Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political participation – European Union countries »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political participation – European Union countries"
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Miyauch, Toshitake, et Masatsugu Sanada. « Political participation in global accounting standard-setting ». Journal of Accounting & ; Organizational Change 15, no 3 (2 septembre 2019) : 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaoc-02-2018-0020.
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Purpose This study aims to examine constituents’ political participation in the establishment of an Accounting Standards Advisory Forum (ASAF). Design/methodology/approach Based on a literature review, three hypotheses regarding political participation in global accounting standard-setting are constructed: regional disparity, professional dominance and financialization. These hypotheses are tested through a content and narrative analysis of the comment letters on the establishment of the ASAF. Findings Consistent with the regional-disparity hypothesis, neither Anglo–Saxon nor European Union countries were active advocates or positive supporters of ASAF’s establishment. However, no evidence supporting the professional and financialization hypotheses was found. Narrative analysis suggests a divergence of opinion among vested-interest groups in the International Accounting Standards Board (IASB), emerging nations and other groups, rather than the traditional conflicts between Anglo–Saxon and European countries. This suggests the possibility of a future-destabilizing factor in global standard-setting. Originality/value By discussing the IASB’s organizational and strategic changes and the constituents’ responses, this study describes the IASB’s organizational dynamics: how various stakeholders react to each other. Although prior studies primarily focused on comment letters regarding the contents of an accounting standard or the standard itself, this study examines such letters considering the size and composition of, and membership in, the ASAF, an organization within the IFRS Foundation (IFRSF). Therefore, the study reflects constituents’ opinions regarding their participation in the IFRSF/IASB more directly.
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Guseletov, Boris. « ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 1 ». Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no 6 (31 décembre 2021) : 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620213240.
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The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.
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Ross, Alistair. « Young Europeans : A New Political Generation ? » Societies 8, no 3 (29 août 2018) : 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030070.
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Young people in Europe are often described as apolitical non-participants in the civic culture of their own states and the European Union (EU). Using empirical data based on group discussions (n = 324) in 29 European states (104 locations; 2000 young people aged between 11 and 19), this paper challenges this, and suggests that many young people have distinct political views and are motivated to participate in both political discussions and traditional and non-traditional forms of participation. They are particularly interested in a range of current issues, largely around human rights, migration and (anti-)nationalism, and the article illustrates this with examples from a range of countries. Human rights issues raised concerned their perception of contemporary injustices, which were constructed as European values and formed a significant element in their self-identification as Europeans, and a general unwillingness to be identified with ‘the nation’. This broad pan-European analysis suggests that young people see themselves in many ways as a politically distinct cohort, a generation with different political values than those of their parents and grandparents.
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Kakitelashvili, M. M. « The Phenomenon of the Parliaments of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union ». Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no 3 (15 septembre 2018) : 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18382.
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The purpose of article is to define an opportunity application of experience of the European Parliament during creation of Parliament of the Eurasian Economic Union (The Euroasian parliament) and also to reveal positive experience of functioning of the European Parliament which can be used during creation of the Euroasian parliament. The object of the research is social relations in the process of formation and functioning of the Parliament of the EEU. The methodology of the research is General scientific methods of cognition (dialectic, analysis, synthesis, modeling, etc.), as well as sociological, historical, comparative-legal, formal-legal, etc.The specificity of integration associations in the modern world poker on a process to integrate posters, featuring noisy, versatility, variety of levels internal and proven. Also the essence of European integration is marked by the formation of the European Communities to transforming them into the European Union and the transition to a new higher type of integration, estimated the use of certain elements of the international legal model of the European Union. Analyzing historical, political, social prerequisites of formation of supranational parliaments in the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union, the author marks out both similar, and their various lines.Stand out general and particular features of legal regulation of activities of political parties in the legislation of the countries of the EEC and European Union. Analyzed the socio-cultural peculiarities of the formation of party systems in the countries of the EEC, the participation of political parties in elections to national parliaments.On the basis of the analysis of functions of the European Parliament offers on investment of the Euroasian parliament with representative and control functions express.The author comes to a conclusion that an optimum way of election of the Euroasian parliament is the proportional electoral system.
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Pevnaya, Maria, Anna Bagirova, Elvina Bahtigareeva et Zhen Wenyue. « Legal Regulation of Youth Civic Participation in Russia and European Union ». DEMIS. Demographic Research 2, no 3 (7 octobre 2022) : 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2022.2.3.1.
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Youth in scientific and practical discourse is considered as a promising demographic group that is able to determine the economic and social development of countries and regions. Creating an environment for constructive civic participation of young people, their involvement in solving socially significant issues in many countries of the world is becoming one of the key directions of state policy. In this case, youth policy should be a tool for the formation of consciousness and socially acceptable patterns of behavior of the younger generation, corresponding to the direction of long-term development set by the state. The purpose of the article is to identify national accents regarding civic participation in the context of the formation of a culture of citizenship of the younger generation, mechanisms for achieving goals in this direction that exist in the regulatory discourse of Russia and the European Union countries. We were based on an institutional approach to assessing the regulatory regulation of the activities of the authorities of the Russian Federation and the governments of the EU countries in relation to the civic participation of young people, applied legal analysis and a comparison method. The analysis of regulatory regulation was carried out according to the following parameters: characteristics of regulatory legal acts, a brief description of their structure and content; definition of civil participation and its forms; identification of substantive directions and goals; definition of subjectivity. The sources of information were regulatory and legal acts of the EU and the Russian Federation, conceptually defining the essence of youth policy, as well as unofficial legal information. The study revealed that the place of citizenship culture is clearly defined in the EU normative discourse, the need to expand and improve the qualitative characteristics of civic participation of young Europeans is justified and supported by concrete decisions. The place and significance of civic participation of young people is not clearly defined in the normative field of regulation of youth policy of the Russian Federation. With the priority of social types of youth participation, the subjectivity of youth as a civic participation in managerial and political decision-making is not conceptualized and, accordingly, is not supported in practice. The activation of civic participation of young people today is not among the state priorities of youth policy, more important in the normative and legal discourse of this policy are the problems of professional self-determination, preservation of health, public safety and strengthening of the institution of the family.
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Golovina, Svetlana G., Ekaterina V. Abilova et Ivan N. Mikolaychik. « Participation of farmers and local communities in the implementation of rural support policies in the countries of the European Union ». Economy of agricultural and processing enterprises, no 4 (2022) : 52–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31442/0235-2494-2022-0-4-52-60.
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The purpose of this article is to present for scientific discussion some of the results of the study, which make it possible to formulate a number of practical recommendations regarding the implementation of the European experience of supporting rural areas in domestic political practice. While such opportunities relate to many aspects of the implementation of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union (CAP), the article deals with the potential of agricultural producers (farmers), local communities, rural networks in solving rural development problems with the active support of special funds of the European Union, primarily the European Fund for Rural Development. The research findings were obtained through a discursive method of analysis with using (1) legislative documents underlying the policy, (2) statistical information and reporting data related to the results of the CAP realization at various program stages, (3) scientific publications presenting expert assessments by European colleagues.
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Quaranta, Mario, et Giulia M. Dotti Sani. « The Relationship Between the Civic Engagement of Parents and Children ». Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 45, no 6 (9 juillet 2016) : 1091–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764016628677.
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Although previous research has suggested the existence of a positive association between the political activities of parents and children, little is known about other forms of civic engagement. In particular, the literature lacks an international comparative study on the intergenerational transmission of civic involvement. Using Bayesian multilevel models on data from the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2006 special module on social participation, this article tests hypotheses on the patterns of civic engagement of parents and children in 18 European countries with different political legacies. Our results show a positive association between the participation in associational activities of parents and children in all the considered countries, above and beyond individual and contextual characteristics. In particular, we do not find an evident East–West gap in the socialization process, suggesting that the Communist past of Eastern and Central European countries has little influence on what can be considered a basic mechanism of civic learning.
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Hoskins, Bryony. « Monitoring Active Citizenship in the European Union : the Process, the Results and initial Explanations ». CADMO, no 1 (juin 2009) : 55–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cad2009-001008.
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- This article is a descriptive account from an insider's perspective of the complex European process of the development of indicators on active citizenship. From this position, the article explains the process behind the development of two composite indicators that have been used to measure progress on active citizenship in Europe; The Active Citizenship Composite Indicator and the Youth Civic Competence Composite Indicator. The article details the results of these indexes for European Union countries and regions inside Europe. In addition, the article examines the differences between the results of the composite indicators, with correlations found between competence and action for Northern and Western European countries but not for Southern and Eastern European Countries. Using these results it discusses possible steps forward in the development of indicators on active citizenship looking towards new data from the IEA International Citizenship and Civic Education study.Keywords active citizenship, civic education, composite indicators, European Union, political participation.
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Guseletov, Boris P. « THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP PROGRAM IN THE POST-COVID PERIOD. KEY FEATURES AND FUTURE PROSPECTS ». RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no 2 (2021) : 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2021-2-28-37.
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The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.
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Marks, Gary N. « Communist party membership in five former Soviet bloc countries, 1945–1989 ». Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no 2 (1 juin 2004) : 241–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2004.03.004.
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This study examines the social composition of the communist party in the Soviet Union and four East European countries during the post-war period. Two alternative explanations for joining the communist party are examined: the classical political participation model from Western political science and the party policy model. In Western countries, the people who join political parties tend to be male, older, married, highly educated and in higher status occupations. According to the party policies model, recruitment should reflect the party’s policies, ideologies and intentions to promote particular social groups such as, workers, peasants, young people, women and those with proletarian backgrounds. The data analyzed are from nationally representative surveys from the Social Stratification in Eastern Europe after 1989 study. Stronger support was found for the political participation model. Generally, parental party membership, being male, married, highly educated and working in an administrative position influenced joining, whereas social background, a manual occupation, and political time period had little or no influence. Between-country differences in the process of joining were minor. There was little evidence that recruitment reflected the parties’ ideologies or policies.
Thèses sur le sujet "Political participation – European Union countries"
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Aldrich, Andrea Stephanie. « "Ignorant and Confused?" Knowledge and Awareness as Determinants of Euroskepticism ». unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04152009-143419/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.Title from file title page. William Downs, committee chair ; Jelena Subotic, Charles Hankla, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Sep. 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-56).
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Rasco, Clark Joseph. « Demographic trends in the European Union : political and strategic implicaitons / ». Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FRasco.pdf.
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Carey, Sean D. (Sean Damien). « A Political and Macroeconomic Explanation of Public Support for European Integration ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278919/.
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This study develops a model of macroeconomic and political determinants of public support for European integration. The research is conducted on pooled cross-sectional time-series data from five European Union member states between 1978 and 1994. The method used in this analysis is a Generalized Least Squares - Autoregressive Moving Average approach. The factors hypothesized to determine a macroeconomic explanation of public support for integration are inflation, unemployment, and economic growth. The effect of the major economic reform in the 1980s, the Single European Act, is hypothesized to act as a positive permanent intervention. The other determinants of public support are the temporary interventions of European Parliament elections and the permanent intervention of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. These are hypothesized to exert a negative effect. In a fully specified model all variables except economic growth and European Parliament elections demonstrate statistical significance at the 0.10 level or better.
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Bubpasiri, Tipparat. « The fifth enlargement of the European Union : the accession of Central and Eastern European countries ». Thesis, University of Exeter, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302543.
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Prosser, Christopher. « Rethinking representation and European integration ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1f596c7e-bfb9-43ff-b3e8-2de716f234ec.
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In representative democracy the chain of political legitimacy runs from voters to governments through votes cast at elections. In order for representation to occur, political parties must offer distinct policy platforms that citizens consider in their vote choices. This thesis examines whether citizens are adequately represented within the European Union. It finds that although representation on left-right issues occurs, it does not occur for European integration preferences. Over the course its history, European integration has changed from being primarily an economic issue to a social issue. This separation from the primary axis of political competition has increased the need for representation on EU issues directly. Political parties have polarised over European integration providing increased choice, but voters have not engaged with the issue. Examining how voters process party signals about policy positions shows that very few are affected by signals on the EU. Accounting for voters' cognitive biases suggests that the influence of EU issues in European Parliament elections has been overestimated and is non-existent in most member-states. As direct democracy might offer an alternative to inadequate representation this thesis examines why referendums have been held on the EU but finds that they are largely driven by governments' desire to contain the threat of EU issues at national elections, further undermining representation. However, as a result of institutional differences between national and European Parliament elections rather than the emergence of the EU as an electoral issue, the size of party systems at European Parliament elections has grown considerably over successive elections in many member-states, a change that has fed into national party systems. Although representation on EU issues is inadequate, the expansion of European party systems and the redrawing of the lines of political competition offers some hope that representation on EU issues might improve in the future.
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RUBIO, BARCELÓ Eulàlia. « Regional governments, territorial political restructuring and vocational education and training policies : a comparison of four cases : Catalonia, Lombardy, Valencia and Veneto ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7037.
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Defence date: 16 March 2007Examining Board: Prof. Michael Keating (EUI); Prof. Virginie Guiraudon (EUI); Prof. Marino Regini, (Università di Milano) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana Casajuana (Pompeu Fabra University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
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Blew, Dennis Jan. « The Europeanization of Political Parties : A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014 ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.
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On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors.
With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.
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DAVITER, Falk. « The power of initiative : framing legislative policy conflicts in the European Union ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7044.
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Defence date: 13 July 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (European University Institute/SPS/RSCAS) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, (European University Institute/RSCAS) ; Prof. Ellen M. Immergut, (Humboldt University Berlin) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli, (University of Exeter)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis asks how the framing of policy issues in EU legislative politics influences the way issues are processed, how it affects which interests play a role during policy drafting and deliberation, and what type of political conflicts and coalitions emerge as a result. Focusing in particular on the European Commission’s role in EU policy-making, this thesis goes on to investigate how actors in EU politics define and redefine the issues at stake according to their shifting policy agendas and in doing so attempt to shore up support and marginalise political opposition. Drawing on the empirical investigation of two decades of EU biotechnology policy-making, the thesis finds that the framing of policy issues systematically affects how the complex and fragmented EU political decision-making process involves or excludes different sets of actors and interests from the diverse political constituencies of the Union. It argues that the Commission’s role in structuring the EU policy space can at times be substantial. Yet the longitudinal perspective adopted in this study also reveals how the structuring and restructuring of the biotechnology policy space led to the increasing politicisation of the EU decision-making process. Eventually, the empirical investigation concludes, the Commission was unable to control the political dynamics set off by the reframing of the policy choices, and the resulting revision of the EU biotechnology policy framework ran counter to the Commission’s original policy objectives. This study thus provides fresh insights into the dynamics of policy-level politicisation and its effects on political conflict and competition in the EU. The framing perspective allows students of EU politics to trace how political agents and institutions interact to shape and at times exploit the complexities of EU policy-making in pursuit of their often conflicting agendas. Finally, the findings suggest that the key to conceptualising the scope of Commission agency in terms of systematic policy dynamics lies in exploring the interlocking effects of policy framing and EU politicisation in the political construction of interests at the supranational level.
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Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. « The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue' ? (1999-2009) ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.
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Etienne, Anne. « Towards European Integration : Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles ? » Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.
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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
Livres sur le sujet "Political participation – European Union countries"
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1952-, Marks Gary, et Steenbergen Marco R, dir. European integration and political conflict. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2004.
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Marie, Stenseke, et SpringerLink (Online service), dir. The European Landscape Convention : Challenges of Participation. Dordrecht : Springer Science+Business Media B.V., 2011.
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Participation in EU decision making : Implications on the national level. The Hague, The Netherlands : TMC Asser Press, 2009.
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Takács, Tamara. Participation in EU decision making : Implications on the national level. The Hague, The Netherlands : TMC Asser Press, 2009.
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Takács, Tamara. Participation in EU decision making : Implications on the national level. The Hague, The Netherlands : TMC Asser Press, 2009.
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The challenge of democratic representation in the European Union. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
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Münch, Claudia. Emanzipation der lokalen Ebene ? : Kommunen auf dem Weg nach Europa. Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006.
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Albert, Weale, et Nentwich Michael 1964-, dir. Political theory and the European union : Legitimacy, constitutional choice and citizenship. London : Routledge, 1998.
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1940-, Gustavsson Sverker, Karlsson Christer, Persson Thomas et European Union, dir. The illusion of accountability in the European Union. New York : Routledge, 2009.
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W, Pichler Johannes, dir. We change Europe ! : the European Initiative, Art 8b(4) Treaty of Lisbon. Berlin : BWV Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, 2008.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political participation – European Union countries"
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Vicente, María Rosalía, et Hiroaki Suenaga. « Exploring Drivers of Online Political Participation in the European Union ». Dans Applied Economics in the Digital Era, 175–92. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-40601-1_7.
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Mérő, Katalin. « The Banking Union and the Central and Eastern European countries ». Dans The Political Economy of the Eurozone in Central and Eastern Europe, 116–36. London : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429261411-8.
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Agathangelou, Anna M. « Desiring Power in the European Union : Peripheral Economic States’ Participation in Capital Accumulation ». Dans The Global Political Economy of Sex, 97–120. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403981486_4.
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Alavi, Hamed. « The European Union and Protection of Environment in Eastern Partnership Countries ». Dans Political and Legal Perspectives of the EU Eastern Partnership Policy, 137–51. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-27383-9_9.
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Thiel, Markus, et Oana Petrescu. « Institutional Instruments for Citizen Involvement and Participation : Their Impact on the EU’s Political Processes and Institutional Legitimacy ». Dans Democratic Legitimacy in the European Union and Global Governance, 9–39. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41381-5_2.
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Blockmans, Wim. « The Impact of Urban Elites’ Political Participation on Economic Policy in the Low Countries 1100-1600 ». Dans Studies in European Urban History (1100-1800), 141–52. Turnhout, Belgium : Brepols Publishers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.seuh-eb.5.120442.
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Matthes, Claudia-Y. « Safeguarding Democracy and the Rule of Law by Civil Society Actors ? The Case of Poland ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 263–81. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_11.
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Abstract A growing body of literature examines the EU’s reactions to illiberal trends in ECE countries. These studies predominantly focus on political instruments such as Article 7 and the Commission’s new rule of law mechanism, and there is a broad consensus on the view that these tools are too weak to combat breaches of liberal principles. This chapter therefore explores the potential of alternative strategies, namely the involvement of civil society actors in backsliding countries. By looking at the Polish case, it explores how much Polish civil society interacts with the European institutions in order to address violations of the rule of law and which strategies these actors unfold. It examines whether this cooperation may help to safeguard democracy in a bottom-up manner. The overall goal of the chapter is to investigate how much the EU’s instruments against democratic backsliding could and should be accompanied effectively by strategies aiming at collaboration with liberal forces within the backsliding member states.
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Méndez, Cristina Elías. « Participation of the German Länder and Autonomous Communities in the European Union : A Comparative Analysis ». Dans The Ways of Federalism in Western Countries and the Horizons of Territorial Autonomy in Spain, 201–17. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-27720-7_16.
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Beger, Paula. « Party Rhetoric and Action Compared : Examining Politicisation and Compliance in the Field of Asylum and Migration Policy in the Czech Republic and Hungary ». Dans Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 137–56. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_6.
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Abstract Since the European refugee crisis 2015, the rather bureaucratic asylum and migration policy has become a highly politicised issue in ECE countries. The politicisation process started while political parties were involved with the policy. However, many studies have ignored the practice of executives’ and administrations’ action in this domain and knowledge of whether this public anti-EU rhetoric really resulted in non-compliance, therefore, remains limited. This chapter interlinks politicisation and non-compliance research in a comparative case study of Hungary and the Czech Republic. While combining findings of expert interviews, data on party manifestos and infringement procedures, it concludes that the partial politicisation did not lead to broader non-compliance in the Czech case, whereas the governmental-led politicisation in Hungary resulted in non-compliance. This difference is explained by the fact that in Hungary, the asylum-related administration, like other bureaucratic fields, has become increasingly re-politicised during the last decade.
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Brosig, Magnus, et Karl Hinrichs. « The “Great Recession” and Pension Policy Change in European Countries ». Dans International Impacts on Social Policy, 385–98. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_30.
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AbstractIn the wake of the “Great Recession” and its severe fiscal implications, many European countries enacted significant pension reforms aimed at reducing public spending and limiting contribution rates. Unlike most changes carried out before, they were implemented swiftly and without building a broad political and social consensus, usually being suggested or even mandated by inter- and supranational organisations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the European Union (EU). While some of these cuts were at least partly revoked during the following years of economic recovery, European welfare states still tend to face lower “pension burdens” in the upcoming decades than had been expected during the 2000s. Financial sustainability, however, puts adequacy at risk for present and future retirees, many of whom no longer achieve sufficient working careers anyway.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political participation – European Union countries"
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Macerinskiene, Irena. « INTANGIBLES ASSESSMENT IN EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b24/s7.050.
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Başeğmez, Nergiz, et Kerem Toker. « A Crossroad For Turkey : European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.
Texte intégralRésumé :
With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
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Veghes, Calin. « MARKETING DETERMINANTS OF THE CULTURAL ACCESS AND PARTICIPATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES ». Dans 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018h/61/s07.010.
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Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. « ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION : EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES ». Dans Globalistics-2020 : Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.
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The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.
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Montvilaite, Kristina. « ASSESSMENT OF FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT CONVERGENCE POSSIBILITIES IN THE COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b22/s6.009.
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Zemguliene, Jolanta. « THE PRODUCTIVITY SPILLOVERS AS THE SOURCE OF ECONOMIC GROWTH � AN EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES� DATA ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b23/s7.084.
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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak et İlyas Sözen. « An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory : Eurasian Customs Union ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.
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The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.
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ÖZTÜRK, YUSUF KEMAL, et Selami Sedat Akgöz. « European Union’s Expansion and Globalization Strategies : A Special Investigation on Poland ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00503.
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During the development process, particularly Middle and Eastern European Countries have increasingly integrated into the Union economy while parliaments, governments, public and private sectors have put forth significant effort to prepare for membership to European Union. European Union, on the other hand, prepared a financial framework in 1989 to actively support such efforts. Thus the Union financial and institutional regulations were realized to finance the process of transition to market economy. In this regard, Poland has quickly completed the necessary steps for harmonization and accelerated its efforts towards this goal. Following the radical change Poland experienced after 1989, the process of democratization and transition to open market economy. In our study we compared and investigated Poland economic and political situation before joining European Union, with the developments during the harmonization process and its economic structure today. In this process, it will be appropriate to take a look at Poland recent political and economic life as well as the reasons as to why Poland is an important state for Europe.
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Antonescu, Daniela. « Trends of Convergence at Regional Level in European Union (EU-28) ». Dans International Conference Innovative Business Management & Global Entrepreneurship. LUMEN Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/ibmage2020/35.
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The objective regarding cohesion is achieved by means of a convergence process that assumes diminishing territorial inequalities between regions and territories. The cohesion process is not limited to the relatively poor regions, but aims also to more developed regions with the purpose of observing also the secondary effects for the entire EU (EC Report, 2013). Identifying the convergence or divergence trends is one of the intensely argued topics by both the academic and the political-decisional environment. The theoretical point of view approach regarding convergence was accompanied by models meant to mitigate the requirements of assessing over given periods the evolution of territorial inequalities (between countries or regions). Identifying a process of convergence or divergence at regional level is a widely debated issue both in the academic and political-decision making environment. Thus, in the context of favourable economic development, convergence assumes a process of closing the gap between the living standards between the poorer and richer areas beginning with the premise that the first have a swifter development as the latter. Considering this aspect, the present article analyses the trends of convergence/divergence at regional level in the context of the European Union with the help of GDP per capita and variation coefficients.
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Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ et Tomislav Kandyija. « Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union ». Dans G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.
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Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Political participation – European Union countries"
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Kolb, Eugenia. Does the Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) of the European Union guarantee successful citizen participation ? Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.51592.
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The Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) is a concept of the European Union. The non-binding guidelines formulated within this framework aim to help municipalities and cities to strategically define a local and long term transport and mobility plan. From the European Union's point of view, citizen participation plays a pivotal role during all phases – from the development of the plan until its implementation. This intends to achieve greater support and acceptance from the community for the plan, and to facilitate its implementation. This paper investigates whether the planning and political SUMP approach guarantees successful participatory processes, and what conclusions can be drawn to amend the SUMP process and general transport planning practice. It discusses how citizen participation is defined in the SUMP guidelines and how these elements are reflected in the SUMP guidelines of 2013 and 2019. In a second step, this paper shows how successful citizen participation is defined in an academic context and to what extent the SUMP reflects these findings. The findings derived from the academic context are then applied to the case studies of Ghent and Limburg in order to evaluate how successfully participation procedures were implemented in these SUMP processes. Finally, the question - what conclusions can be drawn from this to improve the SUMP process and general transport planning practice - is assessed.
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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.
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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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Fairlie, Alan. New challenges for the European Union's Multiparty Trade Agreement with Peru, Colombia and Ecuador. Fundación Carolina, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff02en.
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This document analyses the trade and cooperation relations between the European Union and the Andean countries with which the Multiparty Trade Agreement was signed (Peru, Ecuador and Colombia). It also examines the progress and challenges in terms of the sustainable development agenda, political dialogue and cooperation within the framework of the agreement. From there, it explores the different technical difficulties that have arisen in the implementation of the agreement and the role of the monitoring bodies. The aim is to study the strategic importance of the agreement in relations between the European Union and Peru, Ecuador and Colombia, and its contribution to the post-pandemic economic recovery and the promotion of new development models.
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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, et Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.
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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.
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Morsy, Ahmed. Towards a renewed local social and political covenant in Libya, Syria and Yemen. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, décembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/ofgn2229.
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This SIPRI Insights Paper examines the domestic and external factors at play in Libya, Syria and Yemen and their impact on negotiating post-war peaceful settlements and shaping prospective social contracts.The paper’s argument is two-fold. Firstly, policymaking must move beyond a static approach to understanding these conflicts. Despite apparent stalemates, the three countries should be approached as ever-evolving simmering conflicts. Secondly, policymakers have to move below the national level in order to achieve various forms of localized social peace. Given the nature of these conflicts and the varied sub-national segmentation, the analysis concludes that community-level social and political covenants may offer a first building block towards nationwide social contracts and sustainable conflict resolution.The role of external actors, particularly the European Union (EU), is critical in paving the way for these local-level dialogues and negotiations in Libya, Syria and Yemen. In short, external powers, including the EU, should adopt policies that push for long-term resolution to achieve post-conflict stabilization rather than the opportunistic taking of sides.
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Zhytaryuk, Marian. Ukraine in the international press in 1930 (on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, février 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11413.
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In the article of Professor Maryan Zhytaryuk, it is implemented the systematization of publications in the international press of 1930 about Ukraine on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo». Important political issues, in particular: Bolshevism in Soviet Ukraine, the massacre of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine), the interpretation of the «Ukrainian political problem» in European countries were singled out and generalized. The topicality of the article subject follows from the need to supplement the materials on the study of the «Ukrainian question», from the understanding that the interwar period, mainly in the 30s of the twentieth century, is a concentrated historical and political period, that is represented on newspaper and magazine columns. During the decade (30s of the twentieth century) – there were thousands of them. For example, in the newspaper «Dilo» only in the first three months of 1930 we can find more than 100 publications on international subjects. Therefore, the author narrowed the research materials to translated materials in the genres of press round-up, review, digest of publications in the foreign press. The purpose of the article is to focus on Ukrainian issues in the international press based on translations and comments on foreign publications in the newspaper «Dilo» in 1930. The task of the publication is to comprehend the identified texts in the context of geopolitical construction on the eve of World War II; to supplement the history of Ukrainian and foreign journalism and its source base. In the article the author uses the method of scientific study of primary sources found in the special funds of the Scientific Library of LNU. I. Franko, in particular, the bundles of the newspaper «Dilo» for 1930. 252 publications were processed, some of which - in several submissions. Based on scientific summarizing, 15 publications on political issues with the keyword «Ukraine» were selected on the basis of translated sources from foreign media (scientific research method). Actually with the purpose of understanding the raised issues (conceptual analysis) and of preparing some certain conclusions and generalizations (methods of synthesis, induction and deduction) the problem-thematic analysis was used.
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Monetary Policy Report - July 2022. Banco de la República, octobre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/inf-pol-mont-eng.tr3-2022.
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In the second quarter, annual inflation (9.67%), the technical staff’s projections and its expectations continued to increase, remaining above the target. International cost shocks, accentuated by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have been more persistent than projected, thus contributing to higher inflation. The effects of indexation, higher than estimated excess demand, a tighter labor market, inflation expectations that continue to rise and currently exceed 3%, and the exchange rate pressures add to those described above. High core inflation measures as well as in the producer price index (PPI) across all baskets confirm a significant spread in price increases. Compared to estimates presented in April, the new forecast trajectory for headline and core inflation increased. This was partly the result of greater exchange rate pressure on prices, and a larger output gap, which is expected to remain positive for the remainder of 2022 and which is estimated to close towards yearend 2023. In addition, these trends take into account higher inflation rate indexation, more persistent above-target inflation expectations, a quickening of domestic fuel price increases due to the correction of lags versus the parity price and higher international oil price forecasts. The forecast supposes a good domestic supply of perishable foods, although it also considers that international prices of processed foods will remain high. In terms of the goods sub-basket, the end of the national health emergency implies a reversal of the value-added tax (VAT) refund applied to health and personal hygiene products, resulting in increases in the prices of these goods. Alternatively, the monetary policy adjustment process and the moderation of external shocks would help inflation and its expectations to begin to decrease over time and resume their alignment with the target. Thus, the new projection suggests that inflation could remain high for the second half of 2022, closing at 9.7%. However, it would begin to fall during 2023, closing the year at 5.7%. These forecasts are subject to significant uncertainty, especially regarding the future behavior of external cost shocks, the degree of indexation of nominal contracts and decisions made regarding the domestic price of fuels. Economic activity continues to outperform expectations, and the technical staff’s growth projections for 2022 have been revised upwards from 5% to 6.9%. The new forecasts suggest higher output levels that would continue to exceed the economy’s productive capacity for the remainder of 2022. Economic growth during the first quarter was above that estimated in April, while economic activity indicators for the second quarter suggest that the GDP could be expected to remain high, potentially above that of the first quarter. Domestic demand is expected to maintain a positive dynamic, in particular, due to the household consumption quarterly growth, as suggested by vehicle registrations, retail sales, credit card purchases and consumer loan disbursement figures. A slowdown in the machinery and equipment imports from the levels observed in March contrasts with the positive performance of sales and housing construction licenses, which indicates an investment level similar to that registered for the first three months of the year. International trade data suggests the trade deficit would be reduced as a consequence of import levels that would be lesser than those observed in the first quarter, and stable export levels. For the remainder of the year and 2023, a deceleration in consumption is expected from the high levels seen during the first half of the year, partially as a result of lower repressed demand, tighter domestic financial conditions and household available income deterioration due to increased inflation. Investment is expected to continue its slow recovery while remaining below pre-pandemic levels. The trade deficit is expected to tighten due to projected lower domestic demand dynamics, and high prices of oil and other basic goods exported by the country. Given the above, economic growth in the second quarter of 2022 would be 11.5%, and for 2022 and 2023 an annual growth of 6.9% and 1.1% is expected, respectively. Currently, and for the remainder of 2022, the output gap would be positive and greater than that estimated in April, and prices would be affected by demand pressures. These projections continue to be affected by significant uncertainty associated with global political tensions, the expected adjustment of monetary policy in developed countries, external demand behavior, changes in country risk outlook, and the future developments in domestic fiscal policy, among others. The high inflation levels and respective expectations, which exceed the target of the world's main central banks, largely explain the observed and anticipated increase in their monetary policy interest rates. This environment has tempered the growth forecast for external demand. Disruptions in value chains, rising international food and energy prices, and expansionary monetary and fiscal policies have contributed to the rise in inflation and above-target expectations seen by several of Colombia’s main trading partners. These cost and price shocks, heightened by the effects of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have been more prevalent than expected and have taken place within a set of output and employment recovery, variables that in some countries currently equal or exceed their projected long-term levels. In response, the U.S. Federal Reserve accelerated the pace of the benchmark interest rate increase and rapidly reduced liquidity levels in the money market. Financial market actors expect this behavior to continue and, consequently, significantly increase their expectations of the average path of the Fed's benchmark interest rate. In this setting, the U.S. dollar appreciated versus the peso in the second quarter and emerging market risk measures increased, a behavior that intensified for Colombia. Given the aforementioned, for the remainder of 2022 and 2023, the Bank's technical staff increased the forecast trajectory for the Fed's interest rate and reduced the country's external demand growth forecast. The projected oil price was revised upward over the forecast horizon, specifically due to greater supply restrictions and the interruption of hydrocarbon trade between the European Union and Russia. Global geopolitical tensions, a tightening of monetary policy in developed economies, the increase in risk perception for emerging markets and the macroeconomic imbalances in the country explain the increase in the projected trajectory of the risk premium, its trend level and the neutral real interest rate1. Uncertainty about external forecasts and their consequent impact on the country's macroeconomic scenario remains high, given the unpredictable evolution of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, geopolitical tensions, the degree of the global economic slowdown and the effect the response to recent outbreaks of the pandemic in some Asian countries may have on the world economy. This macroeconomic scenario that includes high inflation, inflation forecasts, and expectations above 3% and a positive output gap suggests the need for a contractionary monetary policy that mitigates the risk of the persistent unanchoring of inflation expectations. In contrast to the forecasts of the April report, the increase in the risk premium trend implies a higher neutral real interest rate and a greater prevailing monetary stimulus than previously estimated. For its part, domestic demand has been more dynamic, with a higher observed and expected output level that exceeds the economy’s productive capacity. The surprising accelerations in the headline and core inflation reflect stronger and more persistent external shocks, which, in combination with the strength of aggregate demand, indexation, higher inflation expectations and exchange rate pressures, explain the upward projected inflation trajectory at levels that exceed the target over the next two years. This is corroborated by the inflation expectations of economic analysts and those derived from the public debt market, which continued to climb and currently exceed 3%. All of the above increase the risk of unanchoring inflation expectations and could generate widespread indexation processes that may push inflation away from the target for longer. This new macroeconomic scenario suggests that the interest rate adjustment should continue towards a contractionary monetary policy landscape. 1.2. Monetary policy decision Banco de la República’s Board of Directors (BDBR), at its meetings in June and July 2022, decided to continue adjusting its monetary policy. At its June meeting, the BDBR decided to increase the monetary policy rate by 150 basis points (b.p.) and its July meeting by majority vote, on a 150 b.p. increase thereof at its July meeting. Consequently, the monetary policy interest rate currently stands at 9.0% . 1 The neutral real interest rate refers to the real interest rate level that is neither stimulative nor contractionary for aggregate demand and, therefore, does not generate pressures that lead to the close of the output gap. In a small, open economy like Colombia, this rate depends on the external neutral real interest rate, medium-term components of the country risk premium, and expected depreciation. Box 1: A Weekly Indicator of Economic Activity for Colombia Juan Pablo Cote Carlos Daniel Rojas Nicol Rodriguez Box 2: Common Inflationary Trends in Colombia Carlos D. Rojas-Martínez Nicolás Martínez-Cortés Franky Juliano Galeano-Ramírez Box 3: Shock Decomposition of 2021 Forecast Errors Nicolás Moreno Arias