Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political parties – Psychological aspects »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political parties – Psychological aspects"
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Palitai, Ivan S. « The Influence of Modern Party System on the Development of Parliamentarism in Russia : Institutional, Political and Psychological Aspects ». Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 42 (3 décembre 2018) : 266–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2018-0-4-266-273.
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The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.
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Kaptsevich, Olga Aleksandrovna, Egor Borisovich Marin et Nadezhda Vladimirovna Osmachko. « Psychological aspects of political participation and protest readiness of the youth of Primorsky Krai ». Психолог, no 1 (janvier 2021) : 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8701.2021.1.34979.
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Changes that take place in the Russian society generate conflicts that are often implemented in form of a protest. Youth is the peculiar actor of protest behavior. The subject of this research is the psychological, namely emotional aspect of the attitude towards politics and its engagement into political interest and political behavior (including protest behavior) of youth of the Far East. The research involved 254 students from several universities of Primorsky Krai. Questionnaire that included a number of blocks aimed at studying emotions, interest in politics, political participation, and protest behavior was used for collecting the information. Application of the categorical method of key components, the author determined the two forms of potential protest behavior: “radical” and “moderate”. “Radical protest” reveals correlation with an entire range of negative emotions, while “moderate protest” has relatively few emotional correlates and is more typical among female respondents. “Radical” protest indicates high political activity: its supporters actively participate in politics in one or another way; “moderate” protest does not indicate such correlates. Therefore, politically active youth is more likely to have radical protest moods. The analysis of emotional attitude towards government can be considered as a marker of protest potential and its vector towards “softer” or “aggressive” forms of protest. The acquired results are valuable for government authorities, political parties, and educational institutions.
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Yuliasih, Muzayyanah. « THE ROLE OF DAKWAH IN COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT IN THE INDUSTRIAL ERA 4.0 ». Jurnal Bina Ummat : Membina dan Membentengi Ummat 5, no 1 (2 août 2022) : 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.38214/jurnalbinaummatstidnatsir.v5i1.122.
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Background,Da'wah is not only lectures from the pulpit, but da'wah can also be realized through concrete actions to achieve a prosperous human life. The function of da'wah in community empowerment is about how to socialize the values of Islamic teachings in building the process of community change, because da'wah itself means changes to a better social self order. The author wants to describe the function of da'wah in human empowerment, which is actually part of the role of the da'i to participate in progress. Method, The research method used in this research is a qualitative method. The selection of this method is intended to find out how the data from the findings can be found, collected, processed, and analyzed. Discussion, To achieve the goals of da'wah, especially in the context of empowerment, focus, Da'wah methods and materials must be directed at the characteristics of development, namely: from: da'wah actors to the community, it will be institutionalized. Second, missionaries and the community must be closer to a common vision, because the preacher is not only responsible for transmitting but also as a bridge to facilitate the community. Third, the content of da'wah is no longer to describe community problems that need to be resolved by other parties, but rather to facilitate the community to understand itself, its problems and potential. , for social or political transitions. and the psychological aspects of what society wants. Fourth, da'wah must be able to create an atmosphere where the community has the capacity and potential to generate knowledge and analyze it. namely: from: da'wah actors to the community will be institutionalized. Second, missionaries and the community must be closer to a common vision, because the preacher is not only responsible for transmitting but also as a bridge to facilitate the community. Third, the content of da'wah is no longer to describe community problems that need to be resolved by other parties, but rather to facilitate the community to understand itself, its problems and potential. , for social or political transitions. and the psychological aspects of what society wants. Fourth, da'wah must be able to create an atmosphere where the community has the capacity and potential to generate knowledge and analyze it. namely: from: da'wah actors to the community will be institutionalized. Second, missionaries and the community must be closer to a common vision, because the preacher is not only responsible for transmitting but also as a bridge to facilitate the community. Third, the content of da'wah is no longer to describe community problems that need to be resolved by other parties, but rather to facilitate the community to understand itself, its problems and potential. , for social or political transitions. and the psychological aspects of what society wants. Fourth, da'wah must be able to create an atmosphere where the community has the capacity and potential to generate knowledge and analyze it. missionaries and the community must be closer to a common vision, because the preacher is not only responsible for transmitting but also as a bridge to facilitate the community. Third, the content of da'wah is no longer to describe community problems that need to be resolved by other parties, but rather to facilitate the community to understand itself, its problems and potential. , for social or political transitions. and the psychological aspects of what society wants. Fourth, da'wah must be able to create an atmosphere where the community has the capacity and potential to generate knowledge and analyze it. missionaries and the community must be closer to a common vision, because the preacher is not only responsible for transmitting but also as a bridge to facilitate the community. Third, the content of da'wah is no longer to describe community problems that need to be resolved by other parties, but rather to facilitate the community to understand itself, its problems and potential. , for social or political transitions. and the psychological aspects of what society wants. Fourth, da'wah must be able to create an atmosphere where the community has the capacity and potential to generate knowledge and analyze it. the content of da'wah is no longer to describe community problems that need to be resolved by other parties, but rather to facilitate the community to understand itself, its problems and potential. , for social or political transitions. and the psychological aspects of what society wants. Fourth, da'wah must be able to create an atmosphere where the community has the capacity and potential to generate knowledge and analyze it. the content of da'wah is no longer to describe community problems that need to be resolved by other parties, but rather to facilitate the community to understand itself, its problems and potential. , for social or political transitions. and the psychological aspects of what society wants. Fourth, da'wah must be able to create an atmosphere where the community has the capacity and potential to generate knowledge and analyze it.
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Harteveld, Eelco, Stefan Dahlberg, Andrej Kokkonen et Wouter Van Der Brug. « Gender Differences in Vote Choice : Social Cues and Social Harmony as Heuristics ». British Journal of Political Science 49, no 3 (4 septembre 2017) : 1141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000138.
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Some parties are more popular among men, while other parties attract more female voters. This article proposes that these differences can be partially explained by two recurring gender differences in the socio-psychological literature. It argues that men’s generally lower sensitivity to social cues makes them more likely to vote for stigmatized and small parties, whereas women’s greater concern with social harmony is expected to make them less likely to vote for extreme parties. The models are tested at the individual and party levels using three waves of Comparative Study of Electoral Systems data from twenty-eight countries. Ceteris paribus, men are more likely than women to vote for parties that are socially stigmatized or ideologically extreme. This has consequences for the current understanding of gender gaps in voting, and reiterates that voting has important social aspects.
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Lestari, Dian Trianita, Iriyani Astuti Arief et Shinta Arjunita Saputri. « Voter Behaviour of Local Community in Indonesia : Evidence from The Ambaipua Village Community in Regional Head Elections of South Konawe 2020 ». Resolusi : Jurnal Sosial Politik 4, no 2 (25 décembre 2021) : 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.32699/resolusi.v4i2.2272.
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The research aims to determine and analyze the voter behavior of the Ambaipua Village community in regional head elections of South Konawe in 2020. This research uses political participation and voter behavior concept to see what underlying the community in determining the choice of their regional head, whether influenced by sociological, psychological or rational aspects. The data collection techniques used were interviews, literature studies and documentation. The results showed that the voting pattern of the Ambaipua Village community could be understood from three approaches, namely sociology, psychology and rational. A sociological approach in which the majority of informants stated that the religious aspect greatly affects who the candidate will be elected, that they will choose a candidate who has the same belief/religion. Meanwhile, from the psychological approach, it was found that the informants were not influenced by the political parties carrying the regional head candidates, but the majority would choose the incumbent with the assumption that they had succeeded in developing the region in the previous period. On the other hand, the rational approach was seen from the tendency of informants to choose candidate who have good political experience. Based on the results by the writers, it can be concluded that the sociological approach especially religion is more prominent than the other two approaches. This is because religious knowledge will have a great influence on aspects of people's lives, including their political choices.
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Panchuk, Maryna. « THE RELEVANCE OF THE LIBERAL IDEA IN UKRAINE : THE EXPERIENCE OF THE FIRST POLITICAL PARTIES ». Intermarum history policy culture, no 10 (30 juin 2022) : 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112028.
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This study aims to highlight and analyze the liberal principles in the context of Ukrainian political parties’ activities in the early XXth century, clarifying the conditions under which the liberal idea found its expression in the Ukrainian reality of the time. The research methodology comprises general scientific methods (program document analysis, generalizations, systematic approach) as well as special-historical methods, in particular historical-genetic, anthropological, and comparative analyses. The scientific novelty is found in the role and significance of the liberal idea in the formation of Ukrainian political thought, which led to the emergence and development of political concepts that served as the foundation for various parties’ activities on the main stages of statehood. Conclusions. The liberal idea in Ukraine has undergone several stages of development, finding expression in the programs of newly formed Ukrainian parties and serving as a response to the challenges of political life and the requirements of progressive intellectuals in the early XXth century. The implementation of liberalism in the Ukrainian political sphere was also unique in that it was combined with socialist demands and the struggle for Ukrainian national rights. During the Ukrainian National Revolution and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood in 1917–1921, liberal ideas, manifested in a number of democratic demands, were renewed. Even though the liberal doctrine does not receive widespread support in Ukraine, we believe that combining elements that stimulate private initiative and the formation of civil society with moderate and well-defined state regulation can help Ukraine progress.
Further research is required in order to study the psychological, cultural and mental aspects of the rejection of liberalism in its "pure" form, as well as the current political field of Ukraine and the presentation of liberal elements in the activities of Ukrainian governments, especially after 2004.
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Atapin, Evgenii. « Evolution of British Euroscepticism in the Second Half of the 20th Century ». Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no 5 (décembre 2022) : 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.5.13.
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Introduction. The United Kingdom is the most prominent example of a Eurosceptic country in the EU. For many years the United Kingdom did not feel a part of Europe. Great Britain was geographically separated from continental Europe and psychologically distant from the European integration movement established by the 1957 Treaty of Rome. The British Eurosceptic tradition rested on these geographic and psychological characteristics. Eurosceptic traditions included political, economic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects that made it difficult for the United Kingdom to accept European integration. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on narrative and comparative methods. The materials of the study incorporate statements of certain British politicians about attitudes towards European integration, works devoted to the analysis of Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom and manifestos of some far-right political parties. Analysis. A study of the attitude to European integration of the two main political forces of Great Britain, namely the Conservative and the Labour Parties, in the second half of the 20th century is carried out. Results. The study results in the creation of a periodization of British Euroscepticism in the second half of the 20th century. Three stages of evolution of British Euroscepticism in the period under study are distinguished: 1) the stage preceding the entry of Great Britain into the European Communities, conventionally called “Labour”; 2) the stage of the United Kingdom’s participation in the “common market”, conventionally called “Conservative”; 3) the stage of Britain’s participation in the European Union, conventionally called “Right-wing populist”. Their chronological framework is established and their main characteristics are given.
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Tolochko, Aleksandr V., et Sergei S. Fomenko. « FEATURES OF IMAGE STRATEGIES OF LEADERS OF SYSTEMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE MODERN RUSSIA ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no 3 (2022) : 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-3-129-140.
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The article examines the issues associated with the peculiarities of image strategies of leaders of systemic political parties in modern Russia. Particular attention is paid to the statement that elections play a crucial role in any modern state that calls its political regime democratic. The Russian Federation is among the democratic models of the state is the Russian Federation, which constitutionally enshrines electoral procedures for the election of power institutions. At the same time, it is justified that electoral processes can take place in countries with other political regimes, and most often occur in conditions of limited freedom, police pressure, threats to employees from the employer, fear of the population against repressive actions of the state, and so on. Holding elections in such conditions takes on a decorative nature and cannot be recognized as legitimate. The authors suggest that the realization of the possibility of determining popular will depends on many factors, the main of which are the high level of political culture of citizens and a strong civil society capable of protecting its rights. That is why the holding of free, competitive and regular elections is the most important aspect of the socio-political life of the population of democratic countries. They also describe specifics in proclamations of the political organizations leaders, the goals they set to solve issues in the country and society, the creation and manipulation of certain images forming socio-psychological conditions that can shape a certain information space and evoke an emotional response that encourages the voter to electoral action.
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Suwardi, Suwardi, et Azis Budiyanto. « Abstentions Phenomenon (Golput) Direct Local Election ». Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no 2 (16 décembre 2020) : 203–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.203-212.
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The phenomenon of the "Golput" occurs in each election fluctuation, sometimes up and down, sometimes influenced by various factors. This research uses the literature study method by summarizing some documentation related to Indonesia's phenomenon of abstentions. Factors that cause voters not to give their voting rights are political, ideological, and identity factors. But abstentions can also be influenced by an improperly organized election system. From the results of this study, someone behaves abstentions from the technical aspects due to voters' technical constraints. It prevents them from exercising their right to vote, for example, having other activities at the same time on election day so they cannot come to the voting place. Golput is a person's attachment to voting in the general election process based on psychological factors, sociological factors, and rational voter factors. On the political aspect, abstentions have reasons such as distrust of the party, and candidates do not believe in a better chance. Meanwhile, if viewed from one aspect, identity can see based on religion, education level, age, gender, etc. In terms of faith, a person decides to abstain because party is expected not to be elected as a candidate. For example, Christian tends not to choose a party that carries Islam, such as the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the United Development Party (PPP), and others. In contrast, most nationalist candidates or political parties are considered less representative to accommodate their aspirations. Then abstentions will be the final choice taken.
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Kelemen, László, Zsolt Péter Szabó, Noémi Zsuzsanna Mészáros, János László et Josef P. Forgas. « Social Cognition and Democracy : The Relationship Between System Justification, Just World Beliefs, Authoritarianism, Need for Closure, and Need for Cognition in Hungary ». Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no 1 (30 septembre 2014) : 197–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.208.
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This research was aimed at examining just-world beliefs, system justification, authoritarianism, and cognitive style in a nationally representative sample (N = 1000) in Hungary, and at relating these phenomena to various demographic and political variables to find out whether the findings in Hungary would differ from its Western counterparts. According to system justification theory, there is a psychological motive to defend and justify the status quo. This theory has been tested several times in North American and Western European samples. The core finding of our study was that Hungarian people, unlike people in Western democracies, did not justify the existing establishment. There was strong pessimism with regard to the idea that the system serves the interests of the people. Members of disadvantaged groups (people with low economic income and/or far right political preference) strongly rejected the system. System justification beliefs were moderately related to just world beliefs, and there was a significant relationship between some aspects of need for closure (need for order, discomfort with ambiguity, and closed-mindedness) and authoritarian beliefs. Need for cognition was only related to one aspect of need for closure: closed-mindedness. The voters of right-wing parties did not display higher levels of authoritarianism than the voters of the left social-democrat party. The role of demographic and political variables, limitations, and possible developments of this research are discussed.
Thèses sur le sujet "Political parties – Psychological aspects"
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Lee, Kin-sun Alvin, et 李建燊. « A corpus study on the depiction of political parties in British newspapers ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B44670266.
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Stewart, Brandon. « Crossing Over : Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.
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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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Riviere, Anouk. « Countries, constituencies and parties : three essays in political economics and on the strategic aspects of voting ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211906.
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Houska, Jeremy Ashton. « Front-runners and newcomers : The dynamics of momentum in electoral politics as explained by cue competition ». CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2898.
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Conditioning theory and research have contributed substantially to a more complete understanding of a variety of social processes including attitude formation, consumer behavior, and interpersonal attraction. The goal of this thesis was to illuminate further another frequently investigated social process, voting behavior.
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Ford, Deborah Kaylee. « An Evaluation of Moderating Influences of Employee Proactive Personality : Empowerment and Political Skill ». PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/515.
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An action-orientation within the workplace is often sought out by organizations as a source for competitive advantage. Organizational leaders are increasingly reliant on independently driven employees that will take action without being instructed to do so. Toward this effort, proactive personality has become increasingly popular within the literature as a personality trait associated with an employee's propensity to take charge of situations and demonstrate initiative to make a positive impact. In identifying potential variables that will moderate the effects of proactive personality, a highly relevant construct is empowerment. Proactive personality is thought of as a trait, whereas empowerment can be thought of as the contextual counterpart. In this study, I research both psychological empowerment as an employee interpretation of organizational conditions, such as feelings of self-efficacy, control, and flexibility for action (Arnold, Arad, Rhoades, & Drasgow, 2000) and structural empowerment as the influence of situational workplace context (Kanter, 1977). Despite the theoretical overlap between proactive personality and empowerment, very little has been done to integrate or investigate these variables together to evaluate their relative influences on important outcomes. Given that limited concentration has been focused on boundary conditions of proactive personality, employee political skill is hypothesized as a moderator that will encourage the attainment of important organizational outcomes (i.e., job task performance, job satisfaction) and minimize negative outcomes (i.e., occupational stress and strain) from proactive personality and empowerment. This study is a more complete investigation of proactive personality that not only provides a meaningful theoretical examination, but also informs applied practice. Despite a number of theoretical links between proactive personality and empowerment, the two constructs have been investigated in isolation from one another. Therefore, the relationship between empowerment and political skill is largely unknown. It is unclear whether empowerment and political skill are both necessary to realize optimal results or whether being high on both leads to exponentially better outcomes. This study included 252 nurses from union organizations in Oregon, Florida, and Missouri that registered and were invited to participate (53%). They were surveyed across two points in time, 176 participated at Time 1 and Time 2 and 76 participated in only Time 1. Results did not show support for my hypotheses that improvements would be observed for those high on any two research variables: proactive personality, empowerment, and political skill. However, results consistently support a compensatory model. In general, task performance, perceived effectiveness, and satisfaction with quality of care improved when nurses were high on either proactive personality or empowerment (either structural or psychological). Those high on either proactive personality or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Similarly, those high on either structural empowerment or political skill had higher levels of task performance and satisfaction with quality of care. Only when a nurse was low on both variables in the model did they show reduced benefits. Several clear practical solutions are readily apparent based on study results. Given that empowerment can be manipulated within an organizational culture and proactive personality can be integrated with selection systems, the results are important for organizational leaders and organizational development consultants. Similarly, this research adds greatly to the literature on political skill, an area that is relatively new. By examining the moderating influence of political skill, this adds to the theoretical advancement of the three constructs while also informing practitioners regarding potential selection, training, and organizational design. Political skill has been seen as an attribute with the capacity to change over time with training, experience, and mentoring (Ferris, Perrewé, Anthony, & Gilmore, 2000). Therefore, the practical implications for organizations are clearly evident. Further, given that both proactive personality and empowerment have received limited evaluation into their boundary conditions, an evaluation of potential moderators helps advance into the understanding of the processes related to action within the workplace.
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Guha, Sohini. « Ethnic parties, material politics and the ethnic poor : the Bahujan Samaj Party in North India ». Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=111337.
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Note:Many studies explore the determinants of support for ethnic parties, and the consequences of such parties for democracy. This dissertation addresses these questions through a study of the Bahujan Samaj Party (B.S.P.) in India's largest state, Uttar Pradesh (U.P.). The BSP is India's only successful lower caste party, and gained greatest support over the last two decades in U.P., which it now rules. The dissertation argues that material benefits, delivered on a programmatic basis, account for the success of the B.S.P., and perhaps other ethnic parties too, among poorer groups.[...]
De nombreuses etudes se penchent sur les facteurs expliquant l’appui citoyen aux parris ethniques ainsi que les consequences d’un tel appui en ce qui a trait a la democratie. Cette these aborde ces questions a u·avers une etude du Parti Bahujan Samaj (PBS) dans le plus grand Etat indien, !’Uttar Pradesh (UP). Le PBS est le seul parti de basses castes ayant connu un succes electoral en Inde, et dirige maintenant l’UP, resultat d’une popularite croissante au cours des deux dernieres decennies. Cette these argumente que les avantages materiels, distribues de facon programmatique, expliquent le succes du PBS, et sans doute celui d’autres parris ethniques representant les couches les plus pauvres de la societe.[...]
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Veilleux, Candice J. « Impressions of a Female Political Candidate Based on Political Party Affiliation ». UNF Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/811.
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There is a gender gap in United States politics; men are over represented, and prioritize issues/policies differently compared with women. Stereotypes may be associated depending on group memberships. Stereotypes of men (competent) are consistent and stereotypes of women (warm) are inconsistent with politicians (competent). I examined stereotypes of major/non-major political parties, and how party affiliation affects whether stereotypes about men/male politicians/women/female politicians predict female politicians’ traits. Stereotype valence ascribed to political parties is important because people vote for a positively viewed party/representative. I assessed the strength and valence of stereotypes associated with political parties, and found major parties were viewed more positively than non-major parties, and the Democratic and Republican parties were viewed more positively than the Independent Party (Study 1). I found warmth and competence attributes ascribed to women/female politicians/men/male politicians predicted Karen Johnson’s warmth and competence depending on whether Karen Johnson was a major or non-major party candidate. When men/male politicians were perceived as competent Karen Johnson was perceived as competent, but no relationship between men/male politicians’ warmth and Karen Johnson’s warmth emerged. When women/female politicians were perceived as warm/competent, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm/competent. As a major candidate, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm/competent when women/female politicians were perceived as warm/competent. However, when Karen Johnson was a non-major candidate, there was no relationship between women’s competence and Karen Johnson’s competence, and when women/female politicians were perceived as warm, Karen Johnson was perceived as warm (Study 2). Women in office and members of multiple social groups are discussed.
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Mosia, Serame R. « Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
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Frasca, Gonzalo. « Videogames of the oppressed : videogames as a means for critical thinking and debate ». Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/17657.
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Zhou, Yining. « Disappointment as an effect of curiosity and political apathy : modernation of self-efficacy and mediation of media selection ». HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/172.
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The study adopts Uses and Gratifications (U&G) theory as the framework to test antecedents and consequences in using fanqiang (bypassing Internet censorship) as an alternative medium along with accessible Internet, TV, newspaper and radio as mainstream media in a Chinese context. By online between-group experimentation (N = 132 in the experimental group, N = 127 in the control group), the study shows that curiosity about forbidden political content and political apathy predict fanqiang and most accessible media use tendencies. Moderation effects exist between curiosity and self-efficacy in predicting fanqiang tendencies. Disappointment as an emotional effect is directly related to curiosity and political apathy, where the mediation effects of media use tendencies are not salient. Explicit Internet censorship increases curiosity about forbidden political content and decreases the dimension of lack of interest in political apathy. However, it does not change accessible media use tendencies and disappointment levels. Still, participants show fewer of fanqiang tendencies than with accessible media, except radio. The results highlight the cognitive roots of motivations and emotional constructs as a part of gratification in U&G research, that self-efficacy as a necessary requirement for curiosity to drive media use, and that information attributes can change motivations. We urge future scholars to build broader explications of political apathy when applied to different societies, to try diverse methods like experimentation in U&G research, and to adopt a sociopsychological approach when studying the influences and effectiveness of Internet censorship.
Livres sur le sujet "Political parties – Psychological aspects"
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Triandafyllidou, Anna. A social psychology of party behaviour. Aldershot, England : Dartmouth, 1997.
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Jean, Blondel. Political leadership, parties and citizens : The personalisation of leadership. London : Routledge, 2010.
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Jean, Blondel. Political leadership, parties and citizens : The personalisation of leadership. London : Routledge, 2010.
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1929-, Blondel Jean, dir. Political leadership, parties and citizens : The personalisation of leadership. London : Routledge, 2010.
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Boustany, Jocelyne El. Le temps de l'intimidation : La guerre psychologique du Hezbollah. Beyrouth : L'Orient des livres, 2013.
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Die Wahrnehmung des Dritten Reiches in der unmittelbaren Nachkriegszeit (1945/46) : Vorgelegt am 9. Februar 2001. Heidelberg : C. Winter, 2001.
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D, Johnston Christopher, et Steenbergen Marco R, dir. The ambivalent partisan : How critical loyalty promotes democracy. New York : Oxford University Press, 2012.
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Westen, Drew. The political brain : The role of emotion in deciding the fate of the nation. New York : PublicAffairs, 2008.
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European Consortium for Political Research, dir. Platform or personality ? : The role of party leaders in elections. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2011.
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Il terzo : Una figura del politico. Milano, Italy : F. Angeli, 1986.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political parties – Psychological aspects"
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Ratner, Carl. « Conclusion : Political Aspects of Psychological Doctrines ». Dans Vygotsky’s Sociohistorical Psychology and its Contemporary Applications, 313–20. Boston, MA : Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-2614-2_8.
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Calvo, Rafael A., Dorian Peters, Karina Vold et Richard M. Ryan. « Supporting Human Autonomy in AI Systems : A Framework for Ethical Enquiry ». Dans Philosophical Studies Series, 31–54. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50585-1_2.
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Abstract Autonomy has been central to moral and political philosophy for millennia, and has been positioned as a critical aspect of both justice and wellbeing. Research in psychology supports this position, providing empirical evidence that autonomy is critical to motivation, personal growth and psychological wellness. Responsible AI will require an understanding of, and ability to effectively design for, human autonomy (rather than just machine autonomy) if it is to genuinely benefit humanity. Yet the effects on human autonomy of digital experiences are neither straightforward nor consistent, and are complicated by commercial interests and tensions around compulsive overuse. This multi-layered reality requires an analysis that is itself multidimensional and that takes into account human experience at various levels of resolution. We borrow from HCI and psychological research to apply a model (“METUX”) that identifies six distinct spheres of technology experience. We demonstrate the value of the model for understanding human autonomy in a technology ethics context at multiple levels by applying it to the real-world case study of an AI-enhanced video recommender system. In the process we argue for the following three claims: (1) There are autonomy-related consequences to algorithms representing the interests of third parties, and they are not impartial and rational extensions of the self, as is often perceived; (2) Designing for autonomy is an ethical imperative critical to the future design of responsible AI; and (3) Autonomy-support must be analysed from at least six spheres of experience in order to appropriately capture contradictory and downstream effects.
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Poland, Caroline M., Robert M. Jacobson, Douglas J. Opel, Edgar K. Marcuse et Gregory A. Poland. « Political, Ethical, Social, and Psychological Aspects of Vaccinology ». Dans Vaccinology, 335–57. Oxford, UK : John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118638033.ch20.
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Venkat, Vishaka, et Vinod Balakrishnan. « How Conceptual Metaphors Make Political Iconography : A Focus Group Discussion on the Psychological Aspects ». Dans Applied Psychology Readings, 325–44. Singapore : Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-8034-0_19.
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Ben-Noon, Chemi. « Obstructing the Realization of Civil Responsibility : Political, Sociological, Historical, and Psychological Aspects of Civil Responsibility ». Dans Encouraging Openness, 333–48. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-57669-5_28.
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Moths, Eberhard. « Beyond Economics and Econometrics : Some Psychological and Political Aspects of the Internalization of External Costs ». Dans Social Costs and Sustainability, 516–27. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-60365-5_30.
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Lisi, Marco, Mario Quaranta, José Real-Dato et Emmanouil Tsatsanis. « Assessing the Impact of Age, Cohort and Period Effects on Partisanship and Support for Mainstream Parties : Evidence from Southern Europe ». Dans A Generational Divide ? Age-related Aspects of Political Transformation in Post-crisis Southern Europe, 103–34. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003323143-5.
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Bachvalova, Olga, Nadezhda Golik, Alexander Semenov et Alexey Tsyb. « The Psychological Aspects in Political Ideas of the Cambridge Platonists as an Alternative to 17th Century Global Thinking ». Dans Springer Geography, 156–67. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58263-0_13.
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Sari, Yulia Indrawati. « The Dynamics of the Green Policies in Papua Land : A Political Economy Study ». Dans Environment & ; Policy, 185–204. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15904-6_11.
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AbstractThe provincial governments of Papua and West Papua have expressed their commitments and enacted policies to develop Papua Land in a sustainable manner through the issuance of Papua 2100 Vision, the 2019 Manokwari Declaration, and the ‘green’ spatial plan of Papua province. However, the implementation of these policies in balancing protection of forests and improvement of livelihood of indigenous Papuans has been slow. By employing a political economy approach, the study explores how interactions between the political economy structure, institutions, and actors have resulted in slow implementation of such commitments, particularly in reviewing the compliance of land-based industry licenses and acknowledging customary (adat) areas. The study was conducted between February 2020 and March 2021 and encompassed approximately 50 key informant interviews – including donors, civil society organizations, adat leaders, national and subnational governments, observers, academics, and journalists – and document review. The findings of this study suggest that the reform is mainly driven by development partners and limited numbers of bureaucrats that align with the indigenous Papuans’ interest to protect their land from outsiders. The small coalitions were successful in focusing their effort to enact green policies in the two provinces. However, the study highlights constraints faced by these actors to turn the policies into actions: (1) the existence of wide array of powerful actors – non-Papuans and Papuans – with strong economic and political interests identified at central, provincial, and regency level to hinder the enforcement of problematic land-based licenses and clarify adat areas; (2) the absence of broad-based political support. These have hampered the implementation of the green policies under the two aspects above. This study recommends reviewing policy at the national level to create enabling environment for green policies implementation in both provinces, e.g., to review the Omnibus Law, supporting the regency-level actors to accelerate issuance of the perda PPMHA and local-level regulations on adat-managed areas, supporting licenses review in Southern part of Papua Province to limit the operation of these businesses to expand in forest areas and disrespect adat rights over their lands, and exploring engagement with the opposing parties at all administrative level.
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Ware, Anthony, et Costas Laoutides. « Security Dilemma, Minority Complex, Greed, and Political Economy ». Dans Myanmar's 'Rohingya' Conflict, 139–70. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190928865.003.0005.
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This chapter explores the nature of Myanmar’s ‘Rohingya’ conflict against concepts of a demographic security dilemma, an ethnic security dilemma, a dual minority complex, and then the question of the impact of resources through two lenses, the ‘greed thesis’ and the political economy of conflict. It examines Rohingya population growth data, and the tripartite nature of the ethnic security dilemma, which suggests that times of political transition can facilitate heightened fears between rival ethnic or cultural groups and make them more vulnerable to extremist narratives and recourse to violence. It explores the deep sense of existential threat experienced by all parties, and how, from a regional and social-psychological perspective, a majority group within a country or region can feel as if they are a threatened minority competing for territorial and cultural survival. The chapter then moves into a discussion about the role of the State in the conflict, often overlooked or downplayed yet vitally important. It then considers the economic aspects of the conflict, analyzing these from ‘greed thesis’ and political economy perspectives, highlighting the interplay between the pre-existing conflict and the post-transition economic dynamics in the region.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political parties – Psychological aspects"
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HETTIARACHCHI, A. A. « UNDERLYING REASONS BEHIND THE SUSTENANCE OF RAGGING IN SRI LANKAN UNIVERSITIES : Findings from a state university in Colombo, Sri Lanka. » Dans 13th International Research Conference - FARU 2020. Faculty of Architecture Research Unit (FARU), University of Moratuwa, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31705/faru.2020.18.
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Ragging is a deep-seated long-lasting social practice found in the state university system of Sri Lanka. Considering the negative, damaging impacts on physical, psychological, social, cognitive and behavioural aspects of undergraduates, it has been identified as a punishable offence under the Prohibition of Ragging and other forms of violence in educational institutions Act, No. 20 of 1998. Despite the array of harmful effects, ragging has evolved during the past five decades and sustained thus far amidst severe punishments imposed. The objective of the current study was to identify the underlying deep-rooted reasons behind sustenance of ragging in state universities with reference to a selected university (UOX) in Colombo, Sri Lanka. In-depth interviews were conducted with a heterogeneous sample (n=20) of volunteers. The study exposed an interconnected feeding system comprised of a minority of significant personnel among freshers, seniors, student unions, staff, administration, industry and political parties who play a decisive role in justifying the need and thereby support the sustenance of ragging. These findings may enable university authorities to find creative and innovative solutions to combat this menace to create a conducive academic environment for the future student community of State Universities in Sri Lanka.
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Saeed, Kurdistan, et Chawan Salah. « Electoral systems applied to the Iraqi parliament elections after 2003 (comparative analytical study) ». Dans INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp277-289.
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This study deals with the electoral systems applied in Iraq after 2003 for the Iraqi Parliament elections. The issue's importance lies in the fact that elections are the legitimate means adopted by modern political systems based on the separation of powers. Therefore, after changing the political system in Iraq in 2003 from a one-party system to a democratic parliamentary system, the permanent constitution of 2005 granted the right to political participation for citizens. Including the right to participate in elections through nomination or candidacy for the Iraqi Council of Representatives, this study examines the electoral systems applied after 2003 and the reasons for the instability of the Iraqi parliament elections on a specific law. The study dealt with the types of electoral systems by focusing on the concept and emergence of elections and the most critical electoral systems adopted by political systems. Furthermore, the electoral systems applied after 2003 in the Iraqi parliament elections by focusing on the electoral laws or their amendments that preceded each electoral cycle since 2003 until now. The study concluded that the electoral system in Iraq was not legally stable; several amendments have been made to the laws regulating the elections for the House of Representatives. So the two elections did not repeat under one law because of political parties' criticism leveled at it. Moreover, the attempt by the large parliamentary blocs, through their control of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, to legislate laws that limit the victory of the blocs and small parties.
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Bogacheva, Ekaterina Alexandrovna. « Technologies of Psychological and Pedagogical Influence in Working with Conflict Adolescents ». Dans All-Russian Scientific Conference with International Participation. Publishing house Sreda, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-98578.
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This article raises and discusses the main issues related to the technologies of working in conflict situations in the adolescent environment. Speaking about the conflict in adolescence, it is worth noting that scientists agree that it is communication with peers that is most significant for a teenager and largely determines all other aspects of his behavior and activity, personal development. Consequently, disagreements in the peer group, the struggle for status leads to a conflict of the parties. In this regard, we decided to develop technologies of psychological and pedagogical influence in working with conflict adolescents. We have developed a model of consistent work of actions, which will be aimed at preventing conflicts in the adolescent environment, as well as the formation of their stress resistance, self-control and self-control.
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Nasution, Siti Saidah. « Quality of Life of Pregnant Women in the Dimensions of Physical Health Aspects, Psychological well-being, Social Relations and Environment in Medan, North Sumatera Province ». Dans 1st International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2016). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-16.2017.36.
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Ebeling, Régis, Carlos Córdova Sáenz, Jeferson Campos Nobre et Karin Becker. « Quarenteners vs. Cloroquiners : a framework to analyze the effect of political polarization on social distance stances ». Dans Symposium on Knowledge Discovery, Mining and Learning. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/kdmile.2020.11963.
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The worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has struck people’s lives overnight. With an alarming contagious rate and no effective treatments or vaccines, it has evoked all sorts of reactions. In this paper, we propose a framework to analyze how political polarization affects groups’ behavior with opposed stances, using the Brazilian COVID polarized scenario as a case study. Two Twitter groups represent the pro/against social isolation stances referred to as Chloroquiners and Quarenteners. The framework encompasses: a) techniques to automatically infer from users political orientation, b) topic modeling to discover the homogeneity of concerns expressed by each group; c) network analysis and community detection to characterize their behavior as a social network group and d) analysis of linguistic characteristics to identify psychological aspects. Our main findings confirm that Cloroquiners are right-wing partisans, whereas Quarenteners are more related to the left-wing. The political polarization of Chloroquiners and Quarenteners influence the arguments of economy and life, and support/opposition to the president. As a group, the network of Chloroquiners is more closed and connected, and Quarenteners have a more diverse political engagement. In terms of psychological aspects, polarized groups come together on cognitive issues and negative emotions.
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Hornung, Severin, Matthias Weigl, Britta Herbig et Jürgen Glaser. « WORK AND HEALTH IN TRANSITION : TRENDS OF SUBJECTIFICATION IN APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY ». Dans International Psychological Applications Conference and Trends. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021inpact056.
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"Reported is the synthesis of a series of seven studies on work and health, conducted collaboratively by researchers in applied psychology and occupational medicine. This qualitative meta-study develops a framework, in which reviewed studies are structured, aggregated, integrated, and interpreted in a theory-guided iterative process of themed analysis. Building on empirical results, the subsequent interpretive integration seeks to demonstrate, how overarching, pervasive, and in psychological research typically underemphasized tendencies of “subjectification” manifest in exemplary work contexts, research topics, and results. Subjectification of work is operationalized in dimensions of work intensification (performance focus), work internalization (goal adoption), and work individualization (job personalization). A meta-dimension is work insecurity (personal risk), cultivated in contemporary management ideologies of employee self-reliance. Following thematic description, content-analytical structuring criteria include: a) focus on work task (activity) versus working conditions (context); b) primary (close, direct, explicit) versus secondary (inferred, indirect, subtle) references to and/or indication for identified tendencies of subjectification; and c) theoretically assumed and empirically examined relationships with negative (psychopathological) and positive (psychosalutogenic) short, medium, and longer-term attitudinal and health-related work effects, as well as the personality-shaping impact of long-term occupational socialization. Psychological aspects of work tasks are core to 4 studies, 3 focus on working conditions and organizational practices. References to intensification were dominant in 4 studies, whereas 5 include internalization processes, and 3 predominantly focus on individualization of work. All studies share secondary or indirect references to other subjectifying tendencies. Examined work effects were aggregated into a matrix of short, medium and long-term positive and negative manifestations of health and wellbeing. Results suggest tensions and pressures arising from the motivational individualization of work tasks and conditions, resulting internalization of organizational interests and goals (e.g., performance, efficiency, costs), coupled with system-inherent tendencies of work intensification. These dysfunctional dynamics constitute risks factors for psychologically detrimental or harmful forms of self-management, self-control, and self-endangering work behavior, as manifestations of “internalized” incompatibilities between work and health in the neoliberal workplace, aggravated by existential threats associated with political-economic crisis. Outlined are implications of subjectification for a critical reevaluation and reorientation of basic theoretical assumptions of research and practice in applied psychology and occupational health."
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Makalyutin, Vladsilav. « PROBLEMS OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE MEDIA PROCEDURE IN MODERN RUSSIA ». Dans Current problems of jurisprudence. ru : Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02032-6/142-152.
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The article is devoted to the study of problematic aspects of the implementation of the mediation procedure in Russia. The author noted that mediation on the path of its development in the country encountered a number of obstacles of a moral, ethical, psychological, economic and legislative nature, the solution and settlement of which requires certain efforts both from the side of society and public organizations, and from the state. Using the method of analytical review of theoretical and practical developments of domestic researchers and legislative documents, the article identifies the following problems of mediation: low legal culture of the population; lack of confidence in this service; lack of awareness of society as a whole, and of citizens in particular, about mediation, its advantages as an alternative to the trial method; the position of the parties that do not want to compromise; the difficulty of choosing a mediator - as a highly professional person; mainly the social foundations for the development of mediation and insufficient state support. These problems are interrelated, therefore, their solution requires an integrated approach.
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Jenko, Aladin. « Divorce problems Divorce from a man does not occur except in court model ». Dans INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp238-250.
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"Divorce is considered a form of family disintegration that leads to the demolition of the family and family pillars after its construction through the marriage contract and then the termination of all social ties between husband and wife and often between their relatives. Divorce rates have risen to frightening levels that threaten our Islamic societies. Among the most important causes of divorce in our society are the following: The failure of one or both spouses in the process of adapting to the other through the different nature of the spouses and their personalities, the interference of the parents, the lack of harmony and compatibility between the spouses, the bad relationship and the large number of marital problems, the cultural openness, the absence of dialogue within the family. Several parties have sought to develop possible solutions to this dangerous phenomenon in our society, including: Establishment of advisory offices to reduce divorce by social and psychological specialists, and include the issue of divorce within the educational and educational curricula in a more concerned manner that shows the extent of the seriousness of divorce and its negative effects on the individual, family and society, and the development of an integrated policy that ensures the treatment of the causes and motives leading to divorce in the community, as well as holding conferences. Scientific and enlightening seminars and awareness workshops and the need for religious institutions and their media platforms to play a guiding and awareness role of the danger and effects of divorce on family construction and society, and to educate community members about the dangers of divorce and the importance of maintaining the husband’s bond and stability. As well as reviewing some marriage legislation and regulations, such as raising the age of marriage and reconsidering the issue of underage marriage, which is witnessing a rise in divorce rates. Among the proposed solutions is the demand to withdraw the power of divorce from the man's hands and place it in the hands of the judge, to prevent certain harm to women, or as a means to prevent the frequent occurrence of divorce. The last proposition created a problem that contradicts the stereotypical image of divorce in Islamic law, for which conditions and elements have been set, especially since Islamic Sharia is the main source of personal status laws in most Islamic countries. Therefore, the importance of this research is reflected in the study of this solution and its effectiveness as a means to prevent the spread of divorce, and not deviate from the pattern specified for it according to Sharia."
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Komanovics, Adrienne. « HUNGARY AND THE LUXEMBOURG COURT : THE CJEU’S ROLE IN THE RULE OF LAW BATTLEFIELD ». Dans The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22413.
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After the introduction of the then Article F.1 TEU by the Amsterdam Treaty, later supplemented by the Nice Treaty, Hungary has earned the dubious reputation to be the first Member State against which an Article 7 TEU procedure has been triggered. While the predominantly political process is apparently stalled for the time being, the Court had to deal with various aspects of the deteriorating rule of law situation. Although forming part of an undeniably fragmented approach, the Court’s judgments nevertheless clearly attest the retrogressive developments in Hungary since 2010. The analysis of the Court’s jurisprudence is based on the qualitative measurement of the rule of law indicators drawn up by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe. The identification of the cases pertinent to our investigation presents a challenge by itself as there is no label attached to a case dossier titled “rule of law”. In addition, several relevant cases deal with issues which prima facie do not have a bearing on this topic. Thus, e.g. the case relating to the radical lowering of the retirement age for Hungarian judges apparently revolves around age discrimination in the workplace while in fact these measures were politically motivated and had an adverse effect on judicial independence. The subject-matter of the cases identified so far range from the independence of the judiciary and regulatory bodies to the functioning of NGOs and higher education institutions; from the criminalisation of assistance for asylum seekers to the judicial challenge of the conditionality regulation. Most cases are infringement proceedings initiated by the European Commission but the Court was also turned upon through preliminary reference or actions for annulment. By analysing the submissions of the parties, the opinions of the Advocate General as well as the Court’s assessment thereof, the paper aims to evaluate the role of the Court: its potential and the limitations. While not denying the Court’s contribution to the provision of consistent responses against the systemic threats against EU values, there are various institutional and procedural constraints hampering the Court’s ability to secure compliance in the subject area.
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Nişancı, Murat, Aslı Cansın Doker, Adem Türkmen et Ömer Selçuk Emsen. « The Determinants of Labor Productivity : Analyses on Chosen Countries (1960-2010) ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01550.
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Discussions on economic productivity, in micro analysis aspects there is direct causal relationship between increases or decreases in the production and productivity, whereas it can be said that productivity is based on economic recession or growth in macro analysis aspects. In the literature, while Classical theoreticians is attributed that the source of growth is the marginal productivity of capital, neoclassic school claims that marginal productivity difference provide benefit the country from behind for realization of the convergence hypothesis. Furthermore, increasing efficiency and as the factors this increase efficiency human capital, learning by doing concepts and technology are focused in the endogenous growth theories. In this study, human capital, physical capital per worker, exports per worker, gender differences, fertility, life expectancy and dependent population ratio were determined as determinants of labor productivity. In respect to labor productivity, variables are divided to three main groups in order to economic demographic and social and psychological factors. The variables are placed with taking five years average due to the fact that those variables’ effects reveal themselves more clearly in the long term. In the paper, it was investigated by panel data analysis considering groups of developed and developing countries between 1960 and 2010 period. In this context the degree of efficiency may well be discussed with parameters of selected variables for productivity of labor. Additionally, within framework of descriptive statistics the differences and similarities between countries were interpreted for political recommendations to developing countries how to increase productivity for catching developed countries’ growth trend.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Political parties – Psychological aspects"
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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Haider, Huma. Political Settlements : The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, et Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), juillet 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
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Blazakis, Jason, et Colin Clarke. From Paramilitaries to Parliamentarians : Disaggregating Radical Right Wing Extremist Movements. RESOLVE Network, décembre 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The global far right is extremely broad in nature and far from monolithic. While the “far right” is often used as an umbrella term, using the term runs the risk of over-simplifying the differences and linkages between white supremacist, anti-immigration, nativist, and other motivating ideologies. These beliefs and political platforms fall within the far-right rubric, and too often the phrase presents a more unified image of the phenomena than is really the case. In truth, the “far right” and the individual movements that comprise it are fragmented, consisting of a number of groups that lack established leadership and cohesion. Indeed, these movements include chauvinist religious organizations, neo-fascist street gangs, and paramilitary organs of established political parties. Although such movements largely lack the mass appeal of the interwar European radical right-wing extreme, they nevertheless can inspire both premeditated and spontaneous acts of violence against perceived enemies. This report is intended to provide policymakers, practitioners, and the academic community with a roadmap of ongoing shifts in the organizational structures and ideological currents of radical right-wing extremist movements, detailing the difference between distinct, yet often connected and interlaced echelons of the far right. In particular, the report identifies and analyzes various aspects of the broader far right and the assorted grievances it leverages to recruit, which is critical to gaining a more nuanced understanding of the potential future trajectory of these movements.
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Lehtimaki, Susanna, Kassim Nishtar, Aisling Reidy, Sara Darehshori, Andrew Painter et Nina Schwalbe. Independent Review and Investigation Mechanisms to Prevent Future Pandemics : A Proposed Way Forward. United Nations University International Institute for Global Health, mai 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/pb-f/2021/2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Based on the proposal by the European Council, more than 25 heads of state and the World Health Organization (WHO) support development of an international treaty on pandemics, that planned to be negotiated under the auspices of WHO, will be presented to the World Health Assembly in May 2021. Given that the treaty alone is not enough to ensure compliance, triggers for a high-level political response is required. To this end, to inform the design of a support system, we explored institutional mechanismsi with a mandate to review compliance with key international agreements in their signatory countries and conduct independent country investigations in a manner that manages sovereign considerations. Based on our review, there is no single global mechanism that could serve as a model in its own right. There is, however, potential to combine aspects of existing mechanisms to support a strong, enforceable treaty. These aspects include: • Periodic review - based on the model of human rights treaties, with independent experts as the authorized monitoring body to ensure the independence. If made obligatory, the review could support compliance with the treaty. • On-site investigations - based on the model by the Committee on Prevention of Torture according to which visits cannot be blocked by state parties. • Non-negotiable design principles - including accountability; independence; transparency and data sharing; speed; emphasis on capabilities; and incentives. • Technical support - WHO can provide countries with technical assistance, tools, monitoring, and assessment to enhance emergency preparedness and response.