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1
JÜDE, Johannes. « Pathways to successful state formation ». Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64328.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Defence date: 26 September 2019Examining Board: Professor Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute (EUI Supervisor); Professor Raffaella A. Del Sarto, Johns Hopkins University; Professor Nic Cheeseman, University of Birmingham; Professor Bernhard Zangl, Ludwig-Maximilians-University (LMU)
This dissertation analyzes and compares successful and unsuccessful trajectories of state formation in six states in Sub-Saharan Africa. My research has been primarily motivated by two observations: (i) the formation of states has generally been equated with Western statehood, and it has rarely been studied in a systematically theoretical way beyond this context; (ii) particularly in International Relations (IR), the discourse on states in the Global South has often been framed in terms of failure, thus making externally-led state-building an imperative. It is striking that this debate disregards the historical records of state formation (Chapter 1). For this reason, I have decided to shift the perspective by bringing a classical state formation perspective back in to analyze state-making in the Global South. To understand what makes state formation successful, I draw on, and re-engineer, theories of European state formation. I have isolated four mechanisms that are particularly significant for the emergence of statehood: warfare; social coalitions; the character of collective identities; and the mode to satisfy the revenue imperative — taxation or rents. Carefully weighing the explanatory power of the different mechanisms against each other, I define them as pathway mechanisms and intervening mechanisms and use them complementarily to identify pathways to successful state formation (Chapter 2). Based on this theoretical framework, I conduct several theory-guided pairwise case studies. Two of these paired comparisons consist of one relatively successful state formation and one failed state formation trajectory, and the last pair juxtaposes two cases which are inbetween success and failure but with sufficient variance regarding their degree of statehood to make a comparison worthwhile. All pairs have started from similar initial conditions. In total, I examine six attempts at state formation in three pairs: Somaliland/South-Central Somalia as of 1991; Namibia/Zimbabwe as of their respective dates of independence (1990/1980); and Ethiopia/Eritrea as of 1991 (Chapters 3-5). Having analyzed all cases, I transcend the pairwise perspective in the final chapter and revisit all six attempts at state formation. In particular, I compare the trajectories of those cases with a similar degree of success or failure to draw general conclusions on the pathways of successful and failing domestically-led state formation. Lastly, I address some questions raised by my current research in order to indicate avenues for further investigation.
Chapter 1 and 6 of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The possibility of state formation and the limitations of liberal international state-building' (2018) in the journal 'Journal of international relations and development'
2
Seriki, Hannah Titilayo. « Teamwork for innovation in sub-Saharan Africa ». Wiesbaden : Deutscher Universitäts-Verlag, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-8350-9588-5.
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Marx, Benjamin. « Essays on political economy in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118048.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Economics, 2018.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 199-208).
The first chapter explores the disciplining effect of elections on national leaders in Sub-Saharan Africa. I first show that the completion of development projects funded by the World Bank and implemented by governments between 1995 and 2014 yields large electoral benefits for incumbent politicians. The causal effect of completion is identified from an instrumental variables strategy that exploits exogenous variation in the workload of project team leaders at the World Bank. Incumbents are rewarded for completing projects in visible sectors, namely projects providing basic infrastructure and social services, but not for completing projects in other sectors. I then show that governments expedite completion in response to electoral incentives, target their effort towards visible projects, and prioritize completing ongoing projects over initiating new projects before elections. Even in Africa's hybrid political regimes, elections incentivize politicians to deliver tangible policy outputs. In the second chapter, Tavneet Suri, Thomas Stoker and I provide evidence of ethnic patronage in the determination of rental prices and investments in one of Africa's largest informal settlements, the Kibera slum in Nairobi. Slum residents pay higher rents and live in lower quality housing (measured via satellite pictures) when their landlord and locality chief belong to the same ethnicity. We find opposite effects when residents and chiefs are co-ethnics. Our identification relies on the exogenous appointment of chiefs and is supported by several tests, including a regression discontinuity design. In the third chapter, Christopher Blattman, Horacio Larreguy, Otis Reid, and I study a large randomized controlled trial designed to combat vote-buying in the 2016 Ugandan elections. Our design allows us to estimate how the effects of the campaign against vote-buying vary with local treatment intensity. We find that the campaign did not reduce the extent to which voters accepted cash and gifts from politicians, but that it had large effects on vote shares received by candidates. Consistent with these effects, we show that the campaign diminished the effectiveness of vote-buying transactions by shifting local social norms against vote-selling.
by Benjamin Marx.
Ph. D.
4
Lackovičová, Eva. « Religious Pluralism in Sub-Saharan Africa : Political Implications ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193894.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The master's thesis 'Religious Pluralism in Sub-Saharan Africa: Political Implications' is divided into three chapters which aim at defining the region of Sub-Saharan Africa, and further introducing the concept of religious pluralism, religion and its impact on politics and security situation in general and in Nigeria, which was chosen for the case study. The aim was to find out how religion influences society, politics and conflicts in Nigeria. In a region where religion is very important, an analysis of all these factors is interesting and crucial for future developments.
5
Dray, James Daniel. « Voter turnout in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b4889265-1bae-45cc-b12a-4fa92d441800.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis addresses the question of who votes in Africa and why. It uses three sets of quantitative data at three different levels to test its claims: an original compilation of national level institutional and socioeconomic indicators for over 700 elections from independence until 2006 compiled by the author; the Afrobarometer survey of almost 50 000 voters in 17 multiparty African regimes; and the first ever purpose-built survey aimed at testing rational choice turnout models in an African case study, which was designed, administered and analysed by the author in 2005 in Durban, South Africa. It uses a mixture of statistical methods to test comprehensively the determinants of voting in pooled and multilevel, logistic and linear, individual and national level models. It finds that the central claims of the rational choice model do not generally apply in African elections. Both the closeness of the election and the costs of participation are not found to be central to the voting calculus of African voters. Instead those citizens who face the highest barriers to participation in the West: the rural, poor and minimally educated, are the citizens who vote most in Africa. The thesis argues that this is because turnout in Africa is mobilised turnout and these are the groups of people targeted by mobilising agents. It further finds that three central institutions of African politics; ethnicity, clientelism and regime type further structure patterns of mobilisation in ways that have been entirely neglected in studies of turnout until now. Finally, it confirms that voting is habitual and that voters are socialised by formative experiences in their youth, especially the nature of the regime that they grow up in and how democratic they think the country is.
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Monyake, Moletsane. « Measuring generalised trust in sub-Saharan Africa : a critical note ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14272.
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Includes bibliographical references."Generally speaking, would you say most people can be trusted or that one must be careful in dealing with others?" For the past 50 years this question has been used extensively and almost exclusively as a measure of generalised trust in both national and cross-national studies. However, it was not until very recently that scholars focused on the question's validity and reliability as a measure of generalised trust. Besides that these studies' findings are largely contradictory, few of them examine the validity and reliability of the trust data in the African context. This study is motivated by this research gap and the fact that the levels of trust from the Afrobarometer surveys seem to challenge what the literature suggests about the causes and consequences of trust. The study finds that the question is a reliable measure of trust in 'most people' since it obtains largely similar country level estimates when used alone over a period of time. However, African respondents do not consistently interpret 'most people' as 'non-co-ethnics' as previous studies have suggested. In addition, the question does not alternate very well with other measures of bridging trust. This measure is also weakly correlated with measures of civic engagement and associational membership than its alternative, the trust in non-co-ethnics question. However, both measures produce expected linkages with measures of ethnic diversity, economic development and democracy.
7
Okwuchi, Dorothy N. « Nigerian political thought on military cooperation in sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, University of Kent, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335128.
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lemos, samy. « The Role of Conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1940.
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Sub-Saharan Africa is the provider of many critical natural resources. With such resources, one would expect these countries to have thriving economies. Why is the opposite case true? To answer such a question, this paper examines a few critical causes that may justify the current economic situation these African countries are experiencing. Specifically, the paper observes the economic impact of civil war and terrorist conflict in sub-Saharan Africa from 1971 to 2016. To explore the changes in GDP per capita for all these years, this thesis sheds light on three independent variables: year of conflict, education level, and foreign direct investment for many of the 47 sub-Saharan African countries. Replicating Paul Collier’s Bottom Billion, this thesis will delve into more recent trends of the past two decades, and why the lack of economic advancement is pertinent to these countries. With the results obtained, this thesis proposes solutions to lowering the impact of civil conflict, and steadily advancing the economies across the African continent.
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Barreto, Montserrat Lleyda. « The Impact of Democracy on Economic Growth in sub-Saharan Africa ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3800.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research will deal with regime dynamics (early interruption of democracies, early maintaining of democracies, late interruption of democracies, late maintaining of democracies, maintaining autocracies, and liberalizing autocracies), levels of democracy (liberal democracy, electoral democracy, and hybrid regimes) and their relationship with economic growth. Regime dynamics refers to the stability or interruption of democratic and authoritarian regime. The meaning of the regime dynamics categories are: maintaining autocracies (countries that have maintained their authoritarian regime over time), liberalizing autocracies (countries that are not considered close autocracies, having some democratic aspects, such as their electoral system with a set of minimal civil rights and freedom), late interruption democracies (countries that became democracies after 1997 but broke down), late maintaining democracies (countries that became democracies after 1997 and have maintained their democratic status), early interruption democracies (countries that became democracies before 1997 but broke down), early democratizers maintaining (countries that became democracies before 1997 and have maintained their democratic status). These categories are created based on how these countries score in the Freedom House. A total of 47 sub-Saharan African countries will be researched over time, from 1988 until 2008, in order to verify whether countries are included in which group of the regime dynamics' typologies. The variable of economic growth is affected by the regime dynamics. In this case, early maintaining democracy is positive correlated with economic growth. The maintenance of regime, being it a democracy or an autocracy has higher growth rates compared to countries that have democratic or autocratic interruptions. Therefore, regime stability over time is a key variable in order to understand economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa. The impact of regime dynamics and levels of democracy on economic growth has been tested by applying Time Series Analysis (statistical methodology) and Ordinary Least Square method.
10
Fox, Sean. « The political economy of urbanisation and development in sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/807/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis consists of a brief introduction, which situates the work within in the intellectual history of development theory, and three papers that address important gaps in our understanding about the dynamics of urbanisation and urban development in sub-Saharan Africa. The first provides an interdisciplinary, historical perspective on the dynamics of urbanisation and urban growth in the region from the colonial era to the present day. I argue that these processes are fundamentally driven by mortality decline set in motion by improvements in disease control and food security. Viewed through this lens, the widely noted phenomena of ‘urbanisation without growth’ and very rapid urban population growth in the late 20th century are not as unusual as they have often been portrayed by development economists and policymakers. The second addresses the question of why sub-Saharan Africa has the highest rate of slum incidence of any major world region. I argue that slums can be interpreted as a consequence of ‘disjointed modernization’ in which urban population growth outpaces economic and institutional development. I trace the origins of disjointed modernization in sub-Saharan Africa back to the colonial period and show that colonial era investments and institutions are reflected in contemporary variation in slum incidence. I argue that ‘status quo interests’ and the rise of an anti-urbanisation bias in development discourse have inhibited investment and reform in the post-colonial era. The final paper presents and tests an empirical model designed to account for variation in urban protest activity across countries in the region. The model is comprised of basic demographic, political and economic factors that theoretically influence the motives, means and opportunities of potential protestors. The results of a panel data analysis are consistent with the core hypotheses, but several unexpected results emerge. More research is required to confirm these results, clarify mechanisms and account for broader trends in contentious collective action in the region.
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Ichino, Nahomi. « Essays on ethnic diversity and political instability in sub-Saharan Africa / ». May be available electronically:, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Lekalake, Rorisang Nikiwe. « The human development sequence in sub-Saharan Africa Botswana in comparative perspective ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3734.
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Cochrane, Marisa Mendez. « Free and Fair ? : IEM and Internal Political Reform in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/499.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis advisor: David A. DeeseThroughout the last fifteen years, the phenomenon of International Election Monitoring (IEM) has become increasingly widespread. IEM works to enhance the credibility and transparency of elections; over time, as the outcome of one election (and the success of IEM) conditions the electoral context of future elections, IEM can encourage internal political reform. In a number of states, particularly in Latin America, monitoring efforts have succeeded in steadily improving domestic political conditions and facilitating democratic consolidation. Yet, IEM effectiveness is conditioned not only by the characteristics of the monitoring groups involved, but also by the domestic context of a state. Hence, the unique structural conditions in Sub-Saharan Africa present distinct challenges and opportunities for IEM. This thesis investigates the relationship between IEM and internal political reform in four Sub-Saharan African states. While IEM can encourage the progress of reform through a feedback mechanism, the extent of such reforms is greatly affected not only by domestic structural conditions, but by additional and often overlooked intervening variables
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies
Discipline: College Honors Program
14
Lombardi, Mark Owen. « Superpower foreign policy in sub-Saharan Africa : a framework for analyzing third world conflicts / ». The Ohio State University, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487598748019562.
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Cilliers, Erasmus Jacobus Petrus. « The political economy of violence and post-conflict recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0d7849b7-a1f2-49c6-9767-238ba38a6e14.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis presents theoretical work on armed group activity and empirical work on post-conflict recovery. In chapter two, I develop a general equilibrium model of violence to explain observed variation in coercive practices in conflict zones. Armed groups own land in the resource sector and allocate military resources between conflict and coercion, which assign de facto ownership over land and labour respectively. I find that coercion is higher if labour is scare relative to land, production is labour-intensive, or if one group is dominant relative to others. Furthermore, contrary to other studies, I find that coercion could decreases with price if military power is sufficiently decentralised, since conflict draws resources away from coercion. In chapter three, I evaluate a reconciliation program in post-conflict Sierra Leone. The program provides a forum for villagers to air war-time grievances, and also forges institutions designed to improve conflict resolution and build social capital. I find that respondents who received the intervention are more forgiving and are more charitable in their views of ex-combatants. Furthermore, conflict resolution improved and involvement in village groups and activities increased. However, psychological health---depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and anxiety---deteriorated. This study has direct implications for the design of transitional justice programs, as well as programs that aim to promote institutional change. In chapter four, I experimentally vary foreigner presence across behavioural games conducted in 60 communities in Sierra Leone, and assess its effect on standard measures of generosity. I find that foreigner presence substantially increases player contributions in dictator games, by an average of 19 per cent. Furthermore, the treatment effect is smaller for players who hold positions of authority; and subjects from villages with greater exposure to development aid give substantially less and are more inclined to believe that the behavioural games were conducted to test them for future aid. In chapter five, I use a model of repeated bargaining with one-sided asymmetric information to investigate the difficulties of reaching and sustaining power sharing agreements. I show that asymmetric information can explain the persistence of conflict, since learning slows down when there are future opportunities for bargaining.
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Hamblin, Vicky. « A coxian analysis of key trends in Sub-Saharan Africa's political economy, 2000-2011 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20235.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This is a theoretical study that appraises the nature and dimensions of Sub-Saharan Africa's (SSA's) political economy and the forces that underpin them, using a Coxian framework of analysis. Since 2000 the nature of SSA's political economy has been changing. Emergent trends and shifts in the region‟s political economy, including strong economic growth performances and increasing South-South cooperation, appear in contradiction to a dependent and conflict ridden depiction portrayed by most literature on SSA. From a Coxian perspective, it is contended in this study that these changes in SSA's political economy have arisen because of systemic changes occurring in the international system. At the same time, the study acknowledges that SSA's political economy is infused with dependence that can be identified through exploring the historical context of the twentieth century that shaped it. The majority of scholarly literature written on SSA has focused on humanitarian crises, poverty, war, corruption and conflict. In addition, mainstream International Relations (IR) and International Political Economy (IPE) theory largely overlook SSA. The majority of those that explore SSA's place in world politics have failed to contextualise SSA's position within the context of structural changes occurring in the international system. This has resulted in mainstream IR and IPE paradigms being inadequate to provide explanations for emergent trends in SSA's political economy. Exploration and analysis of mainstream IR and IPE theories and Africa's epistemological and ontological requirements directed the study towards selecting a narrowed Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) framework to further explore SSA's political economy. Using the CCT theoretical tools of 'historical structures' and 'hegemony' in the international system, the study explores: What have been the key trends prevalent in SSA’s political economy from 2000-2011 and how have these been shaped by structural changes in the international system? Does the nature of SSA’s political economy between 2000 and 2011 give scope for SSA’s conditions of dependence to alter? A historicised approach in line with CCT allows for exploration of SSA's conditions of dependence through identifying the key ideas, institutions and material capabilities pertinent to SSA's political economy in the twentieth century. The main trends of SSA's political economy from 2000 to 2011 include: a resilient economic and political performance in the face of the financial crisis of 2007 to 2010; increasing engagement with emerging powers resulting in being typified as the 'swing continent'; and different ideas and new approaches with regards to development thinking and the role and nature of institutions. These trends have been highly influenced by the structural change in relative material capabilities from traditional to emerging powers during this decade. The specific use of CCT as a framework has provided the means to analyse the fluid interactions between the key forces in SSA's political economy and the international system, allowing analysis of the possibility of SSA's conditions of dependency to alter. However, this is contingent on factors such as the desire of African leaders and policymakers to end the conditions of dependence. The study identifies the scope and limitations of Coxian analysis for understanding trajectories in SSA's political economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is 'n teoretiese studie wat die aard en die omvang van sub-Sahara Afrika (SSA) se politieke ekonomie en die kragte wat dit beïnvloed ondersoek, deur gebruik te maak van 'n Coxiaanse (Coxian) ontledingsraamwerk. Sedert die jaar 2000 het die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie begin verander. Verskuiwings en tendense in die streek se politieke ekonomie, insluitende sterk ekonomiese groeisyfers en 'n toename in Suid-Suid samewerking, strook nie met die beeld van 'n afhanklike en geweld geteisterde gebied wat dikwels in die literatuur oor SSA verskyn nie. Hierdie studie voer aan, vanuit 'n Coxiaanse oogpunt, dat sulke veranderinge in SSA se politieke ekonomie hul oorsprong het in sistemiese verskuiwinge in die internasionale bestel. Terselfdertyd, word dit aanvaar dat SSA se politieke ekonomie wel aspekte van afhanklikheid toon, veral wanneer die 20ste eeu in oënskou geneem word. Meeste akademiese literatuur oor SSA plaas die fokus op humanitêre krisisse, armoede, oorlog, korrupsie en konflik. Daarbenewens het hoofstroom Internationale Betrekinge (IB) en Internasionale Politieke Ekonomie (IPE) hoofsaaklik SSA oor die hoof gesien, terwyl dié wat SSA se plek in die internasionale sisteem ondersoek, dikwels daarin faal om SSA se posisie in die konteks van strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel te ontleed. Dit het IB en IPE paradigmas tot gevolg wat onvoldoende is om ontluikende tendense in SSA te verklaar. Daar is dus tekortkominge in hoofstroom IB en IPE teorieë. Terselfdertyd stel ontleding van SSA epistemologiese en ontologiese vereistes. Derhalwe gebruik hierdie studie 'n nouCoxiaanse Kritiese Teoretiese (CKT) raamwerk om SSA se politieke ekonomie dieper te ondersoek. Deur gebruik te maak van CKT se teoretiese gereedskap, historiese strukture en hegemonie in die internasionale stelsel, ondersoek die studie die volgende vraag: Wat is die belangrikste tendense wat voorkom in SSA se politieke ekonomie vanaf 2000-2011 en hoe is hierdie tendense gevorm deur die strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale stelsel? Ook, bied die aard van SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 en 2011 ruimte vir SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid om te verander? 'n Gehistoriseerde aanslag in lyn met CKT maak voorsiening vir die verkenning van SSA se omstandighede van afhanklikheid deur die identifisering van die belangrikste idees, instellings en materiële vermoëns wat betrekking het op SSA se politieke ekonomie in die twintigste eeu. Van die hoof tendense in SSA se politieke ekonomie tussen 2000 tot 2011 sluit in: sterk ekonomiese en politieke prestasie ten spyte van die finansiële krisis van 2007-2010; toenemende betrokkenheid deur opkomende magte wat daartoe lei tot Afrika bekend te staan as die 'swaai kontinent'; en, nuwe begrippe en idees oorontwikkeling, sowel as oor die rol en aard van instellings. Hierdie tendense is sterk beïnvloed deur strukturele veranderinge die afgelope decade in die relatiewe én materiële bevoegdhede van tradisionele en ontluikende magte. Die gebruik van CKT laat ontleding van die wisselwerking tussen sleutelmagte in SSA se politieke ekonomie toe, wat gevolglik ook analise van potensiële verandering in SSA se afhanklikheid moontlik maak. Of afhanklikheid wel beeindig sal word, hang onder meer af van die bereidheid van Afrika-leiers en beleidmakers om daad by die woord te voeg. Die studie bepaal die bydrae en beperkinge van Coxiaanse analise vir 'n begrip van die trajek wat SSA se politieke ekonomie inneem.
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Obi, Zion Ikechukwu. « Economic Development, Social Dislocation and Political Turmoil in Sub-Saharan Africa : A Pooled Time-Series Analysis and a Test of Causality ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2671/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study focuses on economic development and political turmoil in post-independence Sub-Saharan Africa. There has been a resurgence of interest in the region following the end of the Cold War. In 1997 U.S. president Bill Clinton took a 12-day tour of the region. In 1999 the U.S. Congress (106th Congress) passed the Growth and Opportunity Act and the Hope for Africa Act, designed to encourage political stability and economic development in the region. Although most Sub-Saharan African countries attained independence from colonial rule in the 1960s, more than 30 years of self-government have brought little economic development and political stability to the region. This study attempts to analyze, theoretically and empirically, the relationship among economic development, social dislocation and political turmoil. Social dislocation, as defined in this study, means "urbanization," and it is used as an exogenous variable to model and test the hypothesized causal relationship between economic development and political turmoil. This study employs pooled cross-sectional time-series and seemingly unrelated regression analyses, as well as Granger-causality, to examine the hypothesized relationships and causality in 24 Sub-Saharan African countries from 1971 to 1995. The results confirm the classical economic development theory's argument that an increase in economic development leads to a decrease in political turmoil. The result of the pooled analysis is confirmed by a SUR analysis on the strength of the relationship at the individual country level in 21 of the 24 countries. However, an indirect positive relationship exist between economic development and political turmoil through social dislocation. At lag periods 1 and 2, I found a causal ordering leading from economic development to political turmoil, indicating a causal relationship from economic development to social dislocation and from social dislocation to political turmoil.
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O'Duffy, Brendan. « Regime repression and dissident reaction : sub-Saharan Africa from 1975 to 1982 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59846.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Daily event data on a group of sub-Saharan African nations from 1975 to 1982 are analyzed to determine the nature of the short term relationship between acts of regime repression and dissident reaction. The results support the Relative Deprivation prediction of an "Inverted U" relationship between acts of repression and acts of Turmoil. Conversely, the concurrence of "U-shape" and "Negative Linear" relationships between repression and acts of Internal War suggest that a mixture of frustration-aggression and cost-benefit analysis may affect dissident behaviour. Moreover, the simultaneous strength of the deprivation indicators and the weakness of the mobilization indicators support the conclusion that a synthesis of the two main approaches to the study of social movement behaviour is in order.
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Kim, Sohhyeon. « Can foreign donors build social capital ? : civil society assistance and civic participation sub-Saharan Africa ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20580.
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Donors have been using various strategies to promote democracy in developing countries. One of the strategies is to support civil society organisations to foster vibrant civil society that can hold government responsive and accountable. Sub-Saharan Africa is no exception, in that all sub-Saharan countries except for the Seychelles were the recipient countries of civil society assistance. This research tests whether donors' civil society assistance is related to the changes in the level of civic participation in the 18 sub-Saharan countries. Firstly, I measure civil society assistance between 2005 and 2009 employing OECD aid statistics, and measure the subsequent change in the level of civic participation by comparing the civic participation level in 2005/6 and 2011/3 using Afrobarometer survey Round Three and Round Five. Then, I investigate whether there is a positive correlation between the two variables. The findings show that the level of civic participation did not change significantly over time. However, further analyses indicate that there is a partially positive correlation between civil society assistance and the change of civic participation. Also, the positive correlation between the assistance and the specific type of civic participation, communing activities, is sustained even when an endogenous factor, the political environment of the countries is hold constant.
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Andersen, Ryan. « Are there economic returns from democracy ? : the experience of Sub-Saharan Africa from 1988-2007 ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12503.
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There is an enduring debate as to whether democracy promotes or hinders economic growth. This study examines the relationship between democracy and economic growth in 47 sub-Saharan African countries from 1988 to 2007. From the late 1980s until the mid-1990s, a period of democratization swept the continent. This period of democratization was followed by a period of strong economic growth from the mid- 1990s through 2007. It is argued here that these events are not coincidental and that democracy is advantageous to economic growth, particularly in the sub-Saharan Africa region. Using statistical analyses such as bivariate correlation and multiple regression, the relationship between democracy and economic growth is examined using a number of control variables to test the strength of the relationship between democracy and growth. To date, the empirical research on democracy and economic growth provides conflicting results, ranging from positive to negative to neutral effects. The results of this study show that there is a correlation between higher levels of democracy and higher levels of economic growth during certain periods. However, this relationship weakens to levels that are not significant once certain combinations of control variables are included. While the results of the study do not provide a definitive answer to the debate, they do refute certain arguments that have been made about the main drivers of economic growth in the region. The results also show that democracy does not have a negative effect on growth, which highly suggests that there might be a sequence effect involved in the path towards democratization and economic growth.
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Rabarijaona, Eric G. « Entrepreneurship as a source of economic, political, and social improvement in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45926.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedA three-country case study was used to analyze the economic, political, and social impacts of entrepreneurship, and the development of entrepreneurship in Sub-Saharan Africa was studied through the lens of five entrepreneurial factors (freedom, labor, infrastructure, governance, and business environment). An increase of foreign direct investments, growing economic freedom for citizens, and a higher gross domestic product per capita were among the economic benefits of entrepreneurship. Politically, stronger democracy, political rights, and civil liberties can be obtained from a growing level of entrepreneurship. Reduced unemployment, better education, higher health expenditures per capita, and development of the communications infrastructure were some of the social benefits. Lower cost for starting a new business and easier access to capital were the chief reasons behind Botswana’s greater level of entrepreneurship. Better governance, regulatory quality, infrastructure, and trade freedom have also helped to attract entrepreneurs for Botswana. For Zambia and Malawi, the coordination of entrepreneurial programs, business freedom, and the amount of corruption are better indicators to predict their levels of entrepreneurship instead of their measures of the rule of law or the regulatory quality. Botswana and Zambia are expected to march toward a virtuous cycle while Malawi appears to be in a vicious cycle.
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Mitchell, Elliot A. « Political competition and electoral competitiveness in Sub-Saharan Africa : a conceputal critique with data ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/4438.
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Chaiwat, Thanee <1976>. « Essays on the Empirical Analysis of Economic and Political Development in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2013. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6030/1/CHAIWAT_THANEE_TESI.pdf.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Sub-Saharan Africa, non-democratic events, like civil wars and coup d'etat, destroy economic development. This study investigates both domestic and spatial effects on the likelihood of civil wars and coup d'etat. To civil wars, an increase of income growth is one of common research conclusions to stop wars. This study adds a concern on ethnic fractionalization. IV-2SLS is applied to overcome causality problem. The findings document that income growth is significant to reduce number and degree of violence in high ethnic fractionalized countries, otherwise they are trade-off. Income growth reduces amount of wars, but increases its violent level, in the countries with few large ethnic groups. Promoting growth should consider ethnic composition. This study also investigates the clustering and contagion of civil wars using spatial panel data models. Onset, incidence and end of civil conflicts spread across the network of neighboring countries while peace, the end of conflicts, diffuse only with the nearest neighbor. There is an evidence of indirect links from neighboring income growth, without too much inequality, to reduce the likelihood of civil wars. To coup d'etat, this study revisits its diffusion for both all types of coups and only successful ones. The results find an existence of both domestic and spatial determinants in different periods. Domestic income growth plays major role to reduce the likelihood of coup before cold war ends, while spatial effects do negative afterward. Results on probability to succeed coup are similar. After cold war ends, international organisations seriously promote democracy with pressure against coup d'etat, and it seems to be effective. In sum, this study indicates the role of domestic ethnic fractionalization and the spread of neighboring effects to the likelihood of non-democratic events in a country. Policy implementation should concern these factors.
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Chaiwat, Thanee <1976>. « Essays on the Empirical Analysis of Economic and Political Development in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2013. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/6030/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In Sub-Saharan Africa, non-democratic events, like civil wars and coup d'etat, destroy economic development. This study investigates both domestic and spatial effects on the likelihood of civil wars and coup d'etat. To civil wars, an increase of income growth is one of common research conclusions to stop wars. This study adds a concern on ethnic fractionalization. IV-2SLS is applied to overcome causality problem. The findings document that income growth is significant to reduce number and degree of violence in high ethnic fractionalized countries, otherwise they are trade-off. Income growth reduces amount of wars, but increases its violent level, in the countries with few large ethnic groups. Promoting growth should consider ethnic composition. This study also investigates the clustering and contagion of civil wars using spatial panel data models. Onset, incidence and end of civil conflicts spread across the network of neighboring countries while peace, the end of conflicts, diffuse only with the nearest neighbor. There is an evidence of indirect links from neighboring income growth, without too much inequality, to reduce the likelihood of civil wars. To coup d'etat, this study revisits its diffusion for both all types of coups and only successful ones. The results find an existence of both domestic and spatial determinants in different periods. Domestic income growth plays major role to reduce the likelihood of coup before cold war ends, while spatial effects do negative afterward. Results on probability to succeed coup are similar. After cold war ends, international organisations seriously promote democracy with pressure against coup d'etat, and it seems to be effective. In sum, this study indicates the role of domestic ethnic fractionalization and the spread of neighboring effects to the likelihood of non-democratic events in a country. Policy implementation should concern these factors.
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Ofuho, Cirino Hiteng. « Discourses on liberation and democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa : the cases of Eritrea and Ethiopia ». Thesis, University of Kent, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244201.
Texte intégral
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Valantassis, John. « The effect of elite political instability on the prevalence of malaria in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3647.
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Abdelsalam, Safa Musa Abdelrasoul. « Impact of gender differences and cultural values on women’s promotion prospects in the public sector of selected countries in sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2796.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MTech (Business Administration))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017.This literature-based case study investigated the influence of gender differences and cultural values on women’s promotion prospects in the public sector of three sub-Saharan countries, namely: the Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria and Sudan and provided a framework designed to facilitate the implementation of women’s promotion prospects in the public sector. Worldwide, women employed in the public sector are stereotyped and discriminated against by being by-passed for high-level positions by men who consider themselves more capable employees. As such, women are overlooked for promotion and encounter the ‘glass ceiling’, which hampers their efforts at accomplishing their career goals. Equality in promotion will improve women’s living conditions and benefit society. While studies have been conducted on several women’s issues, none has focused on how gender differences and cultural values affect women’s promotion in sub-Saharan Africa. This gap needs to be addressed. The design of the study was qualitative as it provides insights into the phenomenon studied. The data collection method was desk research, owing to financial constraints that did not allow for travelling to collect primary data. The study found that gender discrimination exists in both society and the public sector workplaces in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Nigeria and Sudan as a consequence of multi-ethnicity, religion (Sharia law) and war in the Sudan, particularly. The effects of cultural values on promotion and employment in these countries are palpable. The process of how women are promoted to leadership in the public sector is, however, unclear. The study also revealed that in a country like Rwanda, where equal gender opportunities exist socio-economically, fast economic growth and enhanced societal living conditions have been realised. Women’s promotion and well-being is strongly related to the elimination of poverty and the enhancement of living conditions such as reduced child starvation and death. Equality and empowerment of women is now globally accepted as a core human right that needs to be sustained. In this direction, a comprehensive framework for the implementation of gender policies on women’s promotion prospects was developed.
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Amegnran, Kokouvi Momo. « Assessing Electoral Process Challenges Through Poll Workers' Performance in Sub-Saharan Africa-Togo ». Thesis, Walden University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10636426.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Contenders disputing electoral results in Sub-Saharan African countries often attribute defects in presidential electoral processes to the implementation of rules and procedures. Yet despite the considerable decision-making authority poll workers are entrusted with and the significance of the tasks performed by therm, scholars have not closely investigated poll workers’contributions to elections’ management in Sub-Saharan Africa. Using principal-agent theory as the foundation, the purpose of this case study was to examine the challenges encountered in the organization of the presidential election in Togo, held on April 25, 2015, with a particular emphasis on poll workers’ job performance. Research questions focused on whether poll workers in Togo have the ability and the resources necessary to carry out quality elections and the perceived effects of poll workers’ performance on the integrity of the presidential electoral process. Data were obtained from interviews with 11 purposely selected poll workers and review of social media audio and video records of the election. These data were inductively coded and subjected to thematic analysis. A key finding was that deficiencies in poll workers’ performance reflect a complex interplay of ill-conceived legal framework, lack of infrastructure, poor training, personal ineptitude, underfunding, partisanship, and tribalism. Further findings indicated that poll workers performing poorly resulted in long lines of voters, voter suppression, inaccuracies in vote counts, and delay in results announcement. Implications for positive social change include election practitionners’ increased awareness that improving the quality of service delivery to voters on election day may foster confidence in and legitimacy of election results, seen as prerequisite to peaceful presidential elections in this part of the world.
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Baker, Bruce Frederick. « Escape from domination : political disengagement and its consequences in Sub-Saharan Africa, past and present ». Thesis, Coventry University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363608.
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Ampiah, Kweku. « Japanese foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa, 1974-1990 : the dynamics of an immobilist economic diplomacy ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386488.
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Lushombo, Léocadie Wabo. « Imagining an Ethics of Political Participation for Women in Sub-Saharan Africa : A Sophialogical Hermeneutic ». Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108732.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis advisor: Lisa S. CahillThe dissertation draws upon African and Christian ethics as well as on African women's experiences of resistance to violations of their human dignity and womanhood. It takes a theological approach drawing on resources including African women’s theology, Jon Sobrino, Emmanuel Katongole, and Catholic social teaching. An important lens for diagnosing the problems faced by women in Sub-Saharan Africa is Engelbert Mveng’s concept of “anthropological poverty.” This concept refers to the multiple aspects of the loss of dignity resulting from slavery and colonialism; a basic argument of this dissertation is that anthropological poverty affects women in unique ways, that are exacerbated by religious and cultural histories of oppression of women. To address this situation, I will advocate for an interplay between the sacredness of life of every individual that is a salient principle of Christian ethics and the collective consciousness of solidarity that is distinctive of African cultures. The dissertation uses the narratives of abuse of women from the Democratic Republic of Congo that mirror those of Sub-Saharan African women more generally. It argues that these abuses impoverish women not only economically but also and especially anthropologically. While anthropological poverty is rooted in the history of slavery and colonization of African nations, it continues to be worsened by an intermingling of androcentric Christian views with the cultural patriarchal gender biases which significantly shape women's identity and women’s roles in society. Another factor that worsens women's anthropological poverty is sexual violence, especially rape used as a weapon of war. The dissertation argues that the Catholic social teaching's discourse of the preferential option for the poor overlooks the ways these factors doubly impoverish women and obstruct their political participation in society. The Church's teaching tends to focus on economic over anthropological poverty. The dissertation undertakes the task of moral imagination using narrative criticism as a method of biblical exegesis. It assesses the foundations of the political participation of women in African traditions and Scriptures, using the feminist biblical lens of Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, "discipleship of equals." Through a "sophialogical" hermeneutic, the dissertation identifies the epistemology that arises from women's resistance to anthropological poverty. From the perspectives of Latin American liberation theology and a political theology of hope for Africa, it theorizes that the passion of anger offers a particular epistemology of liberation, and can become a praiseworthy and effective means of women’s social participation when it is solidaristic and resistant. The dissertation concludes by assessing the extent to which Catholic social teaching on the preferential option for the poor lacks an adequate analysis of women's specific poverty. The option for the poor needs to regard women's suffering and responses to suffering as loci theologici. This option needs to consider the "conative interruption" dimension of anger that women's narratives disclose as a sign of the times. The dissertation resolves that the Christian virtues of fortitude and prudence need to be rearticulated in the contexts of grave abuses of womanhood, connecting them to solidaristic and resistant anger through which women's sacredness of life can be significantly ennobled
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Theology
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Gowen, Claire D. « IMF Conditionality and Armed Civil Conflict : An Analysis of Sub-Saharan Africa ». unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08062007-155735/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from file title page. Carrie L. Manning, committee chair; Scott E. Graves, Charles R. Hankla, committee members. Electronic text (49 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 3, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-49).
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Ngwenya, Nomfundo Xenia. « State-private sector-civil-society partnerships and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) : a South African response ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52461.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the regional arm of the United Nations in Africa, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) is faced with the challenge of conforming to the broader agenda of its mother body while it simultaneously strives to be seen to devise solutions that are unique to Africa's development needs. This means that the ECA needs to find a way of striking a balance between the demands of international development trends and the viability of such trends for Africa. The United Nations, similarly to other influential multilateral institutions like the World Bank, has moved into the 21st century with the 'partnerships approach' to development. The central idea behind these partnerships is that of promoting active participation between the state, the private sector and civil society in contributing towards development. What this means, therefore, is that development is no longer viewed as the sole responsibility of the state, but rather calls for a closer working relationship between these three sectors. Given the fact that these sectors are at different levels of development in many African countries, with some countries not even having an active civil society, private sector or even a strong state, the ECA has to make sense of what exactly partnerships mean for Africa. This study is based on an understanding that if the ECA wishes to have an impact on the African continent, it will have to engage its Member States in order to develop a common idea and approach to the conceptualisation and implementation of partnerships in Africa. In light of this background, this study focuses on South Africa as a Member State of the ECA and one of a few countries that have a strong civil society and developed private sector. What is also significant about South Africa is the fact that a number of significant initiatives that involve both state and non-state actors have been evident in the period since the first democratic elections of 1994, thus allowing for an informed response from representatives of the different sectors. A South African response has thus been compiled from the six interviews that were conducted, two with representatives from each of the three sectors. Following from the responses, the study makes recommendations as to how the ECA can playa leading role in promoting partnerships in Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigde Nasies se Ekonomiese Kommissie vir Afrika (EKA), 'n streeksvertakking van die Verenigde Nasies in Afrika, staan gedurig voor die uitdaging om te konformeer met die breër agenda van die moederorganisasie, maar streef terselfdertyd daarna om spesifieke antwoorde te vind vir Afrika se unieke ontwikkelingsbehoeftes. Dit beteken dat die EKA 'n middeweg tussen die eise van internasionale ontwikkelingstendense en die toepaslikheid daarvan in Afrika moet vind. Net soos die Wêreldbank en ander invloedryke internasionale instansies, is die Verenigde Nasies se benadering tot ontwikkeling in die een en twintigste eeu geskoei op 'n vennootskapsbasis. Die onderliggende oogmerk van dié benadering is die aanmoediging van aktiewe bydraes tot ontwikkeling deur die staat, privaatsektor en burgerlike samelewing. Derhalwe beteken dit dat ontwikkeling nie meer gesien word as die uitsluitlike verantwoordelikheid van die staat nie, maar eerder as 'n funksie van samewerking tussen die drie bogenoemde sektore. Aangesien baie Afrika state hulself op verskillende vlakke van ontwikkeling bevind, tesame met die feit dat sommige nie oor 'n aktiewe burgerlike samelewing, private sektor, of selfs 'n sterk staat beskik nie, is dit die taak van die EKA om gestalte te gee aan die konsep van 'vennootskappe' binne 'n Afrika konteks. Hierdie studie gaan uit vanaf die standpunt dat die EKA alleenlik 'n impak sal hê as lidstate betrek word om 'n gemeenskaplike verstandhouding en benadering tot die konsepsualisering en implimentering van vennootskappe in Afrika te ontwikkel. In die lig van bogenoemde, fokus die studie op Suid-Afrika, as EKA lidstaat en een van 'n paar Afrika state met 'n sterk burgerlike samelewing en goed ontwikkelde privaatsektor. 'n Verdere belangrike dimensie in die geval van Suid-Afrika, is die aantal belangrike inisiatiewe wat gesamentlik tussen staats- en nie-staatsinstansies sedert 1994 aangepak is. Hierdie inisiatiewe het verseker dat verteenwoordigers van alle sektore 'n ingeligte benadering tot besluite rakende die ontwikkeling van die streek kon volg. Vir die doeleindes van hierdie projek is ses onderhoude gevoer - twee per sektor - ten einde 'n beter begrip te kry van die land se benadering tot vennootskappe in diens van ontwikkeling. As 'n uitvloeisel van hierdie studie, word 'n aantal aanbevelings gemaak oor hoe die EKA 'n leidende rol kan speel in die aanmoediging van vennootskappe in Afrika.
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Ottmann, Martin. « Biting the hand that feeds you : rebel organisation and one-sided violence in sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12418/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the relationship between rebel organisation and violence against civilians in sub-Saharan Africa. I argue that rebels use such one-sided violence to enforce popular support when they are unable to secure support otherwise. An important determinant of this strategic use of violence is the rebels' organisational configuration. Organisational factors such as the ideology of a rebel group, the occurrence of leadership divisions, the level of fractionalisation within a rebel group's population base, the existence of external support and the number of competing rebel factions determine whether non-violent strategies to secure support are available or whether rebels can only rely on violent means to enforce support. I test this theoretical model using both quantitative and qualitative methods. First, I conduct a statistical cross-sectional study analysing the relationship between rebel organisation and rebel one-sided violence in sub-Sahara Africa between 1989 and 2007. The analysis reveals that the occurrence of leadership divisions increases the probability of an onset of rebel violence against civilians. I also find that ethno-nationalist rebel groups kill fewer civilians while rebel groups who draw support from highly fractionalised population bases kill more civilians. Second, I use qualitative within-case analyses of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A) and the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) to test whether these correlations are actually driven by the causal pathways outlined in my theoretical model. While both case studies provide supporting evidence for this, they also uncover that the causal pathways linking leadership divisions to rebel violence can substantially differ from each other. Moreover, the qualitative analysis reveals that the theoretical model only partly captures the causal pathways between rebel ideology and the rebel groups' population base and the level of one-sided violence.
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Mlombo, Abraham. « Contemporary and past dynamics in Japan’s relationship with sub-Saharan Africa : the role of aid ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71917.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Japanese-African aid relationship has evolved since World War Two. The majority of studies on Japan’s role in Africa have focused on the economic aspect, while Japan’s aid relationship with Africa remains a relatively underexplored area of enquiry. This thesis aims to contribute to the study of Japanese-African relations by focusing on the role of aid in Japan’s involvement with the continent. The research question focuses on the evolution of Japan’s aid relationship with sub-Saharan Africa and the factors that have shaped this relationship. The study is qualitative and exploratory in nature and makes use mostly of secondary sources. Theoretically, the study analyses the aid relationship with reference to three sources of motivation for the provision of aid, namely economic, political and moral rationales. The findings of this study highlight the fact that, before 1990, Japan’s aid relationship with Africa was motivated by all three rationales. From an economic perspective, aid served as security for resources from Africa especially after the oil crisis of 1973. From a political perspective, Japan’s aid relationship served a number of objectives that changed over time. The study highlights these changes, suggesting that, from a political perspective, Japan’s aid in respect of Africa initially served to play a critical role in the Western camp in its anti-communist struggle on the continent. It was also used to curb criticism directed at Japan by African countries for its pro-Pretoria policy. After 1990, Japan’s aid relationship with Africa from political perspective served Japan’s ambition to be recognised as a political power, most importantly to receive the support from Africa that would allow Japan to secure a permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council. From an economic perspective, it served to secure strategic natural resources for Japan that would sustain its growing economy and help to achieve its ambition of attaining global economic supremacy. From a moral perspective, the aid relationship served to promote a development path for Africa similar to that experienced in Japan’s Asian neighbourhood. Japan’s aid relationship with sub-Saharan Africa can be explained from a realist perspective, since the country’s national interests played a key role in the distribution of aid in this region. It has been important for Japan to maintain its momentum regarding global economic prominence and influence and for it to try to secure a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. By distributing aid to Africa, it has hoped to improve its chances of achieving its economic ambition and importantly its elevation to the Security Council. The study thus suggests that political ambitions have been the primary motivating factor in the distribution of aid in sub-Saharan Africa. The areas for further investigation, as highlighted by the findings of this study, are as follows: Japan’s aid relationship with Africa remains a relatively new area of inquiry and more research could therefore be done given the available data. The study also highlights the political perspective as the primary motivating factor for Japan’s aid relationship with Africa. This served Japan’s ambitions of being recognised as a global political player that would find its greatest expression in securing a permanent seat on the UN Security Council with the assistance of African nations. Future studies could investigate whether Japan has managed to achieve its global political ambition and whether African countries played a significant role in this process. Finally, future studies could study the effectiveness of the TICAD process and whether Japan’s non-Western approach to development remains a popular model.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hulpverhouding tussen Japan en Afrika het sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog ontvou. Die studie van Japan se rol in Afrika het tot dusver grootliks op die ekonomiese aspek gekonsentreer, terwyl Japan se hulpverlening aan Afrika’n betreklik onderontginde studieveld bly. Hierdie tesis wil tot die studie van Japan-Afrika-betrekkinge bydra deur op Japan se hulpverlening aan die vasteland te konsentreer. Die navorsingsvraag handel oor die ontwikkeling van Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika suid van die Sahara, en die faktore wat hierdie verhouding gevorm het. Die studiemetodologie is kwalitatief en verkennend, en maak hoofsaaklik van sekondêre bronne gebruik. Wat teorie betref, ontleed die studie die hulpverhouding aan die hand van drie motiverings vir hulpverlening, naamlik ekonomiese, politieke en morele beweegredes. Die studieresultate toon dat Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika voor 1990 deur ál drie bogenoemde beweegredes aangevuur is. Uit ’n ekonomiese hoek het hulp as sekuriteit vir hulpbronne uit Afrika gedien, veral ná die oliekrisis van 1973. Uit ’n politieke hoek het Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika ’n aantal oogmerke help bevorder wat mettertyd verander het. Die studie beklemtoon hierdie veranderinge, en doen aan die hand dat, wat politiek betref, Japan se hulpverlening aan Afrika aanvanklik belangrik was in die Westerse kamp se stryd teen kommunisme op die Afrikavasteland. Dit is ook gebruik om Afrika-kritiek op Japan se pro-Pretoria-beleid te smoor. Ná 1990 het die hulpverhouding met Afrika Japan op politieke gebied help naam maak en veral Afrikasteun help werf om ’n permanente setel vir Japan in die Veiligheidsraad te bekom. Uit ’n ekonomiese hoek het dit as waarborg gedien vir strategiese natuurlike hulpbronne wat Japan se groeiende ekonomie kon ondersteun en tot sy strewe na wêreldwye ekonomiese heerskappy kon bydra. Uit ’n morele perspektief wou Japan Afrika ’n soortgelyke ontwikkelingsroete as dié van Japan se Asiatiese bure laat inslaan. Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika suid van die Sahara kan aan die hand van die realistiese perspektief verklaar word, aangesien die land se nasionale belange ’n kernrol in die verspreiding van hulp na hierdie streek gespeel het. Vir Japan was dit belangrik om sy stukrag in die strewe na wêreldwye ekonomiese statuur en invloed te behou en ’n permanente setel in die Veiligheidsraad te probeer bekom. Deur hulp aan Afrika te verleen, het Japan gehoop om sy kanse op sukses in sy ekonomiese strewes en veral ook sy verheffing tot die Veiligheidsraad te verbeter. Die studie gee dus te kenne dat politieke ambisies die hoofbeweegrede was vir hulpverlening aan Afrika suid van die Sahara. Gebiede vir verdere navorsing wat uit die bevindinge van hierdie studie spruit, is soos volg: Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika bly ’n betreklik nuwe studieveld met min beskikbare data, dus is verdere navorsing daaroor nodig. Meer bepaald beklemtoon die studie die politieke perspektief as hoofbeweegrede vir Japan se hulpverhouding met Afrika: Dit het Japan as internasionale politieke speler help vestig, en Afrikalande sou Japan uiteindelik help om die gesogte permanente setel in die Veiligheidsraad te bekom. Toekomstige studies kan verken of Japan in sy internasionale politieke strewe geslaag het en watter rol Afrikalande daarin gespeel het. Laastens kan verdere studies ook ondersoek instel na die TIKAO-proses en of Japan se nie-Westerse benadering tot ontwikkeling ’n gewilde model bly.
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Messaris, Byron. « The political economy of Indian and Chinese foreign direct investment and multinationals in sub-saharan Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20117.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Africa’s rising international profile and geopolitical significance as well as the continent’s relatively ‘under-exploited markets’ have been pull factors for many emerging economies. Globally, the developing and emerging economies of the world for the first time captured more than half of all global FDI in 2011. Changes in the global investment regime are a clear indication of the changing dynamics in the global economy. Since India and China’s FDI liberalisation processes began to gather steam in the 1990s, they have been amongst the most aggressive of the emerging economy investors. This study appraises the role of the government in facilitating investment by Indian and Chinese firms abroad, specifically Sub-Saharan Africa. The study analyses the motivations for such outward foreign direct invest flows, the sectoral trends, and the entry mode differences of Indian and Chinese firms’ investments in Sub-Saharan African markets. Yet, there is a lack of studies that focus on both Indian and Chinese investments in Sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing from theoretical constructs from political economy, International business /economics and International Political Economy - a framework is provided to assess the influence of these investments. The methodology is interpretive and qualitative and draws largely on secondary material from international organisations, government agencies, academic literature and the media. The study finds that the role of New Delhi and Beijing in facilitating and financing outward investments is strategic and pragmatic. These policies greatly influence firms, and the locations and types of their investments. South-South cooperation provides India and China with a framework for long-term political and economic investments and development cooperation with African states. India and China’s engagements in Sub-Saharan Africa share similar and dissimilar forms and motivations for FDI. Markets and resources are primary motivations for these two countries’ firms to invest in the region. India and China’s growing commercial activities in Sub-Saharan Africa provide the region with opportunities for further international market integration and development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika se ontluikende internasionale profiel en geopolitieke belang tesame met die vasteland se relatief ‘onderbenutte’ markte is ’n trekfaktor vir baie ontluikende ekonomieë. Terwyl vloeie uit buitelandse direkte investering (BDI) na Afrika, wat ’n hoogtepunt in 2008 bereik het, in 2010 steeds afgeneem het, was die ontwikkelende en ontluikende ekonomieë van die wêreld vir die eerste keer in besit van meer as die helfte van alle wêreldwye BDI in 2011. Veranderings in die internasionale beleggingsregime is ’n duidelike aanduiding van die veranderende dinamika in die wêreldekonomie. Sedert Indië en China se liberaliseringsprosesse met betrekking tot BDI in die 1990’s begin ontwikkel het, is hulle van die aggressiefste beleggers onder opkomende ekonomieë. Die gebrek aan streekstudies wat op Indiese en Chinese beleggings fokus, verg egter verdere aandag. Die doel van die studie is om die rol van die regering in die fasilitering van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye om in die buiteland te belê te ontleed. Die fokus val veral op Afrika suid van die Sahara, en op die motiverings vir hierdie BDI-vloeie, die sektortendense en wyse van toetreding van Indiese en Chinese maatskappye se beleggings in Afrikamarkte. Bestande uit teortiese konstakke uit internasionale sakestudie, internasionale politieke ekonomie en politieke ekonomie, word ‘n raamwerk waarin die invloed van hierdie beleggings op wat assesseer word is interpritiet en kwalitatiet en stan op sekondêre materiaal en data van regeringsagentskappe, akademiese literatuur en die media. Die gebruik van ’n veelsoortige teoretiese raamwerk wat ekonomiese en politieke beleggingsverskynsels uitbeeld, illustreer die versoenbaarheid van politiek, ekonomie en sakegebaseerde akademiese gebiede en die moontlikheid om grondliggende uitkomste uitkomste vir navorsing oor beleggingstendense en -strategieë in ontluikende ekonomieë te bied. Die studie bevind dat die rol van New Delhi en Beijing in die fasilitering en finansiering van buitelandse beleggings strategiese en pragmaties is, en dat beleide maatskappye grootliks beïnvloed ten opsigte van waar hulle belê en watter soort beleggings hulle maak. Verder, verskaf Suid–Suid-samewerking, ‘n raamwerk vir verbintenis langtermyn- politieke en ekonomiese beleggings en ontwikkelingsamewerking met Afrikastate. Indië en China se betrokkenheid in Afrika toon ooreenstemmende en verskillende vorme en motiverings vir BDI, en markte en hulpbronne is primêre motiverings vir hierdie twee lande se maatskappye in die streek te belê.
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Kluzer, Stefano. « The political economy of information technology in Sub-Saharan Africa : the diffusion of computers in Mozambique ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318361.
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Mutuku, Christine Mwongeli. « Youth Perspectives on their Empowerment in sub-Saharan Africa : The Case of Kenya ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1305816497.
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Norman, Cornelia. « Gender (in)equality and electoral violence : A cross-national study in sub-Saharan Africa, 1990-2008 ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374456.
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This paper examines to what extent gender equality correlates with electoral violence, through a quantitative study of 220 elections that have taken place in sub-Saharan African countries between 1990 and 2008. As such, it has a two-folded purpose. First, to contribute empirically to research about the causes of electoral violence by introducing a new variable. Second, to put to test previous research that argues in favour of a correlation between gender equality and peace. Accordingly, this paper hypothesises that higher levels of gender equality correlate with lower levels of electoral violence. In support of previous research, an initial bivariate regression demonstrates a strong negative relationship between the two variables of interest. The association is only slightly weakened in the sequencing multivariate regression, when controlling for democracy, ethnic fractionalisation, majoritarian electoral systems, GDP per capita, whether an incumbent is running for office, ongoing civil war, and whether the election is the first to take place after a war. The main finding of this thesis is that there is a robust negative correlation between gender equality and electoral violence, which is affected by other variables but not dependent on them.
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Schader, Miriam. « Religion as a political resource ? : the religious and political involvement of migrants from sub-Saharan Africa in two European cities ». Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0019.
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Alors que la religion est souvent dépeinte comme un obstacle à la participation démocratique de migrants, cette thèse pose la question de savoir si la religion peut être une ressource pour l’engagement politique de migrants. Sur la base d’entretiens réalisés à Berlin et en Ile-de-France, la participation religieuse et politique de migrants d’Afrique sub-saharienne est analysée. Pour des raisons méthodologiques, l’accent est mis sur des organisations religieuses à Berlin. Une analyse des réseaux d’organisations africaines laïques, musulmanes et chrétiennes montre que les réseaux chrétiens sont les plus denses et les plus complets, alors que les musulmans sont presque isolés. Pour les organisations chrétiennes, leur religion est une ressource organisationnelle et symbolique qui accroît leur cohésion, leur coopération et la capacité d’agir de leurs leaders. De plus, leurs réseaux religieux leur donnent accès à d’autres ressources. L’analyse herméneutique des entretiens révèle que les fédérations des chrétiens africains à Berlin ont une perspective politique et s’engagent politiquement, alors que leur légitimité est fondée sur la religion. De plus, les migrants chrétiens utilisent leur religion comme ressource symbolique pour revaloriser une identité africaine dans un contexte souvent marqué par la discrimination. La comparaison entre les deux villes montre cependant qu’il y a des différences significatives entre les deux contextes et entre les religions et les confessions. Ceci mène à la conclusion que la religion peut être une ressource organisationnelle et symbolique pour la participation et la mobilisation politiques de migrants,mais seulement dans certaines circonstancesWhile migrant religion is often portrayed as an obstacle to democratic participation, this thesis raises the question whether religion can be a resource for the political involvement of migrants. Based on interviews made in Berlin and the Parisian agglomeration, the religious and political engagement of migrants from Sub-Saharan Africa is analysed. For methodological reasons, the main focus is on religious organisations in Berlin. A formal analysis of networks of African secular, Muslim and Christian organisations in Berlin shows that Christian networks are the densest and most encompassing, whereas Muslims are almost isolated. For Christian organisations, religion is an organisational and a symbolic resource for unity, cooperation, and for increasing their leaders’ capacity to act. Also, their religious networks provide access to resources such as premises or support by the non-migrant population. The hermeneutic analysis of the interview material reveals that, while their legitimacy is based on religion, the federations set up by African Christians in Berlin are explicitly political in their outlook and get involved politically. Also, Christian migrants draw on their religion as a symbolic resource to revalorise an African identity in a context often marked by disrespect and discrimination. Muslims do not seem to have the same option. The comparison between the two cities, however, demonstrates that there are significant differences between the two contexts and between religions and confessions. This leads to the conclusion that religion may be an organisational and a symbolic resource for the political involvement of migrants, but under certain circumstances only
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Mensa-Bonsu, Queenstar. « A Mixed Method Meta-Evaluation of a Usaid Project in Sub-Saharan Africa : Case of Ghana ». Miami University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1624583321481425.
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Kapingidza, Samuel. « The political economy of social protection in Sub-Saharan Africa : Tracing the agenda in Zambia and Zimbabwe ». University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7022.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThis study traces the political economy of the social protection policy processes in the two country case studies of Zambia and Zimbabwe. It focuses on the role of global actors/external agencies (bilaterals, multilaterals and IFIs), national actors (government, parliament) and local actors (beneficiary communities, INGOs, CSOs) in social protection policy evolution. It looks at the power dynamics within the policy space: who is more powerful and who is less powerful, who voices and whose voice matters, who makes decisions and who follows decisions, who drives the policy and who follows, who has the money and who follows the money, who consults and who is consulted, and whether the rural communities (perceived beneficiaries) are active participants or ‘passive’ recipients. Therefore, the study is based on key informant interviews with officials from government, external agencies, INGOs and CSOs as well as focus group discussions with the communities. What emerges is that social protection is a policy contestation between the external agencies themselves; between external agencies and the government; between personnel of the same external agency; and within the government itself. Despite being driven by a common goal to fight poverty, external agencies have different global social protection policy positions and each would ‘push’ for the adoption of that policy position over the rest. Contestation between external agencies and the government reflect that government priorities differ from those of the external agencies. While external agencies pushed for social protection, the government would prefer agricultural subsidies to support the productive capacity of the people. Intra-government ‘struggles’ relate to the contest over which ministry is best placed to coordinate social protection and Ministry of Finance’s ambivalence over budgetary commitment to social protection. The study therefore underscores the primacy of politics in social protection.
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Thiboutot, Monika. « CURES TO STALLED DEVELOPMENT : CAUSES AND SOLUTIONS TO ECONOMIC CRISIS IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA ». Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2776.
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The purpose of this thesis is to investigate some of the contending issues associated with economic underdevelopment in sub-Saharan African states. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the combined effects of World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) economic austerity programs, the increased spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and the continuous democratic deficit on the sluggish economic performance within four sub-Saharan African countries – Ghana, Kenya, Botswana and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The research questions are: are there any unique political, cultural, and economic issues that underscore and determine the path of sub-Saharan African development? What are the potentials for sub-Saharan Africa going beyond its present state of socioeconomic and political underdevelopment? Can sub-Saharan African nation-states truly claim the 21st century? It is hoped that what is learned from examining the situation in these four countries may be generalizeable to other sub-Saharan African states. This thesis has been written with the conviction that sub-Saharan Africa, although it has missed opportunities over the past thirty years, has not completely closed the door on economic development. Although sub-Saharan African conditions have not favored development and there is no simple solution for sub-Saharan Africa's economic and social ills, there are a number of 'common sense' approaches toward sustainable economic and social development. This thesis examines why sub-Saharan Africa's economic crisis has persevered for three decades, and why efforts to establish and uphold more effective economic policies and functioning public institutions have been so much more difficult in sub-Saharan Africa than elsewhere. My account concentrates on political and institutional factors: I explore how the predicament has progressed over the last thirty years, and the repercussions of the long-term nature of this predicament. The focal purpose is to identify and explain the causes which have kept sub-Saharan Africa for several decades mired in an ostensibly permanent crisis. The general theme of the thesis emphasizes that politics and economics are interconnected in sub-Saharan Africa. Moreover, the thesis focuses on the changing role of politics and markets in the process of economic development since the 1970s – and prospects for the future of this region.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science
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Chingore, Nyasha Constance. « Rethinking the right to vote : HIV/AIDS and its impact on electoral participation in sub-Saharan Africa ». Diss., University of Pretoria, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1141.
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"Elections form a key component of democratic governance. Democracy denotes a political system that, among other things, allows citizens to freely choose their government over time through credible, legitimate and acceptable elections; a system which accords them adequate participation in national affairs and a system in which the national affairs are run in a transparent and accountable manner. Democracy as a concept rests upon the consideration that a political leadership in a country must be chosen through an electon governed by fair rules under which social groups and political forces may compete on equal terms. Research has shown that HIV and AIDS may have adverse effects on democracy in Southern Africa. Electoral systems, voter participation, electoral management and administration and political institutions are among the areas of democratisation most affected by HIV/AIDS. ... Chapter one introduces the topic, the research questions to be answered by the research and the research methodology. It also contains a brief literature survey of the research on this topic so far. Chapter two sets out the legal framweork, it gives an analysis of states obligations to ensure political participation based on international and regional standards. The rights of HIV/AIDS infected and affected persons to participate in government and the meaning of [the] right to vote is discussed. The application of the international law obligations to promote and fulfill [uman rights] are discussed and the question 'Do governments have a duty to set up special mechanisms to address the HIV/AIDS pandemic within the electoral context?' is answered. Chapter three is an examination of the relationship between HIV/AIDS and political participation. A brief overview of current electoral statistics and statistics of the trend of the HIV/AIDS pandemic are given. The chapter examines the possible reasons for lack of participation by HIV/AIDS infected and affected persons. Chapter four is a critical analysis of some responses that can be adopted to address the situation. It focuses on mechanical and structural reforms to the electoral process: amending electoral laws and policies to include postal, proxy and other special voting mechanisms; providing for specific legal obligations, for example to have mobile registration and polling stations, to ensure that there is a polling station within a specific distance so that people do not have to walk far and stand in long queues in order to vote. The failure to meet such obligations must have specific legal consequences. Chapter five suggests a more controversial reform of lowering the voting age to address the impact of HIV/AIDS on democracy and children. Chapter six [includes the] conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Naz K. Modirzadeh at the Department of Law, American University in Cairo, Egypt
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Casaburi, Lorenzo. « Essays in Development Economics and Political Economy ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10890.
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Chapter 1 studies the electoral response to the Ghost Buildings program, a nationwide anti tax evasion policy in Italy which used innovative monitoring technologies to target buildings hidden from tax authorities. The difference-in-differences identification strategy exploits both variation across towns in the ex ante program scope to increase enforcement as well as administrative data on actual building registrations. Local incumbents experience an increase in their reelection likelihood as a consequence of the policy. In addition, these political returns are higher in areas with higher speed of public good provision and with lower tax evasion tolerance, implying complementarity among enforcement policies, government efficiency, and the underlying tax culture. Chapter 2 uses a road-level regression discontinuity design in Sierra Leone to study the impact of improvements in rural road infrastructure on agricultural markets. We show that the improved roads reduced the market prices of local crops. These price effects are stronger in markets that are further from major urban centers and in less productive areas. We also find that these price effects are reversed in areas with better cell phone penetration. We show that our empirical findings are consistent with a search cost framework a la Mortensen, but inconsistent with other models, such as Bertrand competition, bilateral bargaining, and Cournot oligopsony. Chapter 3 present results from a randomized controlled experiment designed to study the multiple margins through which value is passed from traders to agricultural producers in the presence of interlinked transactions. Consistent with other studies, we find limited price pass-through in response to an increase in the trader resale price. However, there is a large response in credit provision. We develop a model of interlinked transactions that highlights the substitutability of price and credit pass-through across markets, and verify its predictions empirically. Calibration suggests that to ignore margins of pass-through other than price has substantial implications for welfare analysis.Economics
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Adomako, Samuel, et N. P. Nguyen. « Politically connected firms and corporate social responsibility implementation expenditure in sub-Saharan Africa : Evidence from Ghana ». Wiley, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17863.
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YesWhile previous research has emphasized the role of stakeholder pressures, firm‐specific factors, as well as CEO characteristics as important drivers of corporate social responsibility (CSR) implementation, our understanding of how political connections impact small and medium‐sized enterprises' (SMEs') CSR implementation expenditure is quite limited. In this study, we contribute to filling this gap by investigating the effects of political connections and CSR expenditure and explain the conditions that impact this relationship. Using data from 473 SMEs in Ghana, we find that political connections negatively influence CSR implementation expenditure. However, the negative effect is weakened when a firms' reputation and competitive CSR implementation pressures are high. Implications for theory and practice are discussed.
University of Economics Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
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Nxumalo, Nozipho Nomacule. « Determinants of repatriation among African professionals as perceived by pre and post-graduated scholars from Sub-Saharan Africa : an empirical analysis / ». The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148775905515762.
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Matthew, Ayibakuro Noah. « The approach to corruption in law and development : towards a rights-based perspective in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7887/.
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Using the various moments of ideological change in the law and development movement as an analytical framework, this thesis examines the indifference to corruption in international development in the period preceding the 1990s, and the attributes, challenges and prospects of the current global anticorruption agenda in sub- Saharan Africa. With Nigeria as a case study, the research finds that the approach to corruption has been overwhelmingly influenced by the respective predominant global development ideology during each moment, whilst ignoring local experiences and efforts to address corruption. Hence, despite the heightened attention to the issue in the last couple of decades, anticorruption reforms have failed to enhance pre-existing efforts to deal with corruption in countries. The thesis concludes that the currently evolving paradigm of a rights-based approach to anticorruption demonstrates a promising response to some of the shortcomings of this approach to corruption over the years. However, the nature of its conception and proposals for its implementation reaffirms the entrenched nature of these shortcomings and their inherence in the overall strategy of law and development reforms in countries in sub-Saharan Africa.
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Mills, Linnea Cecilia. « Questionable assumptions and unintended consequences : a critical assessment of the international donor community's fight against corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/467/.
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Following 15 years of high policy attention to curbing corruption in developing countries, this thesis concerns the effects of polices induced by the international donor community on curbing corruption in sub-Saharan Africa. I approach this question by assessing, in three stand-alone empirical chapters, the effects increased political competition, economic liberalisation, and the use of judicial punishment for corruption-related crimes have had on curbing corruption in sub-Saharan Africa. In the first empirical chapter, I assess the effect on corruption from increased political competition following the third wave of democratisation. While popular theories propose that political competition helps curb corruption by inducing political accountability, I find instead, in the sub-Saharan African context that in times of tense political competition the incumbent ensures his victory by buying the loyalty of the elite through distributing state resources for private means. This prebendal politics is, in turn, associated with higher levels of corruption. In the second empirical chapter, which concerns economic liberalisation and its effect on corruption, I ask what happens to corruption as the formal institutions governing the market change. Using insights from a case study on Rwanda, I find that corruption transforms rather than disappears in the advent of economic liberalisation. The third empirical chapter concerns the use of punishment for corruption-related crimes. By using politically contextualised information on prosecutions, I find that such anti-corruption interventions risk being used for political ends instead of curbing high level impunity. The overarching conclusion from this research endeavour is that corruption in the subSaharan African context has a political function which makes the reforms prescribed by the donor community difficult, or illogical, to fully comply with. The political functionality of corruption must therefore constitute the analytical cornerstone when developing anti-corruption policies in order to set realistic expectations and avoid unintended consequences.
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Haile, Simon, et Ebrima Jabang. « The Meeting of Cultures : Effective Leadership in Multicultural Organisations ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för organisation och entreprenörskap (OE), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85138.
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Globalisation has simplified the internationalisation process for companies, and are today not only constrained to multinational companies, as SMEs (small and medium-sized enterprises) are entering global markets in order to attain a sustainable competitive advantage. As a result, more Swedish SMEs are now operating abroad, and SSA (sub-Saharan Africa) is a region that has shown great potential. SSA has a rapid economic growth and greater political stability, and SMEs that enter SSA has many opportunities to gain as it is a fairly unexplored region with a boosting economy. However, working in SSA would entail that Swedish SMEs and its leaders would encounter different cultures and trying to find a way of coping with the differences successfully. The purposes of this study, is, therefore, to explore what cultural challenges Swedish SME leaders face in SSA, and how they adapt to the cultural challenges. The researchers chose a qualitative research strategy with an abductive approach and conducted semi-structured interviews with eight Swedish SMEs leaders that are currently active in SSA. The respondents hold various leading positions within these companies. Our empirical findings suggest that there are several cultural challenges that Swedish SME leaders face in SSA, such as time perception, gender inequality, collectivistic behaviour and trust issues. However, the existing hierarchical system in SSA was seen as the main challenge as the leaders were used to a flat organisations structure in Sweden, whereas the culture in SSA advocate authoritarianism. The leaders that choose to adapt their leadership style become more controlling, which shown improvement on the employees performance. Our findings also indicate that some of the leaders did want to adapt their leadership style but instead sought to transform the current culture in SSA based on a Swedish Model.