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Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political integration – Spanish autonomous communities »

Auteur : Grafiati
Publié le 10 mars 2023

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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political integration – Spanish autonomous communities"

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Sancho, J. R. Lasuén. « The Autonomous Communities : Politics and Economics ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 5, no 3 (septembre 1987) : 251–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050251.

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In this paper it is argued that there is a built-in dilemma in the 1978 Spanish Constitution which can be understood and solved only by comparing the ‘formal’ and the ‘real’ Constitutions of the country. The present shared quasi-federalism will prove inadequate in the long term because it fails to recognize that, for most of the time, political centralization and economic growth cannot occur together in Spain. This fact arises because Spain is a country with an ‘inverted centre-periphery’; the political and economic centres are at different locations. As a result future policy should be orientated towards greater decentralized powers, but with more effective integration of the nationalist parties of the Autonomous Communities into national policies.
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Tudela Aranda, José. « La asimetría, que no los hechos diferenciales, como nota distintiva del Estado autonómico // The Asymmetry, no recognised differences, as a distinguishing feature of the State of Autonomies ». Revista de Derecho Político 1, no 101 (28 avril 2018) : 431. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.101.2018.21968.

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Resumen:La categorización del Estado autonómico se ha desenvuelto desde su adscripciónal Estado regional en sus inicios, a su consideración como uno de los rostros del federalismo en los últimos años. En cualquier caso, una de las características que ha sido subrayada reiteradamente como nota distintiva del mismo, es el principio de emulación. De acuerdo con el cual, la voluntad de igualación de los distintos territorios más el potencial técnico del principio dispositivo, daría como resultado un modelo de organización territorial caracterizado por la homogeneidad. En estas páginas se pretende demostrar que, por el contrario, la Constitución y la evolución del Estado autonómico demuestran que la verdadera nota distintiva del mismo es la asimetría. La asimetría entendida como la voluntad de singularización constitucional de algunos territorios y por la respuesta que esa voluntad ha tenido a lo largo del tiempo. Si bien hubo un tiempo en el que la fuerza del principio de emulación dio como resultado un Estado parcialmente simétrico, la posterior evolución demostró las profundas raíces de la asimetría como principio ideológico del modelo. Haber obviado esta dimensión del Estado autonómico se encuentra entre las razones de su fracaso como proyecto de integración.Abstract:The definition of the Spanish State of Autonomies has been changed over the past decades. While the State of Autonomies has been classified in its beginnings as a regional state, in recent years the model developed features similar to a federal country. Notwithstanding, one of the characteristics that has been frequently underlined as a distinguishing feature of the State of Autonomies is the principle of emulation. Following this principle, the trend to equalize the different territories, in addition to the potential of the «principio dispositivo», according to which all powers that have not been reserved to the central government could be assumed by the Autonomous Communities, would lead to a model of territorial organization characterized by homogeneity. In this text we will demonstrate that, on the contrary, the Constitution and the evolution of the State of Autonomies show that the distinctive feature of the State of Autonomies has been asymmetry. In this context, we understand asymmetry as the desire for a constitutionally guaranteed distinction of some territories and the reactions this constitutional asymmetry had over time. Although during a certain period the strength of the emulation principle lead to apartially symmetrical state, the successive evolution of the State of Autonomiesdemonstrated the deep roots of asymmetry as the ideological principle of the model. The fact that this feature has been underestimated can be considered as one of the reasons for the failure of the State of Autonomies as an integration project. Summary1. The debate on symmetry as the defining element of the State of Autonomies. 2. The constitutional basis of the debate. a. Political asymmetries. b. Recognised differences (hechos diferenciales). 3. Frustration, rebellion and emulation. 4. Nationality is everything and the need to go back to the origins. a. The Barcelona Declaration and its reflections on the Statute. b. The statutes of autonomy of the second-generation and the appearance of emulation. 5. A balance of what the future looks like
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Subirats, Joan. « Social exclusion and devolution among Spanish autonomous communities ». Regional & ; Federal Studies 15, no 4 (décembre 2005) : 471–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560500230615.

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Gołębiowski, Jacek. « The Impact of Political Transformations on the Development of Spanish Culture After 1975 ». Roczniki Humanistyczne 67, no 2 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (30 octobre 2019) : 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2019.68.2-4en.

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The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 61 (2013), issue 2. The political transformations in Spain that ended with the free parliamentary elections of 15th June 1977 were a powerful catalyst for the activity of the Spanish nation in all walks of life. Between 1975 and 1990 a real revolution took place in the Spanish mass media and in culture. It resulted in the setting up of modern periodicals (among others, El País, El Mundo, Navarra Hoy, Diario la Rioja and many others), over 2,600 radio stations and a network of modern television channels broadcasting programs devoted to the culture and languages of the autonomous communities. The Ministry of Culture established in 1977 supported initiatives promoting the multiculturalism of the Kingdom of Spain, which resulted in the opening of several dozen modern museums, institutes of modern art and the organization of numerous festivals. The decentralization of the country made it possible to emphasize the multiculturalism of the Spanish autonomous communities that today act as a magnet for 70 million tourists from all over the world.
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Bayona, A. « The Autonomous Government of Catalonia ». Environment and Planning C : Government and Policy 5, no 3 (septembre 1987) : 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c050309.

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This paper contains an outline of the relations of the Autonomous Communities to the Spanish State, and emphasizes the specific character of Catalonia. The Catalan Statute of Autonomy is discussed, accompanied by a description of the institutions of self government: The Parliament, the President of the Generalitat, the Executive Council, and other syndicates. Next, an outline of the political forces and developmental requirements in Catalonia since the Statute is given, which concludes with an assessment of future prospects. Problems for the future are identified, particularly in the tendency to standardize between the Autonomous Communities, in the operations of the Court (which has limited autonomous actions), in the system of finance, and in the entry to the EEC.
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Prokhorenko, I. « Regional Development Policy in Spain : Instruments and Mechanisms ». World Economy and International Relations, no 5 (2015) : 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-41-51.

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The article explores practices of the regional development policy in Spain (in other words, regional policy) as the central government’s regulation of economic and territorial development, with a view to their possible efficiency for the Russian Federation. The author singles out Spanish regions (17 autonomous communities and 2 autonomous cities) and local communities (provinces, municipalities and islands) as objects of the regional development policy, reviews goals and objectives of this policy. The paper focuses on analyzing, particularizing and comparing of instruments and mechanisms relevant to this policy line of the Spanish state, its institutional and political aspects in time of Franco's rule and during the post-Francoist period. The variation of economic development in the regions of Spain, different parameters of this variation and some factors of the autonomous communities' economic development are estimated. The specific character of interrelationship between central, regional and local authorities in the context of the Spanish State of Autonomies and of the territorial development dynamics, the peculiarities of the operational inter-budgetary relations model, problems of the local government and self-government as well as of decentralization of metro- and megapolises’ governance are examined. The questions of public discussions in Spanish society about the outcome and efficiency of the central government’s regional development policy are touched upon. The regional development policy in Spain is considered as extremely politicized, semi-structured, contentious and ambiguous in consequence of the legal and socio-economic asymmetry of the autonomous communities and also of the ongoing process of federalization in Spain. As in recent years Spain is steadily losing its previous status of the subsidized territory and is turning into a donor of the European Union regional policy, it is necessary for Spanish authorities to make the regional development policy more active and to take a different view of its objectives and opportunities. Acknowledgements. The work is executed according to the fundamental studies programme of the Presidium of RAS no. 31, project 6.6 “Foreign Experience of Regional Policy, and Possibilities of Its Usage in Russia”.
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Tumin, Aleksandr D. « The Modern Rationale for the Spanish National Idea of Espaholidad and the Problem of Spanish “Historical Nationalities” ». Imagologiya i komparativistika, no 16 (2021) : 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/16/11.

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The main particularity of the Spanish civic collective identity is that its doctrine, Espanolidad, was initially formulated as theocratic, proclaiming the unity of the Spanish nation under the aegis of the Spanish Empire. However, after the Spanish War of Independence of 1808-1814, Espanolidad became the banner of opposite political forces: conservative on the one hand and liberal on the other. Espanolidad as the basic factor of the formation of the Spanish civic collective identity in the course of the 19th century favored Castelano-centrismo, which consisted in the centralization of the Spanish economy around Madrid and in the cultural Castilization of the Spanish state, the principal mechanism of which was the universal introduction of the Castilian language. Basque and Catalan regional nationalists being partial towards Castelanocentrismo considered the federalization of the Spanish state as an alternative to it already at the beginning of the 20th century. Conservative elements of Espanolidad received their distinct shape in the Francoist cultural doctrine of Nacionalcatolicismo, which had to justify the Spanish monoethnic state resting on the Christian unity. The Spanish “transition to democracy” is the transformation of the Francoist monoethnic state into the Spanish State of Autonomous Communities. Nevertheless, the rejection of Nacionalcatolicismo, symbolized by the slogan Spain is difference, put the unity of the Spanish nation into question and led to the intensification of regional separatist movements (Catalan and Basque). The criticism of the principle of ethnic nationalism, partly related to Nacionalcatolicismo, fostered the adoption of Constitutional Patriotism as the dominant Spanish cultural strategy. While postulating unity in variety, Constitutional Patriotism gives new breath to the old Espanolidad asserting national unity through the State of Autonomous Communities. The equal legal status of Spanish regions resting on the principles of solidarity and economic utility is upheld by the leveling of the inequalities of economic development between the rich and the poor autonomous communities.
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Núñez, Xosé‐Manoel. « Autonomist regionalism within the Spanish state of the autonomous communities : An interpretation ». Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 5, no 3-4 (septembre 1999) : 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537119908428573.

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Tereshchuk, A. A. « LANGUAGE IDEOLOGY OF SPANISH POLITICAL PARTY “VOX” ». Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no 5 (27 octobre 2020) : 828–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-5-828-836.

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The article analyzes the language ideology of Spanish far-right political party “Vox”. The documents containing the party program have been studied, and interviews and newspaper articles issued by 52 representatives of “Vox” in the Congress of Deputies and 3 representatives in the European Parliament in the period from December 2018 to November 2019 have been analyzed. The article concludes that “Vox” bases its language ideology on the supposition that the Spanish language in multilingual autonomous communities is endangered by the development of minority languages. According to “Vox”, Spanish should be the first language in administration and education on the whole territory of the country. Minority languages may remain in the educational system of the respective regions as optional subjects. The members of “Vox” dedicate a special attention to the question of integrity of the Catalan language. The party considers Valencian and Balearic as independent languages and not as varieties of Catalan. The party supports movements aimed at the linguistic separatism of Valencia and the Balearic Islands from Catalonia.
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Canals, Dolors, et Paula Ortí. « Good Practice Guide for the Preparation and Revision of Regulation Affecting Economic Activity, Government of Catalonia, Presidency Department, EADOP, Barcelona, 2010. » European Journal of Risk Regulation 2, no 2 (juin 2011) : 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1867299x00001318.

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Despite the initial delay in Spain in the adoption and development of a better regulation policy compared to other OECD countries, in the last few years significant advances have taken place, as pointed out in the 2010 OECD report “Better Regulation in Europe. Spain”.In this context, the initiatives promoted by the Autonomous Communities – Spanish subnational levels of government – are also very important, since they have wide powers for the development of their own public regulatory reform policies. In fact, the first Spanish experience of the introduction of regulatory impact assessment in the legal rulemaking process took place in Catalonia, which has been a pioneer in the integration of administrative simplification policies – applied since the early 90s – in addition to its administrative burden reduction strategy.
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Thèses sur le sujet "Political integration – Spanish autonomous communities"

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GRAU, Mireia. « The effects of institutions and political parties upon federalism :the channelling and integration of the Comunidades Autonomas within the central-level policy processes in Spain (1983-1996) ». Doctoral thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5130.

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Defence date: 6 November 2000
Examining board: Prof. Yves Mény (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Michael Keating (EUI) ; Prof. Luis Moreno (Consejo Superiori de Investigaciones Científicas) ; Prof. Juan Subirats (Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Livres sur le sujet "Political integration – Spanish autonomous communities"

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Iribarne, Manuel Fraga. El estado autonómico. Madrid : Dykinson, 2009.

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El estado autonómico. Madrid : Dykinson, 2009.

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Fossas, Enric. El principio dispositivo en el estado autonómico. Madrid : Marcial Pons, 2007.

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Bolos, Felipe Centelles. El estado autonómico : Teoría y práctica. [Toledo] : Editorial Azacanes, 1993.

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Fernández, Antonio Javier Ferreira. Régimen jurídico de la comarca en el sistema autonómico español. Barcelona : Cedecs Editorial, 1999.

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Las comunidades autónomas, su ordenamiento jurídico. Barcelona : Promociones Publicaciones Universitarias, 1987.

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Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Facultad de Derecho., dir. Las perspectivas del estado autonómico. Madrid [Spain] : Universidad Complutense, Facultad de Derecho, 1997.

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Rubio, Fernando García. Evolución histórica del espacio comarcal. Madrid : Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, 2007.

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Rubio, Fernando García. Evolución histórica del espacio comarcal. Madrid : Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, 2007.

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Seijas, Villadangos Ma Esther. Configuración asimétrica del sistema de comunidades autónomas. León : Universidad de León, Secretariado de Publicaciones y Medios Audiovisuales, 2003.

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Chapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political integration – Spanish autonomous communities"

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Colmenero-Ruiz, Maria-Jesús, et Belén Pérez-Lorenzo. « Institutional Policies for Digital Inclusion in Spain ». Dans Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 287–314. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8740-0.ch018.

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This chapter describes the evolution and results of the Spanish Policies of digital inclusion, since its inception in 2000 in the framework of the EU Lisbon Strategy (eEurope 2002) to the present, with special emphasis on cases of greater relevance. It reviews the different plans implemented at the country successively during that period of time. As a result of the Spanish political organization into Autonomous Communities, the direct application of these policies has corresponded to each of them, which adapted the outline to their interests and needs. So, it analyzes the situation in three of the Autonomous Communities, Catalonia, Andalusia and Extremadura, with different demographic and economic characteristics, providing recent indicators and the programs that are in development just now.
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Guirao, Fernando. « Schumania and Spain’s Heavy-Industry Supply ». Dans The European Rescue of the Franco Regime, 1950-1975, 31–51. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861232.003.0002.

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The title of this book -The European Rescue of the Franco Regime- intends to draw the reader’s attention away from traditional narratives. The thesis widely sustained by scholars and reflected in public opinion is that the institutionalized pattern of European integration contributed to isolate and weaken the political regime that generalissimo Francisco Franco established after his victory in the Spanish Civil War (1936-9) and headed until his death in November 1975. In Spain, during the struggle for democracy under and immediately following Franco’s dictatorship, membership in the European Communities became emblematic of a collective desire for democratic consolidation and social modernization, as well as the fastest route to elevate the Spanish standard of living in line with Europe’s most advanced societies. This notion of the Europeanization of Spain has made it difficult to conceive the Spanish policy of the European Communities during the Franco era as anything other than a significant element in the combat against Francoism. It is indisputable that the Axis stigma prevented Francoist Spain’s membership to the European Communities. Yet the absence of membership constitutes neither the beginning nor the end, nor even the most important component of the story. From exclusion, a multiplicity of possibilities sprouted, including active support. Although the rescue concept emerged from the analysis of the Six, it could be extended to Franco Spain. The purpose of the Spanish EEC strategy was to generate material prosperity in Spain to maintain the dictatorship’s grip on the country, not to advance the arrival of democracy.
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Chuliá, Elisa. « Spain ». Dans Health Politics in Europe, 333–52. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860525.003.0015.

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This chapter offers an in-depth look at health politics and the tax-financed, universal health system in Spain. It traces the development of the Spanish healthcare system, focusing in particular on its double transition in the 1980s and 1990s from a centralized social insurance system, mostly funded through workers’ and employers’ contributions, to a decentralized universal model financed by general taxation. The new national health system aimed at covering all residents and transferred healthcare competences to the regions, i.e. the seventeen Autonomous Communities, a process completed in 2001. Key issues include rationalization, harmonization, and territorial equity-building of the decentralized healthcare system; efficiency improvement through the introduction of private management elements; and cost containment to bolster the system’s financial sustainability in the context of growing demand and scarce resources. As the chapter argues, these challenges along with the remarkable changes in the political party system have increased the political salience of healthcare in public debate in the 2010s, but the prospects for developing consensual healthcare policies have worsened, such that structural problems are likely to persist.
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Hechler, Ryan Scott. « Over the Andes and through Their Goods ». Dans The Archaeology of the Upper Amazon, 208–27. University Press of Florida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066905.003.0011.

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While highland Peru’s Late Intermediate Period (AD ~1000–1476) is characterized by community isolation, regional violence, and shrinking exchange networks, the contemporary northern Ecuadorian Late Integration Period (~AD 950–1500) was a time of large-scale interregional activity that saw the flourishing of market economies. The northern Ecuadorian Andes demonstrated highly diverse cultural practices amongst an intimately connected Barbacoan world that stretched from the highlands of northern Ecuador and southwestern Colombia to the Amazon and the Pacific coast. Late Integration Period groups such as the Quijos, Caras, Yumbos, and Pastos were intimately connected via political affiliation, economic exchange, and linguistic similarity – relations that were built and sustained in highly varied environments. This region proved the most difficult to subdue during the late Inca conquest of the region. The Incas’ imperial attempts to segregate the subjugated highland Caras from surrounding groups via constructing the highest concentration of fortifications in the pre-Columbian Andes proved insufficient to quell ties with unconquered ceja de selva communities, particularly the Quijos who maintained complex interregional relations during Inca and early Spanish colonialism.
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