilitando compreender os significados das falas dos entrevistados, de acordo com os objetivos propostos. Os principais resultados apontam para uma ação desenvolvida de forma gradativa, por parte dos profissionais, com a finalidade de emitir um parecer que busque esclarecer o contexto familiar em que a criança está inserida, e que se preocupe com a forma de atuação dos peritos, visando proteger a criança e/ou adolescente das consequências de uma separação mal elaborada.
Parental Alienation is a phenomenon that borns within the family when they have any custody conflict, mainly in the judicial sphere, that in a short period became focus of cientific studies in Psychology, Psychiatry and Law. In this context, some searches and discutions about this subject are needed, to contribute to a further deepening in practice of Clinic Psychology as Judicial scope, aiming ways of prevention and promotion of total welfare of childs and teenagers victims of Parental Alienation. This research is qualitative aimed to understand the consequences of Parental Alienation Syndrome (PAS) in the family, through the eyes of Professional Psychology and Social Work dealing with the subject. The instrument for data collection was a semi-structured interview. Participants were three Psychologists and three Social Service experts, linked to the Judiciary of Pernambuco. The data was analyzed using Minayos thematic, enabling to understand the meaning of speech of interviewees according to the proposed objectives. The main results point to a program developed gradually, by professionals, for the purpose of issuing an opinion that seeks to clarify the family context in which children are inserted, and not worry about the way it operates of experts in order protect the child and / or adolescent from the consequences of a bad breakup elaborate.

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Ferreira, Antunes Sandrina. « New pragmatic nationalists in Europe : experienced flemish and scottish nationalists in times of economic crisis, 2004-2012 ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209497.

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In the 90´s, Europe used to be depicted as the most privileged political arena for regional nationalist political parties to access for “more” political power. In that sense, whereas formal channels of regional interest representation were taken for granted by those standing within federal political systems; informal channels of regional interest representation were highly valued by regional nationalists standing in decentralized or devolutionary constitutional settlements. In spite of nuanced institutional preferences, Europe was rationally inspired (Ostrom 2005) as it used to be perceived as an aggregation of formal-legal structures that could be used as a means to prescribe, proscribe and permit a certain behavior in exchange of a personal utility. Moreover, regional nationalists were policy “maximizers” who acted in isolation, away from the center, using their own limited political resources to maximize their policy gains by pursuing distinctive forms of political autonomy. However, by the end of the 90’s, both categories of regional nationalists plunged into European disillusion due to the limits of a sovereign logic prevailing in Europe.

However, in the 21st century, as soon as a new European policy cycle started to emerge and the economic crisis started to cripple, experienced regional nationalists realized that they could use the benefits of regional economic resources in face of the European Economic strategy to justify further concessions of policy competences that are still shared, either in theory or in practice, as well as to argue for new ones. The political plan would consist of using the reference of the European Economic targets to deliver policies, which would allow them to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, in both layers of governance, as well as to induce regional citizens into their political plan so they can finally reach the legal threshold to endorse a new state reform. Moreover, since they were rationally bounded, in the sense that they were lacking the policy expertise to perform these goals, they have learned to rely on a policy narrative (Shabahan et al 2011; Jones and Beth 2010; Radaelli 2010) embedded in a territorial economic argument to make sense of an advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith 1993), using informal channels of regional interest intermediation as “cognitive” structures (Scot 1995a) to articulate a policy strategy to be implemented in Europe and at the regional level of governance.

Therefore, and irrespectively of nuanced constitutional settlements, all experienced regional nationalists have returned to the center, using informal channels as an instrument of governance (Salamon 2002) to clarify the best policy options to be implemented in both layers of governance. In other words, regional nationalists have become “policy satisficers” (Simon 1954) who have learned to forgo immediate satisfaction in Europe to collect major gains of political power across multiple layers of governance. If the term “usage” can be defined as the act of using something to achieve certain political goals (Jacquot and Wolf 2003), in this research, we will apply the concept of “usage” to demonstrate that experienced regional nationalists in government have moved from a rational to a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to perform renewed political preferences across multiple layers of governance.

Departing from an actor centered institutionalist approach (Mayntz and Sharp 1997), we will demonstrate that the N-VA in Flanders, since 2004, and the SNP in Scotland, since 2007, have become new pragmatic nationalists. In that sense, we will argue that, in a clear contrast with pragmatic nationalists of the 90’s who expected to legitimize their nationalist aspirations in Europe by the means of a rational “usage” of the European institutions; experienced regional nationalists have become new pragmatic nationalists as they have learned to rely on a cognitive “usage” of the European institutions to legitimize their nationalist aspirations, no longer in Europe, but through Europe.

We will then conclude that in the 21st century, and against traditional dogmas of the 90’s, the “usage” of Europe by regional nationalists is cognitively twisted, economically driven and collectively performed. It embraces all experienced regional nationalist political parties in government, irrespectively of their constitutional settlement or nationalist credo, as long as they possess the ability to anchor a political strategy embedded in “identity” without sticking to strict politics of nationalism.

Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Wilhelm, Hans-Jakob. « Der tierische Magnetismus als Grundlage einer Psychologie des kampfes bei Heinrich von Kleist ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=55653.

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Ackerman, Carla. « The power of patriarchy : its manifestation in rape ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/54906.

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Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1995.
Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates womens' perceptions of social power, as illustrated by their experiences of rape. In the first chapter the principles of subjective feminist research are analyzed against the background of feminist critique on so-called objective science. This introduction also discusses the feminist research methodology used in the study. This is followed by an examination of mainstream political science's conception of "power". How mainstream political scientists conceptualise "power", how they define "the exercise of power". Analyses of the feminist critique against the mainstream conception of "power" are discussed. The account of Foucault's ideas on "power" is, to some degree, a link between mainstream political science's views and feminists views. An examination of patriarchy, the three main dichotomies present in our society that determine female/male relations and gendered sexuality follows. It is against the aforementioned background that the literature study moves into a practical research stage. The next chapter analyses womens' conceptions and experiences of "power" relations by looking at the feminist theory of rape. This is followed by an analysis of the research data and a discussion of the popular rape myths in our society. A historical overview and analysis of the current rape law is then given, while the last chapter examines a feminist alternative conception of "power"relations by re-visiting "power" and by providing a feminist vision of women-power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek vrouens se persepsies van sosiale mag soos geïllustreer deur hulle ervarings van verkragting. In die eerste hoofstuk word die beginsels van subjektiewe feministiese navorsing geanaliseer teen die agtergrond van die feministiese kritiek teen sogenaamde objektiewe wetenskap. Dit verskaf 'n bespreking van die feministiese navorsingsmetodologie wat in die studie gebruik is. In die daaropvolgende hoofstuk word hoofstroom politieke wetenskap se konsepsie van "mag" ondersoek deur te kyk na hoe hoofstroom politieke wetenskap "mag" konseptualiseer, hoe dit "die uitoefening van mag" definieer en deur die analise van feministiese kritiek teen hoofstroom politieke wetenskap se konsepsie van "mag". Die opsomming van Faucault se idees oor "mag" is in sommige opsigte 'n skakel tussen hoofstroom politieke wetenskap se sieninge en die van feministe. 'n Ondersoek na patriargie, die drie belangrikste tweeledighede ("dichotomies") in ons samelewing wat die verhoudings tussen vrouens en mans bepaal en geslagtelike seksualiteit ("gendered sexuality") volg. Dit is teen die agtergrond van die voorafgaande dat die literatuurstudie gevolg word deur 'n praktiese navorsingsfase. Daar volg'In analise van vrouens se konsepsies en ondervindings van "magsverhoudinge" deur eerstens na die feministiese teorie van verkragting te kyk. Hierna volg 'n analise van die navorsingsdata en In bespreking van populêre verkragtingsmites in ons samelewing. In aansluiting by bogenoemde volg 'n historiese oorsig en analise van die huidige verkragtingswet en vrouens se ervarings daarvan. Laastens volg 'n feministiese alternatiewe konsepsie van "magsverhoudinge" deur 'n her-analise van "mag" voor te stel en deur 'n feministiese visie van vroue-mag ("women-power") te verskaf.

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Lahiri, Indrani. « Unlikely bedfellows ? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011) ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.

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Madonko, Thokozile. « The puzzle of domination in society : seeking solutions in the African context ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007260.

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The presence of human destitution, impoverishment and degradation in the midst of plenty has puzzled social thinkers for millennia. One of the oldest and grandest of theories: the theory of ideology attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of domination in society. Michael Rosen, in his book On Voluntary Servitude (1996), argues that the solution provided by the theory of ideology is problematic. Furthermore, on the basis of his critique, Rosen argues that we should abandon the theory of ideology and consider alternatives to it. Even though many contemporary academics have turned away from the theory of ideology, because they view it as an imprisoning meta-theory, this study explores the possibility of there being a meta-theory that could help us to make sense of the world. Through an examination of Rosen's critique this thesis shows that Rosen is too quick in his dismissal of the theory of ideology because he fails to consider that a revised functionalist theory of ideology can be expanded to account for the mechanism(s) that ensure that, over time, the society in question acquires ideological consciousness to further its welfare. This thesis shows that Rosen is correct in his criticism of the theory of ideology's explanation of domination because the content, history and social effects of ideological consciousness cannot be fully explained in terms of their role in promoting or stabilising relations of domination. In light of Rosen's criticism the thesis shows that if one provides both an explanation of the psychological motivations of individuals and of the nature of the oppressive society in which they find themselves then what I call an integrated theory of ideology can be developed. In order to illustrate the importance of an integrated theory of ideology the study moves away from high-level theoretical abstraction to concrete social analyses, focusing on the work of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko and their explanations of domination. The reason this study focuses on their work is because in their role as social scientists, Fanon and Biko provided a powerful critique of colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial society. It will be argued that Fanon and Biko were able to provide a lasting critique of colonial reality because they offered their critique within the framework of such an integrated theory. Consequently, this study argues that, as Fanon and Biko's work illustrate, an integrated theory of ideology qua critical theory ought not to be abandoned because it is crucial for understanding and resisting forms of oppression that exist in the world today.

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Cosand, Kalistah Quilla. « Black and Blue and Read All Over : News Framing and the Coverage of Crime ». PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1793.

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This study explores the representation of crime in the news in relation to expressed emotion and intention for future action. Episodic and thematic framing (Iyengar, 1991) and narrative processing (Singer & Bluck, 2001) served as the theoretical foundations of this study and helped examine how scripted news stories involving crime influence levels of fear, anger, and empathy in individuals, and how these emotions subsequently affect behaviors. To measure these framing effects, an experimental manipulation was employed using three conceptually different news stories all involving gun-related crimes. One news story utilized an episodic format, while the other two stories used a thematic format (one positive and one negative). Emotional responses, levels of narrative engagement, policy support, perceived risk of victimization, and pro-social behavioral intentions were measured, all based on exposure to the specific type of news frame. The results of this study indicated that while types of news frames did not have a direct effect on readers' emotions, there was a significant relationship between emotions and future actions. For example, fear, anger, and empathy were significant predictors of perceived risk of victimization, policy support, and pro-social behavioral intentions, respectively. These findings contribute to the understanding of the role emotions play in predicting behavior, both within and beyond the scope of message framing.

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Gérard, Fabien. « La certitude et de doute : recherche du mystère et quête identitaire dans le cinéma de Bernardo Bertolucci ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211352.

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TRIANDAFYLLIDOU, Anna. « A socio-psychological study of party behaviour ». Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5409.

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Defence date: 23 January 1995
Examining Board: Prof. Jean Blondel (supervisor - ARELA, Florence) ; Prof. Willem Doise (University of Geneva) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (EUI and Humboldt University, Berlin) ; Prof. Stamos Papastamou (co-supervisor, Panteion University of Athens) ; Prof. Juan Antonio Perez (University of Valencia)
First made available online on 10 September 2014.

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Soderlund, John G. « Integrative complexity in South African Parliamentary debate : the normative basis for variability ». Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8286.

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All 1996 parliamentary speeches of two members from each of three parties represented in the South African parliament were coded for the extent to which they demonstrated integrative complexity, a measure of the level of differentiation and integration which a decision-maker demonstrates in justifying his or her position. Each of the selected debates was also categorised according to the manner in which the speaker was aligned in relation to other parties taking part in the debate and the extent to which the matter had been aired in parliament previously. The relationship between the level of integrative complexity shown in the speeches was assessed in relation to the alignment of the speaker with other parties, the extent to which the debate had been rehearsed and the position f the speaker on the left-right political spectrum. The results of the study indicated a strong relationship between the relationship of the speaker to the ruling ANC in the debate, with speakers showing significantly lower integrative complexity when opposing the ANC than when they were in agreement with the ANC. The extent to which the debate had been rehearsed bore a relationship to integrative complexity which only approached significance and the political affiliation of the speaker yielded a non-significant relationship to integrative complexity. The results of the study are discussed with reference to existing theoretical understandings of and research into integrative complexity.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1999.

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Invernizzi, Giovanna Maria. « Inside Political Parties : Factions, Party Organization and Electoral Competition ». Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-8vpr-m957.

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How do parties organize, and do parties' organizational differences matter? Different organization patterns are empirically associated with varying electoral performance, voters' participation, policy-making, and party systems' shape and stability.Despite the empirical relevance of party organization, theoretical scholarship has overwhelmingly focused on other functions of parties — namely the electoral one, simplifying the political world for voters, and the policy-making one in the legislative arena. The papers in this dissertation advance a new theoretical agenda on the organization of political parties, generating insights that I test with novel data. The main contribution of the dissertation is to treat party organization as an endogenous rather than exogenous variable. This approach allows to generate novel insights on how the electoral environment influences the way parties organize, and outcomes such as parties' electoral performance and the process of party system stabilization. The first paper conceives the internal organization of a party as being driven by factional competition. What brings opposing factions to engage in sabotage rather than enhance the party image, and what strategies can parties adopt to contain it? The paper introduces a model of elections in which intra-party factions can devote resources to campaign for the party or to undermine each other and obtain more power. The party redistributes electoral spoils among factions to motivate their investment in campaigning activities. The model shows that sabotage increases when the stakes of the election are low — e.g., in consensus democracies that grant power to the losing party — because the incentives to focus on the fight for internal power increase. It also suggests that the optimal party strategy for winning the election in the face of intra-party competition is to reward factions with high powered incentives when campaigning effort can be easily monitored, but treat factions equally otherwise. Finally, the model shows that, when a party weakens electorally, factions’ incentives move from campaigning for the party to sabotaging each other to obtain electoral spoils. A testable implication of this result is the emergence of political scandals triggered internally as a product of factional sabotage. The second paper tests this empirical implication using original data on judicial investigations of Italian MPs involved in various misbehaviors. Judicial investigations of politicians are a fundamental component of politics, often leading to scandals. Yet, empirical evidence of the strategic determinants of judicial investigations is intrinsically hard to gather, a problem that has significantly limited the study of this important phenomenon. The paper studies the politics behind judicial investigations leveraging new data on prosecutors' informants in 1125 episodes of misbehavior of Italian MPs involved in different crimes (1983-2019). Results provide evidence in favor of a political use of denunciations for corruption crimes: when a party weakens, the likelihood that political enemies denounce past misbehavior of members of the weakened party increases, suggesting that the political use of denunciation is elastic to changes in the electoral performance. The timing of past misbehavior is crucial: members of weakened parties are more likely to be accused of misbehavior that happened a long time before the accusation, which further supports the conjecture that accusations are politically motivated. The third paper moves to the topic of party organization in the presence of multi-party competition. It conceives of the choice over party organization as parties' decision to form different types of alliances. Despite being pervasive, little is known about the conditions facilitating different forms of pre-electoral alliances. The paper presents a model of electoral competition in which parties can form alliances before elections, and decide how binding these should be. Parties face a dynamic trade-off between insuring themselves against large shifts in public opinion and allowing flexibility to respond to future changes in voters' preferences. The model shows that more binding alliances such as mergers emerge in equilibrium when electoral volatility is high; otherwise, parties form more flexible pre-electoral coalitions. It also suggests that some power concentration is needed for alliances to emerge in equilibrium, whereas parties run alone under consensual democracies that share power among all parties.

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WORTMANN, Martin. « Political marketing : a modern party strategy ». Doctoral thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5438.

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Defence date: 7 July 1989
Examining board: Prof. Hans-Jürgen Weiß, Göttingen (supervisor) ; Prof. Brian Farrell, University College, Dublin ; Prof. Nicolas Diez, University of Madrid ; Dr. Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Hochschule Lünberg, Germany
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Durutalo, Alumita Lawaniyavi Verebalavu. « Of roots and offshoots : Fijian political thinking, dissent and the formation of political parties (1960-1999) ». Phd thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151724.

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Lala, Girish. « Talking the talk : do words speak louder than actions in socio-political communities on the internet ? » Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151391.

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CHRYSSOGELOS, Angelos-Stylianos. « Political parties and party systems in world politics : a comparative analysis of party-based foreign policy contestation and change ». Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/25205.

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Defence date: 10 December 2012
Examining Board: Professor Dr. Friedrich Kratochwil, EUI (Supervisor) Professor Dr. Luciano Bardi, University of Pisa Professor Dr. Sven Steinmo, EUI Professor Dr. Bertjan Verbeek, Radboud University Nijmegen.
First made available online on 8 November 2016
The argument of this dissertation is that instances of foreign policy change can be best understood as interactions between ongoing dynamics of important aspects of domestic party systems and changes in a state’s normative and material international environment. I identify three types of dynamics of party systems: different patterns of coalition and opposition, different patterns of expression of social cleavages through parties, and redefinitions of the meaning attached to the main axis of competition. These dynamics provide partisan actors with the ideational resources to make sense of changes in the international system, contribute to the creation of new (domestic and foreign) policy preferences and bring about political incentives for the promotion of new foreign policies. The pace, content and fields of change are determined by the specific aspects of a party system undergoing change. Using insights from party systems theory and political sociology, the dissertation promotes the idea that the contestation of foreign policy, the engagement of domestic political actors with developments in the international system, and ultimately foreign policy change, all take place within a thick social and institutional structure that prescribes interests and delineates the terms of debate. In this way, this dissertation introduces in the field of International Relations (IR) and Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) a view of domestic politics that is made up of constrained but enabled political agents, and social structures that impose continuity while containing opportunities for effecting political change. This is a significant departure from existing works on political parties and foreign policy that usually focus on the partisan effect in government or see parties only as carriers of ideologies or societal preferences. This dissertation applies its theoretical framework to three deep historical case-studies (Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik, the decision of Canada to enter a Free Trade Agreement with the USA, and Greece’s decision to allow Turkey to acquire the status of an EU candidate-member) and four shorter cases in the shape of a plausibility probe. Using the method of structured-focused comparison, the research shows how, in varying historical, social, institutional and international contexts, foreign policy change was brought about by partisan actors who were constituted by domestic social and institutional structures, but who still found opportunities to engage with these structures and promote their own version of change in accordance with the systemically defined interests of their political parties.

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Bawa, Umesh. « Political violence of the unenfranchised for social or personal liberation ». Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/20608.

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A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts, Clinical Psychology. Johannesburg 1991.
The study focused on the perceptions and' experiences of youtlidn relation to patticip~fion in political violence. ;It examined the .relatierrship between exposure to state violence, expo§ure to domestic violence,. ideological support for violence and participation in poMticaLviolence;and explored the extcat to .which 'g~nder, age and socio-econemic status inf1u~nced,paiticip~at1o~ in political violence.' , \\ II The traditiL\nal an~ contextual theories of violence th~tTorward explanations for participa~()n in political. violence lwere reviewed and their merit relative to viqfence participation. critically examined. o , U .!,} _ " . . " Ojl,.i \ \r)' '~;;" , /.) ,. " } A structured self questionnaire was developed after an initial pool of item J pertaining to violence were generated, their psychometric properties.ofmtemal consistency ass(jssedand these clustered into the. various violence; scales. The revised questionnaire was adnlinistered to first entry undergraduate students (n= 1902, N:.:2677) at the Universityofthe Western Cape. The datawas analysed using quantitative methods, such as chi-square analyses, t-tests and cortelation ryatdces. Data that showed a high degree' of self-reported~ untruthfulness was discarded frorii further analysis. The level of statistical Significance was set at p< Oj0001. (I The results reveal that the majority of respondents were victims of state violence. Participation' in political violence is significantly related to exposure to state violence, an '~deological support of violence, as well as to being male and older. Gender and age differences were noted for participation in political violence with older males being politically violent. 1~lere wag, no significant difference for socio-economic status and participation ill political violence. The variable that showed the strongest relationship to participation in political violence was exposure to state violence (r=0,77), followed by ideological supportof violence (r=O,;2). The relationship of participation in political violence to exposure to domestic violence though significant was poor.(r=Oj08). Thus the study found that participation in political violence is mainly a function of exposure to state violence and is context specific. The youth had not learnt to be politically violent by being involved in domestic violence. Contextual theories seemed to offer a better explanation for participation in political violence for youth in South Africa. Future research should focus on the interrelationships between 1~6litica1 violence and interpersonal violence.

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Jacobs, Elana S. « Exposure to manifestations of political instability : impact on white South African children ». Thesis, 1991. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/25400.

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A research report submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment for the degree of M. A. (Clinical Psychology).
The Impact of political violence on the psychological well-being of civilian populations has received much attention. both locally and internationally. In South Africa, the effects on black children of having witnessed or experienced violence has been extensively researched; however. the impact on white children, albeit that the majority of them are removed from the immediacy of the violence, has not been investigated.(Abbreviation abstract)
Andrew Chakane 2018

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Seyle, Daniel Conor. « Identity fusion and the psychology of political extremism ». Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3027.

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Seyle, Daniel Conor 1978. « Identity fusion and the psychology of political extremism ». 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/13194.

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Young, Lauren Elyssa. « The Psychology of Repression and Dissent in Autocracy ». Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D86110HB.

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How do autocrats maintain power? In many cases, autocrats lack the support of a majority of the population. This problem is particularly stark in electoral autocracies, where autocrats must generate millions of favorable votes in order to stay in power. Coercion, or the forcible exclusion of some segments of the population from power, is one tool that many autocrats use to solve this problem. However, creating coercive institutions is also dangerous for autocrats, as the same forces that can be used to coerce citizens can also be used to depose or demand resources from the autocrat himself. In the first paper, I contend that autocracies can use the psychological effects of fear to coerce citizens at a lower cost and at lower personal risk. This psychological theory of autocratic coercion has two core implications that I test. First, I use a lab-in-the-field experiment to show that the emotion of fear reduces participation in pro-democracy action, and that this may work through its effects on perceptions of risk and risk attitudes. Second, I show using correlational evidence that propensity to feel fear predicts variation in participation in dissent. In the second paper, I examine how poverty conditions the way that citizens respond to the threat of coercion. I argue that poverty may make coercion more effective in reducing citizen dissent both by making citizens more prone to fear, and by increasing their physical vulnerability to violence. I test this prediction at the individual and constituency level using data on public opinion and voting in Zimbabwe, drawing on random variation in recent exposure to violence and poverty. The third paper tests whether emotions can also be used by activists to increase dissent among citizens with anti-regime preferences. I partnered with an opposition party that ran an experimental test of angry against enthusiastic campaign messages using video and images sent out via mobile phone chat groups. Analysis of the transcripts of these groups shows that the anger appeals generated significantly more pro-opposition participation in the groups. There is some evidence that anger was most effective in constituencies that had experienced violence in the past.

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KARREMANS, Johannes. « State interests vs citizens’ preferences : on which side do (Labour) parties stand ? » Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/45985.

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Defence date: 31 March 2017
Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, formerly EUI/University of Oxford (Supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Co-Supervisor); Professor Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg; Professor Maurits Van der Veen, College of William & Mary
This dissertation deals with the question of how the partisan nature of government still matters in the current globalized and post-industrial world. In particular, it compares the representativeness of two contemporary centre-left governments with that of two centre-left executives from the 1970s in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. According to the more provocative theories about the state of contemporary representative democracy, these countries should be forerunners of a general European trend in which governments care more about technical competence rather than political representation and responsiveness. These tendencies are expected to particularly affect the partisanship of Labour ministers. In order to test these theories, I do a comparative content analysis of how Labour finance ministers/Chancellors justify the yearly government budget in front of the parliament. The justifications are divided into those that characterize the government as representative of the partisan redistributive preferences (input-justifications) VS those that profile it as a competent caretaker of public finances (output-justifications). Following the above-mentioned theories, the hypothesis is that today the output-justifications are more important than in the past. As this approach is relatively novel with regards to the study of responsiveness, the thesis also dedicates one chapter to the justification strategies of a technical and a neoliberal government. The purpose of this extra comparison is to have more empirical evidence of what renders an output-justification different from an input-justification. By incorporating these two cases, thus, I get a deeper comparative insight into what is a typical left-wing/partisan discourse characteristic and what constitutes governmental/institutional talk. This extra comparison, consequently, allows me to reflect more deeply on the findings emerging from the overtime comparison of Labour governments. The findings of my research tell a two-sided story. On the one hand, contrary to my hypothesis, the contemporary cases feature slightly more input-justifications than the governments from the 1970s. On the other, the logic of the discourses suggests that, while in the 1970s the responsiveness to social needs was presented as a policy goal per se, today the input-justifications tend to be more subordinated to justifications about economic and financial considerations. The findings thus speak both to theories according to which today we are not witnessing a decline of political representation, but simply a change in kind, as well to the theories speaking of a gradual hollowing out of political competition. In the iv conclusion of my dissertation I reflect on what is right and wrong on the two sides of the debate.

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Hlungwani, Trevor. « Investigating South African political parties' communication strategies and how they influence voters' decision-making process ». Diss., 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27421.

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Abstracts in English and Venda
This study was an investigation of the effect of political communication strategies on voting behaviour. The area of study was Diepsloot in the north of Johannesburg. Various questions were explored such as; what kind of communication strategies have the top three South African political parties (ANC, DA & EFF) used in the past South African general elections in 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019, do political parties pre-election communication strategies influence Diepsloot voters voting decision and lastly how do Diepsloot voters relate to domestic political parties' communications and messages during elections period? The study followed a qualitative research paradigm with the use of interviews to gather information. At an aggregate level, it is often said that what political organisations do, say or do not say have a bearing on their supporters when election time arrives. Voting behaviour theories were also utilised as a theoretical foundation for understanding voters' psychic. Broadly, this study aimed to investigate the effects of political communications on voters' decision-making process. The focus was on the top three political parties in South Africa being the African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Using thematic analysis, this study identified a variety of issues that influence voting behaviour. Among other findings, the study revealed that while political communication affects voters' choice, some voters continuously vote for a political party that has some historical importance. Other findings suggest that political communication alone is not enough to lure voters; voters are looking for material benefits when considering who to vote for. The study also revealed that the young generation of voters, mostly referred to as 'born-frees,' are much more engaging before choosing a party of their choice. This is compared to the old block of voters who consider historic achievements when voting; they vote based on what a party is delivering at a particular epoch.
Ndzavisiso lowu wu lavisisa mbuyelo wa tindlela leti mavandla ya tipoliki ya titirhisaka ku gangisa no wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri. Ndzavisiso lowu wu endliwile endhawini ya Diepsloot, n’walungu wa Joni. Swivutiso swo hambana-hambana swi xopaxopiwile leswi katsaka leswi; Hi tihi tindlela to gangisa tivhoti leti mavandla ya tipolitiki yanharhu lamakulu laha Afrika-Dzonga (ANC, DA & EFF) ya ti tirhiseke ku gangisa tivhoti eka mihlawulo ya mani na mani leyi hundzeke laha Afrika-Dzonga, xana magangiselo ya tivhoti ya mavandla ya tipoliti loko nhlawulo wu nga se fike ya kucetela swiboho swa vahlawuri, xo hetelela, xana vahlawuri va le Diepsloot va khumbeka njhani hi magangiselo ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya la kaya na marungula ya wona hi nkarhi wa nhlawulo? Ndzavisiso lowu wu landzelele maendlelo ma nxopaxopo wa vundzeni bya hungu kumbe ku kuma vuxokoxoko bya ndzavisiso, leswi vuriwaka ‘qualitative research’ ku ri nkarhi ku tirhisiwa nkambelovutivi ku hlengeleta vuxokoxoko. Ku tala ku vuriwa leswaku leswi mavandla ya tipolitiki va swiendlaka, ku swi vula kumbe va nga swi vuli swi na nkucetelo swinene eka vaseketeri va vona loko nkarhi wa nhlawulo wu fika. Tithiyori ta matikhomelo ya nhlawulo na tona ti tirhisiwile tanihi hi ndlela yo sungula yo twisisa mianakanyo ya vahlawuri. Hi ku angarhela, ndzavisiso lowu wu kongomisiwe eka ku xopaxopa nkucetelo lowu mimbhurisano ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya va ka na wona eku tekeni ka swiboho hi vahlawuri. Ku langusiwile ngopfu mavandla yanharhu ya tipolitiki eAfrika-Dzonga ku nga African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Hi ku tirhisa vuhleri bya thematetiki, ndzavisiso lowu wu kumile swilo swo hambanahambana leswi kucetelaka matikhomelo ya vahlawuri. Eka swin’wana swa leswi wu nga swikuma, ndzavisiso wu humesele handle leswaku loko migangiso yi khumba swiboho swa vahlawuri, van’wana vahlawuri va ya emahlweni va hlawula vandla leri ri nga na matimu ya nkoka. Swin’wana leswi wu swi kumeke wu bumabumerile leswaku migangiso ya mavandla yi ri yoxe a yi enelanga ku wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri, vahlawuri va lava na swa le mandleni loko va fanele va vona ku va hlawula vandla rihi. Ndzavisiso lowu wu tlhele wu boxa leswaku vantshwa, vo tala va vona lava vitaniwaka ti ”born-frees” va njhekajhekisa loko va nga se hlawula vandla leri va ri lavaka. Leswi swi hambanile na vanhulavankulu lava va langutaka matimu na leswi vandla ri nga swi fikelela loko vahlawula; va hlawula ku ya hi leswi vandla ri nga eku swiendleni nkarhi lowo leha
Communication Science
M.A. (Communication Science)

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ARES, Macarena. « A new working class ? : a cross-national and a longitudinal approach to class voting in post-industrial societies ». Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49184.

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Defence date: 29 November 2017
Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi (Supervisor), European University Institute; Prof. Fabrizio Bernardi (Co-supervisor), European University Institute; Prof. Geoffrey Evans, Nuffield College, Oxford; Prof. Silja Häusermann, University of Zurich
Post-industrial transformations in the occupational structure and new patterns of class-party alignments have fueled the debate on the relevance of social class as a determinant of political preferences and behavior. Although the growth of the service sector is one of the distinctive traits of post-industrial economies, low-skilled service workers have received limited attention in recent research on class politics. This dissertation analyzes the political implications of class in post-industrial societies, focusing specifically on the comparison between low-skilled production and service workers. Through a two-step analysis of class voting, this dissertation studies, first, the association between class and issue preferences and, second, the relationship between class and electoral behavior. This approach to class voting also allows me to theorize and analyze potential moderators and mechanisms of the individual-level association between class and political outcomes. To study these different aspects of class voting both cross-sectionally and longitudinally this thesis relies on multiple datasets like the European Social Survey, the Chapel Hill Expert Survey and the British Household Panel Survey, and on different estimation methods like multi-level, conditional logistic and panel data regression models. The results of a systematic comparison of production and service workers indicate that the two classes constitute a rather homogeneous electoral constituency both in terms of preferences on cultural and economic issues, as well as in their likelihood of voting for different party families. Thus, these two groups could constitute a new working class, characterized by its economically left-wing but culturally authoritarian political preferences, but also by its higher levels of electoral abstention. Other than revealing the similarity between production and service workers, this dissertation also contributes to the literature on class voting by studying moderators and mechanisms of the individual-level relationship between class location and political preferences. The analyses indicate that the politicization of policy issues by parties or the length of class tenure moderate this relationship. Moreover, I also consider how vertical and horizontal class mobility throughout an individuals’ career relates to differences in policy preferences. For this purpose, I implement a longitudinal approach, which has been rather infrequent in studies of class voting. The conclusion of this dissertation discusses the implications of these findings for the political representation of the working class and for aggregate levels of class voting. Overall, and in clear contrast with the dealignment thesis, this dissertation indicates that class is still a relevant determinant of political preferences in post-industrial societies.

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VOSS, Kristian. « Nature and nation in harmony : the ecological component of far right ideology ». Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32125.

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Defence date: 26 May 2014
Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Supervisor) Professor Stefano Bartolini, EUI Professor Roger Eatwell, Bath Professor Piero Ignazi, Bologna.
The protection of nature constitutes a core component of the ideology of contemporary far right political parties in Western Europe. Through a cross-national comparative study utilizing mixed methods, this research finds that the far right promotes policies aimed at protecting nature based on the connection of organic nationalism and political ecology, challenging perceptions in academia and society that the protection of nature is a leftwing issue or the domain of left-wing parties, and that far right positions regarding ecological issues are incompatible, oppositional, hostile, indifferent, and/or incoherent. Organic nationalist connections with the protection of nature, present at least from Romanticism to National Socialism, provide a theoretical framework to explain the position of contemporary far right parties, including the integration of elements of a critique of Judeo-Christian and Enlightenment ideas and subsequent modern developments perceived as breaking the cherished harmony between man and nature. Influenced by elements of this ecological worldview of organic nationalists of anti-anthropocentrism, organicism, and the sanctity and supremacy of nature, contemporary far right parties promote many ecological goals. A quantitative analysis of manifesto, media, and expert survey data and qualitative analysis of party documents indicate that nature protection for the far right is salient, fundamental, and comprehensive, particularly permeating a number of policy areas, including agriculture, animals, conservation, economics, energy, fish, immigration, individualism, international relations, science and technology, spatial planning, traditional culture, transportation, and waste management, and many associated sub-issues. Furthermore, a case study on Austria reveals that nature protection also remains an important priority for far right activity in a legislature. Overall, far right parties located further right on the political spectrum, or more organic nationalist, are more supportive of the protection of nature and adhere to a more ecological perspective.

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Cameron, Robin W. « When foreign policy turns upon its self : the folding of national security discourse into domestic order and social control ». Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148432.

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Jerney-Davis, Michelle. « Parental mediation and voting behavior : the effects of parental mediation on political socialization ». Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/11966.

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GHALEHDAR, Payam. « The origins of overthrow : hegemonic expectations, emotional frustration, and the impulse to regime change ». Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35422.

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Defence date: 20 March 2015
Examining Board: Professor Christian Reus-Smit, University of Queensland (supervisor); Professor Jennifer Welsh, European University Institute; Professor Roland Bleiker, University of Queensland; Professor Michael Cox, London School of Economics.
Why has regime change, defined as military intervention aimed at forcibly transforming a target state's domestic political authority structure, been a long-standing practice in US foreign policy, used roughly two dozen times since 1900 despite its limited success in producing peace, stability and/or democracy? Extant theories fail to provide sound answers. Realist approaches, for example, under-predict the recurrence of regime change if great powers should have no reason to intervene in weaker states, or over-predict it if anything goes under anarchy. Similarly, democracy promotion arguments overstate the causal importance of the US desire to expand liberty globally. This dissertation presents a novel explanation for the recurrence of regime change in US foreign policy, arguing that the practice of regime change is predicated upon what I call 'emotional frustration', an anger-arousing emotional state that is brought about by a foreign leader's obstructive behavior perceived to be rooted in implacable hatred. While obstruction is ubiquitous in interstate interactions, I claim that the combination of hegemonic expectations towards a target state and the perception of hatred shape the extent to which a foreign leader's conduct evokes an emotional response on the part of foreign policy elites. Once emotionally frustrated, regime change becomes an attractive foreign policy instrument to decision-makers who seek a way to confront and put a stop to the obstruction of a menacing target state. It enables frustrated leaders both to permanently get rid of a perceivedly hostile foreign leader and to discharge their frustration through the use of force. Illustrating the importance of emotional frustration, I conduct four historical case studies based on primary sources, spanning almost one hundred years of US history. Regime changes in Cuba (1906), Nicaragua (1909–12), the Dominican Republic (1965), and Iraq (2003) reveal overlooked patterns of emotional frustration that have time and again animated regime change decisions.

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Hlungwani, Trevor. « Investigating South African poliical parties' communication strategies and how they influence voters' decision-making process ». Diss., 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/27421.

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This study was an investigation of the effect of political communication strategies on voting behaviour. The area of study was Diepsloot in the north of Johannesburg. Various questions were explored such as; what kind of communication strategies have the top three South African political parties (ANC, DA & EFF) used in the past South African general elections in 1999, 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019, do political parties pre-election communication strategies influence Diepsloot voters voting decision and lastly how do Diepsloot voters relate to domestic political parties' communications and messages during elections period? The study followed a qualitative research paradigm with the use of interviews to gather information. At an aggregate level, it is often said that what political organisations do, say or do not say have a bearing on their supporters when election time arrives. Voting behaviour theories were also utilised as a theoretical foundation for understanding voters' psychic. Broadly, this study aimed to investigate the effects of political communications on voters' decision-making process. The focus was on the top three political parties in South Africa being the African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Using thematic analysis, this study identified a variety of issues that influence voting behaviour. Among other findings, the study revealed that while political communication affects voters' choice, some voters continuously vote for a political party that has some historical importance. Other findings suggest that political communication alone is not enough to lure voters; voters are looking for material benefits when considering who to vote for. The study also revealed that the young generation of voters, mostly referred to as 'born-frees,' are much more engaging before choosing a party of their choice. This is compared to the old block of voters who consider historic achievements when voting; they vote based on what a party is delivering at a particular epoch.
Ndzavisiso lowu wu lavisisa mbuyelo wa tindlela leti mavandla ya tipoliki ya titirhisaka ku gangisa no wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri. Ndzavisiso lowu wu endliwile endhawini ya Diepsloot, n’walungu wa Joni. Swivutiso swo hambana-hambana swi xopaxopiwile leswi katsaka leswi; Hi tihi tindlela to gangisa tivhoti leti mavandla ya tipolitiki yanharhu lamakulu laha Afrika-Dzonga (ANC, DA & EFF) ya ti tirhiseke ku gangisa tivhoti eka mihlawulo ya mani na mani leyi hundzeke laha Afrika-Dzonga, xana magangiselo ya tivhoti ya mavandla ya tipoliti loko nhlawulo wu nga se fike ya kucetela swiboho swa vahlawuri, xo hetelela, xana vahlawuri va le Diepsloot va khumbeka njhani hi magangiselo ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya la kaya na marungula ya wona hi nkarhi wa nhlawulo? Ndzavisiso lowu wu landzelele maendlelo ma nxopaxopo wa vundzeni bya hungu kumbe ku kuma vuxokoxoko bya ndzavisiso, leswi vuriwaka ‘qualitative research’ ku ri nkarhi ku tirhisiwa nkambelovutivi ku hlengeleta vuxokoxoko. Ku tala ku vuriwa leswaku leswi mavandla ya tipolitiki va swiendlaka, ku swi vula kumbe va nga swi vuli swi na nkucetelo swinene eka vaseketeri va vona loko nkarhi wa nhlawulo wu fika. Tithiyori ta matikhomelo ya nhlawulo na tona ti tirhisiwile tanihi hi ndlela yo sungula yo twisisa mianakanyo ya vahlawuri. Hi ku angarhela, ndzavisiso lowu wu kongomisiwe eka ku xopaxopa nkucetelo lowu mimbhurisano ya mavandla ya tipolitiki ya va ka na wona eku tekeni ka swiboho hi vahlawuri. Ku langusiwile ngopfu mavandla yanharhu ya tipolitiki eAfrika-Dzonga ku nga African National Congress, The Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Hi ku tirhisa vuhleri bya thematetiki, ndzavisiso lowu wu kumile swilo swo hambanahambana leswi kucetelaka matikhomelo ya vahlawuri. Eka swin’wana swa leswi wu nga swikuma, ndzavisiso wu humesele handle leswaku loko migangiso yi khumba swiboho swa vahlawuri, van’wana vahlawuri va ya emahlweni va hlawula vandla leri ri nga na matimu ya nkoka. Swin’wana leswi wu swi kumeke wu bumabumerile leswaku migangiso ya mavandla yi ri yoxe a yi enelanga ku wonga nseketelo wa vahlawuri, vahlawuri va lava na swa le mandleni loko va fanele va vona ku va hlawula vandla rihi. Ndzavisiso lowu wu tlhele wu boxa leswaku vantshwa, vo tala va vona lava vitaniwaka ti ”born-frees” va njhekajhekisa loko va nga se hlawula vandla leri va ri lavaka. Leswi swi hambanile na vanhulavankulu lava va langutaka matimu na leswi vandla ri nga swi fikelela loko vahlawula; va hlawula ku ya hi leswi vandla ri nga eku swiendleni nkarhi lowo leha
Communication Science

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42

« Media priming : the influence of affect and cognition on subsequent evaluation of political leaders ». Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5888943.

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by Siu Luen-wun, Wanda.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-100).
Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1-3
Chapter II --- Literature Review --- p.4-43
Chapter 2.1 --- Cognitive Priming theory --- p.4-10
Chapter 2.2 --- The Spreading-Activation Network model --- p.11-12
Chapter 2.3. --- The Semantic Network Theory --- p.13-16
Chapter 2.4 --- Cognitive Priming and the mass media --- p.16-20
Chapter 2.5 --- Links with Emotion --- p.21-34
Affect and mental Network theory --- p.24
Positive and Negative Asymmetry --- p.24-25
Affect and Memory --- p.25-27
Affect and Learning --- p.27-29
Affect and Information Processing --- p.30-34
Chapter 2.6 --- Theoretical model proposed --- p.35-38
Application of the model to the study --- p.39-43
Chapter III --- Methods --- p.44-55
Chapter 3.1 --- Research Question --- p.44-46
Chapter 3.2 --- Hypotheses --- p.47-50
Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.47
Agenda setting and priming --- p.48
Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.49-50
Competence and Integrity perception --- p.50
Chapter 3.3 --- Dependent and Independent measures --- p.51-59
Affect manipulation check --- p.51-52
Positive and negative feelings --- p.52-54
Issue Salience --- p.55
Perception of Clinton's overall performance --- p.55-56
Competence and integrity perception --- p.57-59
Chapter 3.4 --- Experimental materials --- p.60-62
Chapter 3.5 --- Pilot Test --- p.63-65
Chapter 3.6 --- Procedure --- p.66-67
Chapter IV --- Principle Analysis --- p.68-85
Chapter 4.1 --- Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.69-72
Chapter 4.2 --- Agenda setting and priming --- p.73-79
Chapter 4.3 --- Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.80-84
Chapter 4.4 --- Competence and Integrity perception of Clinton --- p.85
Chapter V --- Conclusion --- p.86-90
References --- p.91-100
Appendix --- p.101-107

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Mitts, Tamar. « Terrorism, Islamophobia, and Radicalization ». Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Z03FHZ.

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Why do ordinary people become supportive of violent, extremist ideologies? Over the past several years, tens of thousands of individuals across the world have become attracted to propaganda disseminated by the Islamic State (ISIS), and many have left their home countries to join the organization. This dissertation closely examines possible explanations for pro-ISIS radicalization in Europe and the United States. I argue that anti-Muslim hostility is an important driver of pro-ISIS radicalization, leading individuals who feel isolated to become attracted to the organization's propaganda. I also contend that groups like ISIS are aware of this pattern, and thus seek to purposefully provoke hostility against potential supporters by carrying out terrorist attacks. I maintain that efforts to stop radicalization should focus on ways to reduce hostility and increase inclusion of minorities in the West. The various dissertation papers empirically examine different aspects of these arguments. In the first paper, I examine whether anti-Muslim hostility might be driving pro-ISIS radicalization in Europe, by analyzing the online activity of thousands of ISIS sympathizers in France, Germany, Belgium, and the United Kingdom. Matching online radicalization indicators with offline data on vote share for far-right, anti-Muslim parties, I show that the intensity of anti-Muslim hostility at the local (neighborhood/municipality) level strongly correlates with support for ISIS on Twitter. In addition, I show that events that stir anti-Muslim sentiment, such as terrorist attacks and anti-Muslim protests, lead ISIS sympathizers to significantly increase pro-ISIS rhetoric, especially in areas with high far-right support. In the second paper, I argue that armed groups strategically use terrorism to manipulate levels of anti-Muslim hostility in Western countries. I test whether terrorism leads to greater expressions of anti-Muslim hostility using data on thirty-six terrorist attacks perpetrated by radical jihadists in the West from 2010 to 2016, examining how they shaped anti-Muslim attitudes among individuals in targeted countries. I find that individuals systematically and significantly increase posting of anti-Muslim content on social media after exposure to terrorism. The effect spikes immediately after attacks, decays over time, but remains significantly higher than pre-attack levels up to a month after the events. The results also reveal that the impact of terrorist attacks on anti-Muslim rhetoric is similar for individuals who already expressed hostility to Muslims before the attacks and those who did not. Finally, I observe that the impact of terrorist attacks on anti-Muslim hostility increases with attacks resulting in greater numbers of casualties. In the third paper, I examine what might be done to stop online radicalization and support for ISIS in the West. I collected data on community engagement events performed in the United States by the Obama Administration, which aimed to increase trust and relationships between the Muslim population and the American government, and combined them with high-frequency, geo-located panel data on tens of thousands of individuals in America who follow Islamic State accounts on Twitter. By analyzing over 100 community engagement events in a Difference-in-Differences design, I find that community engagement activities are systematically and significantly associated with a reduction in pro-ISIS rhetoric on Twitter among individuals located in event areas. In addition, the observed negative relationship between community engagement activities and pro-ISIS rhetoric is stronger in areas that held a large number of these events.

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McGinn, Therese J. « The Effects of Conflict on Fertility Desires and Behavior in Rwanda ». Thesis, 2004. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8571NQN.

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Rwanda experienced genocide from April to July 1994 during which over 800,000 people were murdered. Among the far-reaching changes that followed this event among individuals and in society overall, the Rwandan Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) showed that contraceptive prevalence declined from 13% in 1992 to 4% in 2000 among married women of reproductive age. This dissertation has two hypotheses concerning Rwandan women's fertility preferences and behavior following the genocide. It is hypothesized that, first, high levels of conflict reduced women's desire for a child or for additional children and second, that women who experienced relatively high levels of conflict were more likely to act on their wish to not have a child or another child by using modern contraceptives than were women who experienced relatively low levels of conflict. The study's logistic regression dependent (outcome) variables were desire for a or another child and the use of modern contraceptives; the source for these data was the 2000 DHS. Three groups of independent variables were included: socio-demographic variables, also from the 2000 DHS, included age, number of living children, education level, urban/rural residence and socio-economic status; availability of family planning services, assessed using women's perception of distance as a barrier to obtaining health care for themselves, from the 2000 DHS, and quality of health services, assessed with data from the 2001 Service Provision Assessment; and experience of conflict, measured as the percentage of the 1994 commune populations that resided in refugee camps in 1995. Communes were considered `high migration' if 10 percent or more of their populations migrated to camps and `low migration' if less than 10 percent of their populations migrated to camps. Women who lived in high migration communes were considered to have relatively high experience of conflict and those who lived in low migration communes were consider dot have relatively low experience of conflict. Analysis showed that residents of high migration communes were significantly less likely to want a or another child as compared to residents of low migration communes (OR = .74); it appeared that the social environment of high migration had a dampening effect on desire for children. The analysis also showed that residents of high migration communes were significantly less likely to use a modern contraceptive method than were those of low migration communes (OR = .57), even though they were less likely to want a or another child and even when family planning services were reasonably available. The reasons for these results are unclear, and many factors may contribute. The generalized trauma experienced by the population may have had a numbing effect, in which taking action in any domain was difficult. Women may have felt pressured by society to have children as the society emerged from war, despite their own preferences. The population may also have distrusted government health facilities - the only source of services for most - in light of the interactions with officials during and after the genocide. However, another set of reasons specific to women and women's health may also have influenced the findings. There is a pervasive social stigma around reproductive health; these services have generally lagged behind other primary health care components. Moreover, rape was used as a weapon of war in the genocide; these experiences may have reduced women's willingness to seek reproductive health services specifically. Finally, the Rwandan genocide and its preparation were decidedly misogynistic; this pervasive dehumanization may have made it particularly difficult for women to seek care for their sexual and reproductive health needs and desires. This complex personal, social, physical and political context may explain why Rwandan women who may not have wanted a child or additional children nonetheless did not consistently act on their desires in the years following the 1994 genocide. The dissertation includes a series of essays providing the author's personal perspective on working in Rwanda in the 1980s and 1990s and being present in the country at the start of the genocide in April 1994.

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Chettiar, Shamilla. « Recreating community in post apartheid South Africa ». Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/6279.

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M.Sc.
The present study describes the experiences of participants on an Adventure Therapy project at the Ekupholeni Mental Health Clinic in Katlehong. It details an account of the violence, both political and everyday, that face South Africans, particularly children and youth. It also attempts to detail the reconstructive challenges facing a democratic South Africa on the road towards healing. The implicit values underlying the research process are the values of Community Psychology and the Action Research method. Themes were drawn from four taped interview (two group and two individual) sessions. These themes suggest that participants have had positive experiences of pride, dignity, control, responsibility and unity through involvement with the project. These experiences are however not without their contradictions. An attempt has also been made to report on this dialectic. The study makes recommendations regarding the improved functioning of this project and also more widely applicable lessons for working with communities. The recreation of community is a struggle better expressed as a process rather than an event. Further documentation of this project is recommended to build on this baseline data.

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McGlotten, Shaka Paul. « Queerspaces and sexpublics : desire, death, and transfiguration ». Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2057.

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« Junk-s_pace city : landscape, ecology, secrecy, botanical : K-206 : The Institute Political of Economy ». Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13729.

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M.Tech. (Architectural Technology)
This dissertation is structured to mimic or represent my design project, which was developed in conjunction with theoretical readings and research. The aim is to provide a comprehensive representation of the project’s development from theoretical beginnings to architectural detail. This dissertation attempts to uncover, explore and understand the fragile relationship between man, nature and architecture, stemming from a deeply personal interest in the rehabilitation of political wastelands through ecological restoration. The aim of this study is to pursue a holistic design approach, which understands the architectural discipline as an interrelated profession in which buildings cannot be designed in isolation. Broken down into three main parts, this document illustrates the development of my theoretical and contextual interests into design. These papers are presented in their entirety of this document as Part A (starting point and research influence), Part B (process and discovery) and Part C which introduces a narrative program developed for the architectural discovery of K-206 (nestled within ‘jungle’ in Alexandra). A series of abstract drawings and model building experiments initially framed the investigation, allowing for chance, exploration and the unexpected, valuable experiments in the development of an architectural language and vocabulary which were refined over the course of the year

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Mudede, Dennis. « Coping with the effect of secondary traumatisation : pastoral care with survivors of organised political violence in Zimbabwe ». Diss., 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1902.

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This study acknowledges the fact that compassionate witnesses working with traumatised clients suffer from secondary traumatisation. Weingarten (2000, 2001, 2003) and Figley (1995) are some of the authors on this subject. The study is based within the Zimbabwean context, which is going through a period of transition involving political and economic factors. Survivors of political violence seek assistance from counselling agencies like CONNECT and Mopane Trust. Mopane Trust chose to specialise in this work through counselling and research. This study explores how Mopane Trust trauma counsellors cope with secondary trauma.
Practical Theology
M.Th. (Pastoral Therapy)

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El, Hindi Jamal. « The conflict between Lebanon and Israel (1992-2006) : what are the origins, character and significance of Hezbollah ? » Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:51910.

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The focus of my thesis is on the rise of Hezbollah as a military and political group and its significance in Lebanon and the Middle East. Many scholars consider the emergence of Hezbollah as essentially a resistance to the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon. Critical interpretivist approach has been adopted in this study, making use of a detailed history of the Lebanese resistance. Hezbollah’s political, social and ideological character, domestic alliances and the historical governmental neglect of the Shia, the bottom class since 1943 are often subordinated when studying the rise of the organisation. The emergence of young and educated leaders and the military and financial support from Syria and Iran were also significant for Hezbollah. The main topic of the thesis is that there are many historical, social, political, ideological, economic and military reasons behind the formation of the organisation. The purpose of this research is to carry out a broad analysis of the organisation from diverse perspectives to add a new dimension to previous studies conducted in this field. The author is taking a critical interpretivist approach, making use of a detailed history of the Lebanese resistance. The growing influence provided Hezbollah with an opportunity to fill the vacuum of power within the political system in Lebanon to pose as a state within a failing Lebanese state. This project also aims to show that Hezbollah managed to develop its character from purely Islamic to a hybrid of Lebanese national and Islamic identity. The intention includes examining three major wars against Israel that changed the nature of the Arab Israeli conflict. This study will also analyse the impact of Hezbollah’s Alliance with the Christian group the Free Patriotic Movement on the politics of Lebanon.

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Mashigo, Thembelihle N. C. « Women students in political organizations : appropriating and reinterpreting apartheid history in post apartheid South Africa ». Thesis, 2014.

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This research project explored how young women involved in political organizations make sense of apartheid history and how they appropriate that history into their identities. Nine black women students who were involved in political organizations were interviewed from the University of Witswatersrand. The women that were chosen participated in a narrative style interview about their lives and the history of apartheid. The data were then analyzed using narrative thematic analysis and organised in the temporal zones of past, present and future. The analysis revealed the complexities of race, class and gender and how these are embodied, enacted and made sense of in the construction and reconstruction of the identities of these young women. In imagining and reflecting on the apartheid past, race was understood through both distant, public narratives and through personal and intimate family narratives. Gendered roles or positions were talked about in reference to three thematic symbols of women as nurturers, iconic wives and heroes. In progression from the apartheid past and its particular, separated and structured understanding of race and gender, the journey into the present and future, reflects increasingly complex, dynamic and multilayered understandings. In particular, the conflation of race and class under apartheid is beginning to fragment and these young women are thinking through their positionality in terms of personal class mobility and simultaneous identification as black and committed to the continuation of race struggles. It is also very clear that the question of gender equality is now very prominent for these young women as they navigate their roles in political leadership in the present and envisage themselves in the future.

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