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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political participation – Europe »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe"

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Castellino, Joshua. « Muslim political participation in Europe ». Ethnic and Racial Studies 37, no 10 (14 avril 2014) : 1906–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2014.894204.

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Moosavi, Leon. « Muslim Political Participation in Europe ». Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 25, no 1 (30 septembre 2013) : 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09596410.2013.840201.

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Pettinicchio, David, et Robert de Vries. « Immigrant Political Participation in Europe ». Comparative Sociology 16, no 4 (3 août 2017) : 523–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341436.

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This paper compares participation in different forms of political action between natives, immigrants and non-citizen immigrants using data from thirteen European countries across six waves of the European Social Survey. The authors highlight problems associated with previous categorizations of political action, and find that when political action is disaggregated and relative participation between groups is examined, that immigrants’ patterns of participation are not substantially different from those of natives. When comparing citizen immigrants to non-citizen immigrants, previous research has suggested that citizenship acts as a “ticket” to non-institutional, unconventional, confrontational forms of political action. The authors’ findings instead suggest a more complicated relationship between immigrant/citizenship status and preferences for political action since citizenship may facilitate participation in both so-called institutional and extra-institutional activities depending on the context of action.
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Gallego, Aina. « Unequal Political Participation in Europe ». International Journal of Sociology 37, no 4 (décembre 2007) : 10–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ijs0020-7659370401.

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Karp, Jeffrey A., et Caitlin Milazzo. « Democratic Scepticism and Political Participation in Europe ». Journal of Elections, Public Opinion and Parties 25, no 1 (2 janvier 2015) : 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17457289.2014.996157.

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Janova, Mira, et Mariette Sineau. « Women's participation in political power in Europe ». Women's Studies International Forum 15, no 1 (1992) : 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(92)90045-w.

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Rožman, Mojca, et Diego Cortés. « Expected political participation and demographic changes in Europe ». Šolsko polje XXX, no 5-6 (22 décembre 2019) : 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32320/1581-6044.30(5-6)63-78.

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Davis, Belinda. « What's Left ? Popular Political Participation in Postwar Europe ». American Historical Review 113, no 2 (avril 2008) : 363–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.363.

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Schlumbohm, Anna. « Social Capital, Political Participation and Migration in Europe ». Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 39, no 7 (août 2013) : 1198–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2013.777262.

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Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly. « Women's Political Parties in Europe ». Politics & ; Gender 12, no 01 (mars 2016) : 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000586.

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In representative democracies, political parties organize the public will, giving expression to political differences in society (see Katz and Mair 1995; Klingemann, Hofferbert, and Budge 1994; Sartori 1967). Parties can also deepen democracy by broadening the connections between representatives and constituents, helping to hold political institutions accountable and increasing the participation of previously marginalized groups (see Costain 2005; Kitschelt 1993; Shugart 1994; Kittilson and Tate 2005; Young 2000).
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Thèses sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe"

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Grasso, Maria T. « Political participation in Western Europe ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543680.

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Goerres, Achim. « Political participation of older people in Europe ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1960/.

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This thesis answers two questions: to what extent do older people in Europe differ from younger people in terms of their participation in politics, and why. It tests an age-centred model of political participation that is theoretically supported by prior knowledge about political-psychological thinking processes and the social behaviour of older people. The empirical innovation lies in a combination of quantitative survey analysis and the qualitative analysis of interviews with older people. The evidence comes from 21 European countries that were in the European Social Survey 2002/3, from British and West German national surveys of the post-war era and from interviews with older English protesters. The thesis focuses on voting participation, party choice and non-institutionalised political participation outside of organisations. Older people participate differently from younger people in politics because they have a different endowment of resources and motivation as well as of opportunities and exposure to mobilisation. This fact is due to a mixture of cohort effects, which are linked to the specific generation that the individuals are members of, and life cycle effects, which are grounded on varying social circumstances across the life cycle. Furthermore, older people benefit from a larger pool of political experience and possess a greater commitment to comply with social norms of political behaviour. Their political preferences are primarily shaped by their generational membership, whereas life cycle variations in political preferences are minor. There is also exploratory evidence that older people suffer from social stereotypes about their role in participatory politics. They internalise societal images about older people, one of which is that they should be passive in some forms of participation, such as protest activities. Thus, their participation level is lower than that of younger people even when all other age-related effects are held constant.
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de, Rooij Eline A. « Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.

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This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
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Zwiener-Collins, Nadine. « Women's work and political participation : the links between employment, labour markets, and women's institutional political participation in Europe ». Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/21779/.

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This study explores the links between women's work, gendered labour markets, and women's institutional political participation in 25 European countries. Although employment is a standard predictor of (women's) political participation, previous research has treated women's work mostly as a characteristic of individual women, disregarding the broader structural inequalities that are behind women's work patterns. Using data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey, in combination with detailed information on work-family policies and labour market structures of the countries included, this study aims to contribute to a more contextual understanding of the effects of employment. My research explores whether the effects of employment status, working hours, and job level are shaped by the context, in which they are embedded. Although labour markets and political systems vary considerably across countries and existing research has provided inconsistent findings, the context-dependency of employment effects has not yet been systematically assessed. Moreover, little research has focussed on direct effects of the labour market; therefore, this study explores the effects of two labour market characteristics that have a particularly gendered meaning: work-family policies and gendered structures in the labour market. The findings indicate that the effects of employment are more complex than often assumed in the literature. Employment can not only affect, for example, mothers and non-mothers differently, but there is also an indication that some employment effects are shaped by the labour market context. Contextual characteristics also affect women's political participation directly by redistributing resources and shaping women's experiences in the work-place. Overall, the findings show that the political effects of work should be understood within the wider context.
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Hanell, Arvid, et Patrick Henningsson. « INDIVIDUELLT E-DELTAGANDEOCH RESURSTEORIN -En kvantitativ prövning i europeisk kontext ». Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-85647.

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This paper empirically explores how well the established resource theory can explainwhy individuals in European countries participate or not participate through e-participation.Focusing on key resources, the essay also examines the difference in degree of explanationbetween resources on an individual level and country contextual resources. Through logisticregression analysis using variables and nearly 40 000 cases from ESS and the UN E-governmentSurvey, the study finds the resource theory explaining a majority of the results, while at the sametime it fails to contribute satisfying explanations in some areas. Furthermore, our analysisconclude that individual resources has greater impact on individual participation than countrycontextual resources. The best model for understanding individual e-participation from aresource theory perspective still needs to include country contextual resources.
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Easat-Daas, Amina. « Muslim women's political participation in francophone Europe : a comparative study of France and Belgium ». Thesis, Aston University, 2015. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/33396/.

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Muslim women constitute almost half of all European Muslim parliamentarians, yet they are typically framed as oppressed or as a threat to European values. Simultaneously, although France and francophone Belgium are seen as similar, there are significant disparities in the levels of Muslim political representation in each case. The introduction outlines the rationale behind studying the principal motivations, opportunities and barriers to Muslim women’s political participation in France and francophone Belgium, and also the basis of studying the role of ‘European Islam’, political opportunity structures, secularism and Muslim women’s dress. The second chapter details the research design and methodological approaches applied in the study. Via the in-depth comparative analysis of each context and its norms, along with data derived from semi-structured qualitative interviews with Muslim women who participate in politics, the subsequent chapters present findings related to the nature of Muslim women’s political participation in France and francophone Belgium. Chapter Three details the expressed motivations derived from experiences, Islamic and European values, discusses their desires to participate in political projects that will benefit the wider society and groups with whom they socially identify, and how this leads to the Muslim women pursuing diverse political engagement. Chapter Four explores the role of contextual norms and political opportunity structures in shaping and contributing to the distinct disparities in the nature of reported opportunities for political participation encountered by Muslim women in the two cases. Chapter Five details the obstacles to participation posed by Muslim women’s dress in France and the emergence of such patterns in Wallonia. It also outlines the barriers to Muslim women’s political participation linked to Islamophobia, racism and gender. The concluding chapter brings together the principal conclusions of the study, namely the similar faith related motivations to pursue political engagement expressed by the Muslim women who participated in this study, the increasingly similar barriers to political participation faced by Muslim women presented by norms surrounding Muslim women’s dress in the two cases. The study also details the different effects of the political opportunities on the nature of political roles occupied by Muslim women in France and Belgium. Finally, the thesis highlights the remarkable resilience and consistent determination of Muslim women in the two cases.
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Tambe, Elvis Bisong. « Electoral participation in new democracies : applying existing models of turnout to new democracies in Africa, East Asia and Post-Communist Europe ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/73256/.

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Barakat, Rabih. « La participation politique des minorités nationales musulmanes en Europe ». Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA017.

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La participation politique d’une minorité protège son identité culturelle et renforce la paix et l’intégration dans l’Etat. La jouissance des nouveaux groupes minoritaires musulmans européens de leurs droits à la participation politique suppose qu’ils soient reconnus juridiquement comme des minorités ce qui nécessite l’écartement des éléments de reconnaissance de citoyenneté et d’ancienneté. Les institutions internationales tendent de plus en plus à considérer que les minorités n’ont plus besoin de ces deux critères pour bénéficier des droits des minorités. Par contre, cette tendance est peu suivie par les Etats. La participation politique est une notion vaste qui comprend toute activité politique institutionnalisée ou informelle.La participation effective de minorités nécessite la jouissance des droits fondamentaux à la liberté d'expression, de réunion et d'association, ainsi que du droit de voter, d’être élu et d’accéder à la fonction publique pour les ayants droit (citoyens). Une égalité réelle et une participation effective des minorités nécessitent l’adoption des mesures d’action positive. Elles peuvent concerner le droit de vote (représentation) ou le droit de prendre part au processus décisionnel (participation) par le biais des mécanismes comme l’autonomie territoriale, culturelle ou fonctionnelle. Une variété des dispositions juridiques internationales (déclaratoires ou de soft law), ainsi que des législations étatiques favorisant la participation offrent une sorte de catalogue très utile pour traiter la question. Les Etats peuvent y puiser pour générer un système de participation des minorités le plus approprié à chaque contexte étatique et minoritaire
The political participation of a minority protects her cultural identity and reinforces peace and integration in the state. In order to be able to enjoy full rights to political participation, the new European Muslim minorities have to be legally recognized as minorities and this must be done without requiring citizenship and long term residence. International institutions tend to consider that minorities no longer need these two criteria to qualify for minority rights. However, this trend is not followed by states. Political participation is a broad concept that includes all political institutionalized or informal activities. The effective participation of minorities requires their enjoyment of fundamental rights to freedom of expression, assembly and association and the right to vote, to be elected and access to the public service ( for citizens ). Real equality and effective participation of minorities require the adoption of affirmative action measures, which may concern the right to vote (representation) or the right to participate in decision-making (participation) through mechanisms such as territorial, cultural and functional autonomy. A wide range of international legal provisions (mostly declaratory or soft law) and state legislations promoting participation offer useful means to solve the problem. States can use them to generate the most appropriate system of minority participation in any state or minority context
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Acik-Toprak, Necla. « Civic engagement in Europe : a multilevel study of the effect of individual and national determinants on political participation, political consumerism and associational involvement ». Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:94093.

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Active and engaged citizens are the backbone of a strong democracy and a vibrant civil society. Yet recent trends of low electoral turnout in Europe and decreasing levels of civic engagement have called into question the legitimacy of governments and the stability of democracy in the long term, particularly in Europe. Against the background of such developments this research sets out to provide a comparative study of civic engagement and analyse the variations in civic engagement between countries. The study is mainly based on the analysis of the European Social Survey 2002, covering 35,000 individuals from 19 European countries and applies advanced statistical modelling techniques including Multiple Correspondence Analysis MCA) and Multi-level modelling. Although there is a good deal of research examining civic engagement using individual level data or aggregate level data, very few studies have combined both approaches. This study addresses this gap and applies multi-level modelling to examine the relative importance of an individual’s socio-demographic characteristics and his/her country in determining levels and types of civic engagement. Thus, it has the advantage of identifying whether civic engagement is significantly affected by country characteristics or the converse, whether a person’s characteristics (age, education, social class etc.) are all that is needed in order to account for the variations in civic engagement. The innovative application of MCA to explore indicators of civic engagement has led to the identification of three dimensions of civic engagement; political activities, political consumerism and associational involvement. Moreover, by projecting all activities on a two-dimensional map it become evident that citizens who tend to carry out ‘individual’ types of political consumerism such as ‘buycotting’, boycotting and signing petitions are also more likely to be involved in New Social Movement organisations. These significant results shed new light on activities usually regarded as ‘individualistic’ type of activities and suggest viewing them in the context of a wider array of collective actions. Furthermore, in addition to the standard contextual measures such as economic development, welfare regime, income inequality, and levels of democracy, this study introduced two innovative policy measures. To consider the impact of government policies on levels of civic engagement measures of governments’ support of the voluntary sector and civic education at school (comparing the education policies of 19 European countries from 1945-2002) were developed. The results confirmed the importance of both individual level characteristics as well as country level characteristics in explaining civic engagement in Europe. However, differences between countries were reduced to a greater degree when contextual factors were introduced. Particularly the welfare state, showed the greatest effect. This implies that socio-economic conditions and in particular social policy and the degree to which it reproduces egalitarian structures determine to a great extent citizen involvement. In other words the results of this study suggest that the national context matters and that governments can and do shape the nature and levels of civic engagement.
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Avlijaš, Sonja. « Explaining variation in female labour force participation across Eastern Europe : the political economy of industrial upgrading and service transition ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3341/.

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This thesis proposes a theoretical model to explain the variation in female labour force participation (FLFP) across post-socialist Eastern Europe. The model is then tested empirically on 13 post-socialist Eastern European countries during the period 1997- 2008 using a combination of quantitative and qualitative data analysis. Embedded in insights from economics and comparative political economy literature, my theoretical model moves beyond linear causal relationships and suggests how different components of post-socialist economic restructuring in Eastern Europe have affected one another and have translated into specific FLFP outcomes. The model specifies the following three components: industrial upgrading, educational expansion and growth of knowledge intensive services and theorises their relationship to each other and to FLFP as the dependent variable. The model suggests that those countries that embarked on the trajectory of economic development driven by re-industrialisation and industrial upgrading created a vicious cycle for FLFP. This took place because industrial upgrading that was driven by foreign direct investment led to the defeminisation of manufacturing. Such a trajectory of economic restructuring also shaped these countries’ education policies and impeded the development of knowledge intensive services, which would have been more conducive to female employment. The virtuous cycle of FLFP, on the other hand, occurred in those Eastern European countries that turned to reforming their educational sector towards general skills and expansion of tertiary education, with the aim of transforming themselves into knowledge economies. Such a transformation required an active social investment state and growth of knowledge-intensive public and private sector employment, which provided greater employment opportunities for women. This development path created a positive causal loop for FLFP.
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Livres sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe"

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García-Albacete, Gema M. Young People’s Political Participation in Western Europe. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137341310.

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Morales, Laura, et Marco Giugni, dir. Social Capital, Political Participation and Migration in Europe. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230302464.

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Goerres, Achim. The Political Participation of Older People in Europe. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230233959.

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G, Hargreaves Alec, Wihtol de Wenden Catherine et Great Britain. Commission for Racial Equality., dir. The Political participation of ethnic minorities in Europe. London : Commission for Racial Equality, 1993.

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Alan, Marsh, et Barnes Samuel H. 1931-, dir. Political action in Europe and the USA. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Macmillan, 1990.

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Reuter, Lutz-Rainer. Political participation of non-citizens in Germany and Western Europe. Hamburg : Universität der Bundeswehr Hamburg, 1990.

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Migration policies and political participation : Inclusion or intrusion in Western Europe ? Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire : Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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Reingard, Spannring, Ogris Günther et Gaiser Wolfgang, dir. Youth and political participation in Europe : Results of the comparative study EUYOPART. Opladen : Barbara Budrich Publishers, 2008.

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Participatory democratic innovations in Europe : Improving the quality of democracy ? Opladen : Barbara Budrich Publishers, 2013.

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Bowers, Stephen R. Ethnic politics in Eastern Europe. London : Research Institute for the Study of Cnflict and Terrorism, 1992.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe"

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Rucht, Dieter. « Political Participation in Europe ». Dans Contemporary Europe, 110–37. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10340-6_5.

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Rucht, Dieter. « Political Participation in Europe ». Dans Contemporary Europe, 127–48. London : Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36719-7_6.

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Plasser, Fritz, Peter A. Ulram et Harald Waldrauch. « Political Participation and Integration ». Dans Democratic Consolidation in East-Central Europe, 127–46. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26816-0_8.

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Briggs, Jacqueline. « Young People and Participation in Europe ». Dans Young People and Political Participation, 63–86. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-31385-0_3.

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Lovenduski, Joni, et Jean Woodall. « Political Participation and Interest Articulation ». Dans Politics and Society in Eastern Europe, 283–313. London : Macmillan Education UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18877-2_10.

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Goerres, Achim. « Voting Participation ». Dans The Political Participation of Older People in Europe, 39–68. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230233959_3.

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Janse, Maartje. « Voluntary Associations and Political Participation ». Dans Popular Agency and Politicisation in Nineteenth-Century Europe, 193–211. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13520-0_10.

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Birch, Sarah. « Electoral Participation ». Dans Electoral Systems and Political Transformation in Post-Communist Europe, 55–76. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403938763_3.

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Recchi, Ettore. « A Sterile Citizenship ? Intra-European Mobility and Political Participation ». Dans Mobile Europe, 105–22. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316028_6.

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Goerres, Achim. « Membership of Political Organisations ». Dans The Political Participation of Older People in Europe, 95–121. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230233959_5.

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Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe"

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Hrustek, Larisa, Martina Tomicic Furjan et Igor Pihir. « Political Participation in the Information Society and Impact of Open Data on It ». Dans 2021 IEEE Technology & Engineering Management Conference - Europe (TEMSCON-EUR). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/temscon-eur52034.2021.9488626.

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Giannakopoulos, Dr Angelos. « Engaging Citizens in the Fight against Corruption Results of the EU-Project “ALACs (Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres) : Promotion of Participation and Citizenship in Europe” ». Dans Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir61.

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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. « An Evaluation of Caucasian Countries with respect to Eurasian Natural Gas Pipeline Projects ». Dans International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00699.

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Breaking down the natural gas export monopoly of Russia against to the European countries is one the very challenging issues of European authorities in the past thirty years. Despite the introduction of the Norwegian and Algerian gas to the European market in recent years, European countries are still in search of the alternative gas exporter countries to meet their increasing gas consumption. When the expectations of European countries were combined with the relative stabilization of political structure in both South Eastern European and Caucasian countries, the alternative Eurasian natural gas pipeline projects came to the European agenda gradually. In this study, it will be analyzed that both the economic and political situation of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia in terms of their participation to the ongoing Eurasian natural gas projects that plans to deliver natural gas resources of the Caspian Basin to Europe. Within this context, after the brief introduction to explain what those Eurasian natural gas projects are, it will be given information, analyzed and discussed that the current positions of the Caucasian countries against these projects. It is important that the evaluation of the Eurasian Natural Gas Pipeline Projects in the case of the Caucasian countries makes the final step more reliable which will strengthen the economic integration and regional cooperation of Caucasian countries.
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de Fraguier, Eric, Antoine Guelfi, Luc Vanhoenacker, Olivier Rousselot, Michel Béolet et Valérie Bellens. « The European Utility Requirements (EUR) : A Great Achievement and Still on its Way ». Dans 2013 21st International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone21-16914.

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Twenty years ago, a small group of representatives of European electricity producers involved in nuclear generation set up a light structure called the European Utility Requirements organisation. Its long-term objective was to foster the development of competition in the European nuclear industry through writing common design requirements for the new plants. The stabilised version of the specifications (the Revision C) was released in 2001 and since that time it has been extensively used by the utilities that were preparing bids as well as by the vendors that were developing new projects. The EUR has become a reference document, well beyond the initial circle of European utilities that promoted it. Today, the first challenge for the EUR organisation is to promote the issue of revision D of the document (October 2012). Ten years after the last revision, many technological advances and requirements needed to be revised in the effort to keep utilities’ requirements at the highest level. Their role in design of future plants is essential more than ever in the quest for maximum standardisation, itself necessary to maintain the competitiveness of nuclear power in Europe. The second challenge is to take into account the effects of the Fukushima accident. The EUR organisation must not only continue working on the technical impacts as the feedback will be worked out and their integration into the EUR requirements; but it has also to focus on reactions to the disaster among all stakeholders around the world. And support harmonisation processes broadly, in this respect. This is one way to contribute to better acceptance of nuclear energy, while the control of greenhouse gas emissions remains a major global challenge. The third challenge for the future of the EUR organisation lies in strengthening of the links and incorporating the views of its members, particularly through collaborative workgroups, so that the Nuclear Option remains open in future decisions to build new power plants wherever accepted. This will involve the organisation in further enhancing its role as a privileged interface for discussions between utilities, vendors and European regulators. For twenty years the EUR organisation and its members have been able to work together and develop a common vision of the pace of political and economic consolidation of Europe and its enlargement to the East. The pioneers of the approach have been joined by a new generation of contributors. New members have brought their expertise to the organisation. Recently, others have put their participation in standby according to the evolution of their respective nuclear national policy. EUR keeps the way open for future and is proud of being part of nuclear stakeholders promoting standardisation and high quality requirements recognised by the Industry for future new Generation 3 plants.
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Hustad, Carl-W. « Deployment of Low and Zero Emission Fossil Fuel Power Generation in Emerging Niche Markets ». Dans ASME Turbo Expo 2008 : Power for Land, Sea, and Air. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/gt2008-50106.

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The opportunities for near-term implementation of low and zero-emission fossil fuel power generation using Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) is emerging in niche markets. This is primarily motivated by regulations following a growing awareness regarding the potential impact of climate-change, and partly the opportunities for use of carbon-dioxide (CO2) with enhanced oil recovery (EOR). However there remain significant technology, engineering, investment and political barriers that need to be overcome before CCS can be accepted as commercially mature for the power generation industry and the finance community. The risk with early projects is high, while collaboration and trust between government, industry and investors will also be needed to commercialize the technology. With an emerging sense of urgency regarding a global consensus for tackling climate-change, one also observes that technology pathways are integrated with political agendas and it becomes important to roadmap a commercial strategy for the respective technologies taking account of government requirements for compromise and burden sharing. To some extent this can also impact on comparative choices for the most cost-effective technologies that are supported through to future commercial deployment. The situation is complicated by the fact that technology choice—be it pre-combustion, post-combustion or oxy-combustion—remains an open question, where parties are probably influenced by their historical expertise, available hardware and near-term perception of future carbon challenge. The fact that energy, materials and engineering costs have been escalating rapidly while there is also a fundamental paradigm change occurring, somewhat undermines the use of historical data and past experience to predict business opportunities for the future. Within this context the paper considers on-going carbon market evolution in three regions, namely Texas, North Europe and Canada, seen from a technology and project developer perspective. The paper applies updated project engineering costs for capture from natural gas (NG) and coal using post- and oxy-combustion technology. Under all circumstances projects still exhibit poor economic return on invested capital and depend on government participation; they therefore remain unattractive to the investment community. But perhaps more important is the current perception of technology and market risk which also appears to undermine motivation to make significant commitments when evaluating projects within the old paradigm. However such a situation is not politically sustainable and a new paradigm must emerge. This will occur through regulation and significant changes in pricing in the energy and commodity market—including valuation of captured and avoided CO2. And this will also impact on the relative merits of various technology options. For the time being these discussion and results are only indicative of how a new paradigm and evolving technology may become “game-changing”, but the paper does attempt to provide some foresight into future opportunities.
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Ivanescu, Mihaela. « ELECTORAL PARTICIPATION AND VOTING BEHAVIOUR IN THE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS. THE BULGARIAN AND ROMANIAN CASES ». Dans SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.017.

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Kobos, Edgar. « Analysis of Development Factors of Non-Governmental Organizations with Particular Emphasis on Public Funds and the Process of European Integration ». Dans 5th International Scientific Conference 2021. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-464-4.5.

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In the last quarter of the century, there has been a steady increase in the number and scope of organizations operating under the so-called third sector. These organizations implement a wide range of activities, from social services to recreational activities, from political pressure groups to groups that promote art or history. Foundations and associations are an important arena of social, economic and political activity, alongside the state and the private sector, they feature an increasingly important role in today's world. European public funds provide a plentiful supply of financing for these activities. It has been shown that European funds change the statutory objectives of foundations and associations as public funds determine their operational priorities and directions of development. Active civil society supports the creative processes of social capital, and the most important function of NGOs is precise to strengthen social capital. Participation in NGOs is a determinant of civic maturity for citizens. On the other hand, due to the active participation of citizens in such organizations, societies have changed. This is the reason why the direction of the third sector development and the phenomena of its growth is so crucial for every European State.
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Patrut, Monica. « CIVIC EDUCATION THROUGH ONLINE ENVIRONMENT : LEARNING ABOUT 2012 ROMANIAN ELECTIONS ». Dans eLSE 2013. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-13-212.

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Civic education has as main objective the preparing of active and capable citizens to contribute to the development and well-being of the society. In order to achieve this objective there is a focus on the accomplishment of political literacy, on the development of critical thinking and analytical abilities, on the cultivation of democratic attitudes and values, on the stimulation of active participation in community and society. The Strategic Framework for European Cooperation in the field of Education and Professional Development stipulates the promotion of civic education in order to consolidate the active citizenship and political participation. Civic education is compulsory in a world where changes take place rapidly, where diversity has become more and more salient and the necessity for the existence of active, informed and responsible citizens has been more pervasive than before. Civic education should be a dimension of formal and informal education and it can be achieved in traditional and modern, in online and offline ways. The internet can be a good instrument to stimulate the political informing, the political participation or the citizens? civic commitment. Web 2.0 (?social web? or ?social media?) provides to each citizen not only the possibility of getting informed, but also of generating/ producing and distributing content on political issues, of interacting/ collaborating with other citizens and of debating/ resolving different (inter)national problems. The citizen can easily get involved in the electronic agora, can get informed and can express his/ her own opinions and can contribute to the improvement of the political system performance. In this study we will analyze the way in which the online environment can help citizens document themselves in order to choose, being totally aware, the representatives of the national legislative forum and the types of public policies to be put into practice. We will provide a content analysis of the most well-known 2012 Romanian election and political platforms (www.openpolitics.ro, www.machiavelli.ro, www.alegericorecte.ro, votulmeu.com, www.contextpolitic.net, www.hartapoliticii.ro, http://www.cineceapromis.ro, http://www.titools.ro/alegeri2012). Starting from the theoretical frameworks of Gibson & Ward, Foot & Schneider, Schweitzer &Lilleker, our study will address the following research questions: RQ1 ? To what degree do the online election and political platforms contribute to the informing, connecting, involving and mobilizing of Romanian citizens? RQ2 ? To what degree do the features of these platforms take into account the advantages provided by Web 2.0?
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Leitold, Herbert. « Supporting Decision Making and Policy Through Large Scale Pilots ». Dans Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100263.

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Under the European Commission’s ICT Policy Support Programme (ICT-PSP) so-called Large Scale Pilots (LSPs) have been launched to advance cross-border interoperability in key policy areas like eID, eHealth, eProcurement, eJustice or the Services Directive. Member States (MS) collaborated to make their existing services interoperable. The first LSPs started in 2008 and impressive results have meanwhile been achieved. Although being technical projects, key hurdles that had to be overcome wasn’t technology, but legal and operational issues, understanding the legacy and administrative cultures in the participating states, or governance of results. This paper will focus on those aspects. Taking the LSP STORK as an example, the experience made on decision making in such complex initiatives is discussed. The paper will discuss what activities preceded the piloting, like the ministerial declaration that expressed the political will, how the LSP was set up to implement it, and how it led to policy initiative like the upcoming Regulation on electronic identification and trust services for electronic transactions in the internal market (eIDAS).
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W. Pidluzny, Jonathan. « The Roots of Self-Doubt (and Self-Loathing) in the West ». Dans Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100193.

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Democratic self-doubt is manifest in many ways, some of them a threat to the perpetuation of the very political orders responsible for the exceptional appeal of life in Western societies. This paper begins by defining the phenomenon and proceeds to examine its roots. Five contributing factors are identified, all of them in some way a constituent element of the very way of life, our confidence in which they threaten to erode. The factors discussed are the following: first, the value neutral nature of experimental natural science and its effect on the liberal arts; second, European romanticism and its suffusion through the entire cultural life of the West; third, a mania for equality which, although a fundamental principle of healthy republicanism, can (when pushed to the extreme) erode citizens’ pride in their own regime; fourth, materialism and material abundance, which distract citizens from the innately human longings and cut them off from participation in public life; fifth, egalitarianism desiccates the liberal arts—one of the greatest legacies of the West—and enervates the democrat’s capacity to be moved by them. The paper ends by considering a more insidious form of self-hatred that emerged from the thought of Friedrich Nietzsche and Karl Marx.
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Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Political participation – Europe"

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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, mai 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.

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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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Haider, Huma. Fostering a Democratic Culture : Lessons for the Eastern Neighbourhood. Institute of Development Studies, août 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.131.

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Political culture is the values, beliefs, and emotions that members of a society express about the political regime and their role in it (Pickering, 2022, p. 5). Norms, values, attitudes and practices considered integral to a “culture of democracy”, according to the Council of Europe, include: a commitment to public deliberation, discussion, and the free expression of opinions; a commitment to electoral rules; the rule of law; and the protection of minority rights; peaceful conflict resolution. The consolidation of democracy involves not only institutional change, but also instilling a democratic culture in a society (Balčytienė, 2021). Research on democratic consolidation in various countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) finds that a key impediment to consolidation is the persistence of old, authoritarian political culture that undermines political and civic participation. This rapid review looks at aspects of democratic culture and potential ways to foster it, focusing on educational initiatives and opportunities for civic action — which comprise much of the literature on developing the values, attitudes and behaviours of democracy. Discussion on the strengthening of democratic institutions or assistance to electoral processes is outside the scope of the report.
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Motel-Klingebiel, Andreas, et Gerhard Naegele. Exclusion and inequality in late working life in the political context of the EU. Linköping University Electronic Press, novembre 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/9789179293215.

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European societies need to increase the participation in work over the life course to support the provision of qualified labour and to meet the challenges for social security systems under the condition of their ageing populations. One of the key ambitions is to extend people’s working lives and to postpone labour market exit and retirement where possible. This requires informed policies, and the research programme EIWO – ‘Exclusion and Inequality in Late Working Life: Evidence for Policy Innovation towards Inclusive Extended Work and Sustainable Working Conditions in Sweden and Europe’ – aims to push the boundaries of knowledge about late working life and the potential of its inclusive and equal prolongation via a theoretically driven, gender-sensitive combination of multi-level perspectives. EIWO takes a life course approach on exclusion and inequality by security of tenure, quality of work, workplaces, and their consequences. It identifies life course policies, promoting lifelong learning processes and flexible adaptation to prolong working lives and to avoid increased exclusion and inequality. Moreover, it provides evidence for policies to ensure both individual, company and societal benefits from longer lives. To do so, EIWO orientates its analyses systematically to the macro-political contexts at the European Union level and to the policy goals expressed in the respective official statements, reports and plans. This report systematizes this ambitious approach. Relevant documents such as reports, green books and other publications of the European Commission (EC), the European Parliament (EP), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), as well as those of social partners and research institutions, have been systematically scanned and evaluated. In addition, relevant decisions of European summits have been considered. The selection of documents claims completeness regarding relevant and generally available publication, while relevance is defined from the point of view of EIWO’s interests. It is the aim of this report to provide a sound knowledge base for EIWO’s analyses and impact strategies and to contribute to the emerging research on the connection between population ageing and the European policies towards productivity, inclusiveness, equity, resilience and sustainability. This report aims to answer the following questions: How are EIWO’s conceptual classification and programme objectives reflected in the European Union’s policy programming? How can EIWO’s analyses and impact benefit from a reference to current EU policy considerations, and how does this focus support the outline of policy options and the formulating of possible proposals to Swedish and European stakeholders? The present report was written during early 2022; analyses were finalized in February 2022 and represent the status until this date.
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Terrón-Caro, María Teresa, Rocio Cárdenas-Rodríguez, Fabiola Ortega-de-Mora, Kassia Aleksic, Sofia Bergano, Patience Biligha, Tiziana Chiappelli et al. Policy Recommendations ebook. Migrations, Gender and Inclusion from an International Perspective. Voices of Immigrant Women, juillet 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46661/rio.20220727_1.

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This publication is the third product of the Erasmus + Project entitled Voices of Immigrant Women (Project Number: 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364). This product is based on a set of policy recommendations that provides practical guidance on intervention proposals to those with political responsibilities in governance on migration management and policies for integration and social inclusion, as well as to policy makers in the governance of training in Higher Education (University) at all levels. This is intended to promote the development of practical strategies that allow overcoming the obstacles encountered by migrant women during the integration process, favoring the construction of institutions, administrations and, ultimately, more inclusive societies. The content presented in this book proposes recommendations and intervention proposals oriented to practice to: - Improve Higher Education study plans by promoting the training of students as future active protagonists who are aware of social interventions. This will promote equity, diversity and the integration of migrant women. - Strengthen cooperation and creation of networks between academic organizations, the third sector and public administrations that are responsible for promoting the integration and inclusion of migrant women. - Promote dialogue and the exchange of knowledge to, firstly, raise awareness of human mobility and gender in Europe and, secondly, promote the participation and social, labor and civic integration of the migrant population. All this is developed through 4 areas in which this book is articulated. The first area entitled "Migrant women needs and successful integration interventions"; the second area entitled "Promoting University students awareness and civic and social responsibility towards migrant women integration"; the third area entitled "Cooperation between Higher Education institutions and third sector"; the fourth and last area, entitled "Inclusive Higher Education".
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Kolb, Eugenia. Does the Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) of the European Union guarantee successful citizen participation ? Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, mars 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.51592.

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The Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) is a concept of the European Union. The non-binding guidelines formulated within this framework aim to help municipalities and cities to strategically define a local and long term transport and mobility plan. From the European Union's point of view, citizen participation plays a pivotal role during all phases – from the development of the plan until its implementation. This intends to achieve greater support and acceptance from the community for the plan, and to facilitate its implementation. This paper investigates whether the planning and political SUMP approach guarantees successful participatory processes, and what conclusions can be drawn to amend the SUMP process and general transport planning practice. It discusses how citizen participation is defined in the SUMP guidelines and how these elements are reflected in the SUMP guidelines of 2013 and 2019. In a second step, this paper shows how successful citizen participation is defined in an academic context and to what extent the SUMP reflects these findings. The findings derived from the academic context are then applied to the case studies of Ghent and Limburg in order to evaluate how successfully participation procedures were implemented in these SUMP processes. Finally, the question - what conclusions can be drawn from this to improve the SUMP process and general transport planning practice - is assessed.
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