Bibliographies thématiques / Political participation – Europe, Western

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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political participation – Europe, Western »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe, Western"

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Kaase, Max. « Interpersonal trust, political trust and non‐institutionalised political participation in Western Europe ». West European Politics 22, no 3 (1 juillet 1999) : 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389908425313.

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Turnbull-Dugarte, Stuart J., et Joshua Townsley. « Political engagement and turnout among same-sex couples in Western Europe ». Research & ; Politics 7, no 4 (octobre 2020) : 205316802097695. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020976952.

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This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across 12 different countries with an identified sample of 1542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and ‘vote like their rights depended on it’, we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive ‘sexuality gap’ in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.
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Koopmans, Ruud. « New social movements and changes in political participation in Western Europe ». West European Politics 19, no 1 (janvier 1996) : 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389608425119.

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van Bezouw, Maarten Johannes, Jojanneke van der Toorn, Ali Honari et Arieke J. Rijken. « Antecedents and consequences of system justification among Iranian migrants in Western Europe ». Journal of Social and Political Psychology 9, no 2 (7 décembre 2021) : 637–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.5445.

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Seeing the sociopolitical system as fair and legitimate is important for people’s participation in civic duties, political action, and the functioning of society in general. However, little is known about when migrants, without life-long socialization in a certain system, justify the sociopolitical system of their host country and how system justification influences their political participation. We examined antecedents of system justification using a survey among Iranian migrants in eight European countries (N = 935). Subsequently, we examined the relationship between system justification and political participation intentions. We found that system justification beliefs are generally high in our sample, mainly stemming from an assessment of opportunity to achieve changes in intergroup relations. Stronger social identity threat, feeling disadvantaged, a longer residence in Europe, and perceived intergroup stability all relate to less system justification. Conversely, stronger efficacy beliefs bolster system justification. Furthermore, we found some support for a curvilinear relationship between system justification and political participation intentions, but the size of this effect is small. The results show that the high levels of system justification of Iranian migrants are at risk when discrimination and disadvantage are perceived to be stable facets of society. Surprisingly, political participation to better Iranian migrants’ societal position is barely affected by system justification. We discuss implications and further research that can increase understanding of system justification among migrants.
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Gherghina, Sergiu. « Making voices count : the political participation of Romanian immigrants in Western Europe ». East European Politics 32, no 2 (2 avril 2016) : 258–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2016.1154461.

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Spina, Nicholas. « Decentralisation and political participation : An empirical analysis in Western and Eastern Europe ». International Political Science Review 35, no 4 (12 août 2013) : 448–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512113496681.

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Huber, Peter, et Josef Montag. « Homeownership, Political Participation, and Social Capital in Post‐Communist Countries and Western Europe ». Kyklos 73, no 1 (5 janvier 2020) : 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/kykl.12218.

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Yurdakul, Gökçe. « Book Review : Migration Policies and Political Participation : Inclusion or Intrusion in Western Europe ». International Migration Review 41, no 1 (mars 2007) : 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2007.00067.x.

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de Rooij, E. A. « Patterns of Immigrant Political Participation : Explaining Differences in Types of Political Participation between Immigrants and the Majority Population in Western Europe ». European Sociological Review 28, no 4 (17 février 2011) : 455–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcr010.

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Wallace, Caire, Florian Pichler et Christian Haerpfer. « Changing Patterns of Civil Society in Europe and America 1995-2005 ». East European Politics and Societies : and Cultures 26, no 1 (18 janvier 2012) : 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411401380.

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This article looks at developments in Eastern European civil society (as measured by the participation in organisations) and how this has changed between 1995 and 2005 using the World Values Survey. There are comparisons with Western Europe on the one hand and the United States on the other, which show that although civic participation of this kind has declined in the United States, it remains stable in Europe, including at a low level in Eastern Europe. Surprisingly, there seemed to be little differences between countries that had joined the European Union and those that had not. The article considers reasons for this continued weakness of civil society in Eastern Europe.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe, Western"

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Grasso, Maria T. « Political participation in Western Europe ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543680.

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Sierens, Vivien Denis. « From Decline to Revival ? An Analysis of Party Membership Fluctuations in Western Europe (1990-2014) ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/288620.

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Since the early 1990s, increasing academic attention has been devoted to party membership. Numerous studies have evidenced a long-term declining trend affecting almost all traditional parties in Western Europe (Mair and Van Biezen, 2001; Van Biezen et al. 2012b). Yet, in recent years, there have been some signs of a revival of party membership (Whiteley et al. 2019). What are the main factors accounting for fluctuations in party membership levels across Western Europe from the 1990s until 2014? This is the main question this dissertation seeks to answer. The main objective of this dissertation is to identify the factors that significantly affect the ability of political parties to recruit members in Western Europe. So far, the academic literature has mainly focused on micro- and macro-level determinants of membership fluctuations and have involved long-term explanations of shifts in party membership. Their general focus has been to ask why citizens join political and not so much why and in which conditions political parties are able to recruit members. The impact of meso-level and short-term factors on party membership variations has been largely underexplored. To shed new light on these issues, this study proposes to apply theoretical perspectives and empirical tools developed by sociological and economical organization studies. Four main theoretical perspectives have been developed by organizational theories to explain variations in organizations’ size and structure: the evolutionary system perspective (ES), the sociological neo-institutionalism (SI), transaction cost theory (TCT) and the resource-based view (RBV). Explanatory insights from each of these perspectives were identified and explored in each of the four empirical chapters of this dissertation. Overall, this dissertation evidences several transformations in party membership. By diversifying temporal perspectives, units of analysis and levels of observation, it shows that the decline of party membership levels is not as universal and as linear as it is often assumed. Membership levels are affected by electoral and organizational lifecycles. Not all parties have been affected by the general decrease in membership levels and some new parties have managed to attract an increasing number of members. Besides, parties that have given their members a greater say in their internal decision making have generally managed to attract new members. By looking at infra-national dynamics of party membership, this dissertation also shows the importance of regional and local context and the heterogeneity of membership trajectories within the same party. It underlines the importance of electoral mobilization at the local level and the importance of individual recruiters for the composition of the membership. By reflecting on the causes of party membership fluctuations, this dissertation sheds light on some important challenges for the future of our representative democracies.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Nickens, Bradley Harrison. « Postmaterialism and Democracy : What Does the Postmaterialist Value Shift Mean for Democracy ? » Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/9913.

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This thesis explores the possible impact of a postmaterialist value shift on the future of democracy in advanced industrial democratic countries. Research over the past few decades has questioned the responsiveness of representative democratic institutions in advanced industrial democracies to individual and communal needs in society. Radical democratic theorists have called for direct action, structural reform, and other social and political changes to make democracy "stronger." Increased education levels brought on by continued economic and physical security in advanced industrial societies has led to a change in the ability of citizens to access the political process. How the relationship between the citizen and the state is altered as a result of continued prosperity is a primary motivation for this research. Working with World Values Survey data, I examine individual and societal level relationships between postmaterial values and direct political participation and acceptance of participatory values. Empirical evidence supports the hypotheses that postmaterial values are positively associated with direct political participation and as the level of Postmaterialists increases in a given society the level of participatory behavior and acceptance of participatory values will also increase. Substantive analysis suggests that increase in the level of postmaterialism in a country will lead to increases in alternative political activity and other forms of direct participation.
Master of Arts
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Goerres, Achim. « Political participation of older people in Europe ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1960/.

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This thesis answers two questions: to what extent do older people in Europe differ from younger people in terms of their participation in politics, and why. It tests an age-centred model of political participation that is theoretically supported by prior knowledge about political-psychological thinking processes and the social behaviour of older people. The empirical innovation lies in a combination of quantitative survey analysis and the qualitative analysis of interviews with older people. The evidence comes from 21 European countries that were in the European Social Survey 2002/3, from British and West German national surveys of the post-war era and from interviews with older English protesters. The thesis focuses on voting participation, party choice and non-institutionalised political participation outside of organisations. Older people participate differently from younger people in politics because they have a different endowment of resources and motivation as well as of opportunities and exposure to mobilisation. This fact is due to a mixture of cohort effects, which are linked to the specific generation that the individuals are members of, and life cycle effects, which are grounded on varying social circumstances across the life cycle. Furthermore, older people benefit from a larger pool of political experience and possess a greater commitment to comply with social norms of political behaviour. Their political preferences are primarily shaped by their generational membership, whereas life cycle variations in political preferences are minor. There is also exploratory evidence that older people suffer from social stereotypes about their role in participatory politics. They internalise societal images about older people, one of which is that they should be passive in some forms of participation, such as protest activities. Thus, their participation level is lower than that of younger people even when all other age-related effects are held constant.
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Mesta, Espinosa Mara Eugenia. « Mexico's relations with Western Europe, 1945-1997 ». Thesis, University of London, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271362.

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Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. « Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries / ». Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.

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de, Rooij Eline A. « Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.

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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
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Wendt, Christopher (Christopher Kenneth). « Migration, nativism, and party system change in Western Europe ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53081.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 326-352).
This project explains the growth of the West European Radical Right in the late-1980s and early-1990s, using that explanation to model the growth of small, programmatically-focused ("niche") parties in previously stable party systems. I find that a key mechanism of niche party growth is the re-weighting of issue priorities or social identities generated by unanticipated, high impact events, such as a severe economic downturn, terror attack or ethnic riot. These "shocks" represent a perceived threat to the economic security, physical safety or group position of some individuals, increasing the attention (salience) they pay to a related issue or identity dimension, such as the economy, domestic security, or one's feelings of national or religious belonging. Niche parties grow when 1) the salience of the dimension they emphasizes increases and 2) the distribution of voter preferences gives them a comparative advantage if the relevant dimension is salient (the niche party is an "issue owner" on the relevant dimension). My analysis focuses on the growth of West European anti-immigrant ("nativist") parties, the major subset of the Radical Right, in the late-1980s and early- 1990s. Many countries in Western Europe were faced with unprecedented, unsolicited migration during this period, and immigration in these countries became a highly salient political issue. Nativist parties, with a popular stance on immigration, leveraged increased salience into significant electoral gains.
(cont.) The continued support for nativist parties, despite declines in immigration, represents a durable (though limited) political realignment along a new, ethnic dimension of political contestation, with nativist parties championing the demands of the "native" ethnic group. To generate my hypotheses and causal mechanisms, I conducted two years of research in Germany and Austria, including an analysis of past public opinion research, a content analysis of four regional newspapers (1960-2005), 185 elite interviews (50 with nativist elites), and an analysis of nativist party literature. To test competing hypotheses I constructed a cross-national dataset of nativist support in Western Europe (1973-2006), as well as state- and local-level datasets in Germany and Austria.
by Christopher Wendt.
Ph.D.
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Ewan, Pauline. « Neorealism, neoliberalism and military aerospace collaboration in western Europe ». Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289885.

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Zwiener-Collins, Nadine. « Women's work and political participation : the links between employment, labour markets, and women's institutional political participation in Europe ». Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/21779/.

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This study explores the links between women's work, gendered labour markets, and women's institutional political participation in 25 European countries. Although employment is a standard predictor of (women's) political participation, previous research has treated women's work mostly as a characteristic of individual women, disregarding the broader structural inequalities that are behind women's work patterns. Using data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey, in combination with detailed information on work-family policies and labour market structures of the countries included, this study aims to contribute to a more contextual understanding of the effects of employment. My research explores whether the effects of employment status, working hours, and job level are shaped by the context, in which they are embedded. Although labour markets and political systems vary considerably across countries and existing research has provided inconsistent findings, the context-dependency of employment effects has not yet been systematically assessed. Moreover, little research has focussed on direct effects of the labour market; therefore, this study explores the effects of two labour market characteristics that have a particularly gendered meaning: work-family policies and gendered structures in the labour market. The findings indicate that the effects of employment are more complex than often assumed in the literature. Employment can not only affect, for example, mothers and non-mothers differently, but there is also an indication that some employment effects are shaped by the labour market context. Contextual characteristics also affect women's political participation directly by redistributing resources and shaping women's experiences in the work-place. Overall, the findings show that the political effects of work should be understood within the wider context.
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Livres sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe, Western"

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García-Albacete, Gema M. Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310.

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Reuter, Lutz-Rainer. Political participation of non-citizens in Germany and Western Europe. Hamburg : Universität der Bundeswehr Hamburg, 1990.

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Migration policies and political participation : Inclusion or intrusion in Western Europe ? Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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Zig, Layton-Henry, dir. The Political rights of migrant workers in Western Europe. London : Sage Publications, 1990.

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Immigrant politics : Race and representation in Western Europe. Boulder, Colo : Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2012.

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Participation, responsibility and choice : Summoning the active citizen in Western European welfare states. Amsterdam : Amsterdam University Press, 2011.

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Eva, Kolinsky, dir. Opposition in Western Europe. New York : St. Martin's Press, 1987.

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Quaranta, Mario. Political Protest in Western Europe. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-22162-5.

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Political conflict in western Europe. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Eva, Kolinsky, dir. Opposition in Western Europe. London : Croom Helm, 1987.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe, Western"

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García-Albacete, Gema M. « Generational Change ? Political Generations and Cohorts in Europe ». Dans Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe, 99–164. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310_5.

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García-Albacete, Gema M. « Political Participation and Age : Building an Exploratory Model of Political Participation Based on Life Cycle, Cohort and Period Effects ». Dans Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe, 48–75. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310_3.

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García-Albacete, Gema M. « Exploration and Development of Equivalent Measures of Political Participation in Europe ». Dans Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe, 13–47. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310_2.

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García-Albacete, Gema M. « What Does ‘Being Young’ Mean ? Young People’s Political Participation in Europe ». Dans Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe, 76–98. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310_4.

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García-Albacete, Gema M. « Introduction ». Dans Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe, 1–12. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310_1.

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García-Albacete, Gema M. « Too Young to Participate ? The Effect of the Transition to Adulthood on Political Participation ». Dans Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe, 165–211. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310_6.

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García-Albacete, Gema M. « Conclusions ». Dans Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe, 212–41. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310_7.

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Coffé, Hilde. « Gender and Political Participation in Western and Eastern Europe ». Dans Democracy in Transition, 95–107. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-30068-4_6.

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Gomez, Raul, et Luis Ramiro. « Non-electoral political participation and civic engagement of radical left voters ». Dans Radical Left Voters in Western Europe, 142–59. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003306092-5.

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Kirbiš, Andrej. « Political Participation and Non-democratic Political Culture in Western Europe, East-Central Europe and Post-Yugoslav Countries ». Dans Democracy in Transition, 225–51. Berlin, Heidelberg : Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-30068-4_12.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe, Western"

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W. Pidluzny, Jonathan. « The Roots of Self-Doubt (and Self-Loathing) in the West ». Dans Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100193.

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Democratic self-doubt is manifest in many ways, some of them a threat to the perpetuation of the very political orders responsible for the exceptional appeal of life in Western societies. This paper begins by defining the phenomenon and proceeds to examine its roots. Five contributing factors are identified, all of them in some way a constituent element of the very way of life, our confidence in which they threaten to erode. The factors discussed are the following: first, the value neutral nature of experimental natural science and its effect on the liberal arts; second, European romanticism and its suffusion through the entire cultural life of the West; third, a mania for equality which, although a fundamental principle of healthy republicanism, can (when pushed to the extreme) erode citizens’ pride in their own regime; fourth, materialism and material abundance, which distract citizens from the innately human longings and cut them off from participation in public life; fifth, egalitarianism desiccates the liberal arts—one of the greatest legacies of the West—and enervates the democrat’s capacity to be moved by them. The paper ends by considering a more insidious form of self-hatred that emerged from the thought of Friedrich Nietzsche and Karl Marx.
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Demir, Emre. « THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE : THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.

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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Sukristyanto, Agus. « Governor Election And Political Participation In East Java ». Dans 2018 Annual Conference of Asian Association for Public Administration : "Reinventing Public Administration in a Globalized World : A Non-Western Perspective" (AAPA 2018). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aapa-18.2018.52.

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Kostenko, Veronica. « GENDER ATTITUDES OF MUSLIM MIGRANTS IN WESTERN AND NORTHERN EUROPE ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.022.

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Lukashin, Alexey A. « Political Extremism Analysis In The Modern Western Europe Using Intellectual Data Processing ». Dans 18th PCSF 2018 - Professional Сulture of the Specialist of the Future. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.12.02.145.

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Hrustek, Larisa, Martina Tomicic Furjan et Igor Pihir. « Political Participation in the Information Society and Impact of Open Data on It ». Dans 2021 IEEE Technology & Engineering Management Conference - Europe (TEMSCON-EUR). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/temscon-eur52034.2021.9488626.

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Giannakopoulos, Dr Angelos. « Engaging Citizens in the Fight against Corruption Results of the EU-Project “ALACs (Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres) : Promotion of Participation and Citizenship in Europe” ». Dans Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir61.

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Siushkin, A. E., et O. V. Milaeva. « THE THEORY OF THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION OF THE XX CENTURY IN WESTERN EUROPE AND THE USA : THE REVIEW OF THE MAIN DIRECTIONS ». Dans A glance through the century : the revolutionary transformation of 1917 (society, political communication, philosophy, culture). Vědecko vydavatelskě centrum «Sociosfera-CZ», 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24045/conf.2017.1.19.

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Slavchev, Ivan. « REQUIREMENTS FOR PERSONAL QUALITIES AND PROFESSIONAL SKILLS OF SPORTS OFFICIALS IN BULGARIA AND EUROPE ». Dans INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS “APPLIED SPORTS SCIENCES”. Scientific Publishing House NSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37393/icass2022/131.

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The current study aims to reveal the requirements for sports officials’ personal attributes, professional skills, and knowledge in Bulgaria. The article analyzes data gathered during the ONSIDE Erasmus+ project. The research has been conducted through a specially designed questionnaire, available in 18 languages and distributed electronically. There are 220 respondents, which encompass well over 50 different sports. There are 31 countries represented in the study, including some outside of the EU. Responses are divided into three groups: Bulgaria, Eastern Block, and Western Block countries. The current article examines if there are any differences in the expectations for the sports officials in Bulgaria, compared to the representatives of the other two groups, based on the different political histories of the countries in the three groups. The responses to each question were checked for statistically significant differences between each pair of the three groups using the Mann-Whitney U test. Four personal attributes show differences between Bulgaria and the Western bloc, and two with the Eastern bloc. As for the skills and abilities, there is one in each comparison with Bulgaria. Additionally, a comparison between the western and Eastern bloc countries was conducted, showing no significant differences in attributes, but three in skills and abilities.
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Leonova, Olga, Olga Roslyakova, Valentina Makarova et Natalya Tyrnova. « Political and economic goals and interests of the Federal Republic of Germany and the European Union in the Caspian region ». Dans "The Caspian in the Digital Age" within the framework of the International Scientific Forum "Caspian 2021 : Ways of Sustainable Development". Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.gbtp6426.

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The Caspian region with its huge oil and gas reserves is becoming an increasingly important source of energy. Gas reserves in the Caspian region may continue to be of interest to Western Europe as a replacement reserve. Cooperation with the region is becoming increasingly important as a result of the EU's eastward enlargement, regardless of the energy sector. European interests in this region can be defined as energy and security interests.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe, Western"

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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.

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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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Haider, Huma. Fostering a Democratic Culture : Lessons for the Eastern Neighbourhood. Institute of Development Studies, août 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.131.

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Political culture is the values, beliefs, and emotions that members of a society express about the political regime and their role in it (Pickering, 2022, p. 5). Norms, values, attitudes and practices considered integral to a “culture of democracy”, according to the Council of Europe, include: a commitment to public deliberation, discussion, and the free expression of opinions; a commitment to electoral rules; the rule of law; and the protection of minority rights; peaceful conflict resolution. The consolidation of democracy involves not only institutional change, but also instilling a democratic culture in a society (Balčytienė, 2021). Research on democratic consolidation in various countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) finds that a key impediment to consolidation is the persistence of old, authoritarian political culture that undermines political and civic participation. This rapid review looks at aspects of democratic culture and potential ways to foster it, focusing on educational initiatives and opportunities for civic action — which comprise much of the literature on developing the values, attitudes and behaviours of democracy. Discussion on the strengthening of democratic institutions or assistance to electoral processes is outside the scope of the report.
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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, et Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.

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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, et Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), juillet 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.

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This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
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Terrón-Caro, María Teresa, Rocio Cárdenas-Rodríguez, Fabiola Ortega-de-Mora, Kassia Aleksic, Sofia Bergano, Patience Biligha, Tiziana Chiappelli et al. Policy Recommendations ebook. Migrations, Gender and Inclusion from an International Perspective. Voices of Immigrant Women, juillet 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/rio.20220727_1.

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This publication is the third product of the Erasmus + Project entitled Voices of Immigrant Women (Project Number: 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364). This product is based on a set of policy recommendations that provides practical guidance on intervention proposals to those with political responsibilities in governance on migration management and policies for integration and social inclusion, as well as to policy makers in the governance of training in Higher Education (University) at all levels. This is intended to promote the development of practical strategies that allow overcoming the obstacles encountered by migrant women during the integration process, favoring the construction of institutions, administrations and, ultimately, more inclusive societies. The content presented in this book proposes recommendations and intervention proposals oriented to practice to: - Improve Higher Education study plans by promoting the training of students as future active protagonists who are aware of social interventions. This will promote equity, diversity and the integration of migrant women. - Strengthen cooperation and creation of networks between academic organizations, the third sector and public administrations that are responsible for promoting the integration and inclusion of migrant women. - Promote dialogue and the exchange of knowledge to, firstly, raise awareness of human mobility and gender in Europe and, secondly, promote the participation and social, labor and civic integration of the migrant population. All this is developed through 4 areas in which this book is articulated. The first area entitled "Migrant women needs and successful integration interventions"; the second area entitled "Promoting University students awareness and civic and social responsibility towards migrant women integration"; the third area entitled "Cooperation between Higher Education institutions and third sector"; the fourth and last area, entitled "Inclusive Higher Education".
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Allan, Duncan, et Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, janvier 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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