Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political ignorance »
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Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political ignorance"
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Lee, Joori. « Discrimination, Ignorance, and Aestheticization of Political Life ». Journal of English Studies in Korea 34 (30 juin 2018) : 127–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46562/ssw.34.5.
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Gabriëls, René. « The expertocratic shortcut ». Philosophy & ; Social Criticism 47, no 1 (janvier 2021) : 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720983938.
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Lafont rightly criticizes the expertocratic shortcut, i.e. the expectation that citizens blindly defer to experts. This shortcut is based on the assumptions that citizens are generally politically ignorant. I will argue that it is necessary to address not only the political ignorance of citizens, but also that of politicians, scientific experts and entrepreneurs. Just like politicians, scientific experts often show political ignorance towards citizens. This is the case if they do not consider the perspective of citizens in politically charged research. Unlike Lafont, I believe that if citizens are expected to blindly defer to politicians, there is no expertocratic shortcut, but a form of authoritarianism that fosters populism. Lafont overlooks an expertocratic shortcut: scientific experts who expect politicians to blindly defer to them, i.e. to accept the agenda they set. It is noteworthy that neither Lafont nor her opponents defending an expertocratic shortcut explicitly discuss the tension between capitalism and democracy. They should do so in order to explain which citizens are ignorant and bypassed, and which are not. The socio-economic inequalities inherent in capitalism correspond to the degree of political interest and participation of citizens. Entrepreneurs are often not only politically ignorant towards citizens, but also towards politicians and scientific experts. Their political ignorance is due to the fact that they are most often in a dominant position where politicians, scientific experts and citizens depend on them. This can be traced back to what I call the neoliberal shortcut: the expectation that actors blindly defer to the markets.
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Somin, Ilya. « DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL IGNORANCE ». Critical Review 22, no 2-3 (mai 2010) : 253–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2010.508635.
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Pincione, Guido, et FERNANDO R. TESÓN. « Rational Ignorance and Political Morality ». Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 72, no 1 (janvier 2006) : 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1933-1592.2006.tb00491.x.
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MARDLE, GEORGE, et MERVYN TAYLOR. « Political Knowledge and Political Ignorance : a re-examination ». Political Quarterly 58, no 2 (avril 1987) : 208–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1987.tb02837.x.
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Hamid, Mohammed Hazem. « The theoretical implanting of the concept of political ignorance in Islamic political thought ». Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no 15 (11 mai 2019) : 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i15.130.
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The political ignorance is an integral concept in political Islamic thought, the research shows that concept is theoretical determination among legitimate assumptions and illustrate its conceptual roots and determinate its indication features, represented by Holy Quran and Honorable Prophet Traditions (Sunnah) described by the principle sources for the political and Islamic sources, from these two divine sources , the political thinkers has derived the concept of political and an endoscopy and analysis of , the study require to divide the thesis into two demand , the first is : the concept of political ignorance in Holy Quran and Honorable Prophet Traditions (Sunnah), the second demand : the conceptualization of the concept of political ignorance
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Boult. « THE (VIRTUE) EPISTEMOLOGY OF POLITICAL IGNORANCE ». American Philosophical Quarterly 58, no 3 (2021) : 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/48616057.
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DeCanio, Samuel, Jeffrey Friedman, David R. Mayhew, Michael H. Murakami et Nick Weller. « ROUNDTABLE 3 : POLITICAL IGNORANCE, EMPIRICAL REALITIES ». Critical Review 20, no 4 (janvier 2008) : 463–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810802642984.
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Gilens, Martin. « Political Ignorance and Collective Policy Preferences ». American Political Science Review 95, no 2 (juin 2001) : 379–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002222.
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In contrast with the expectations of many analysts, I find that raw policy-specific facts, such as the direction of change in the crime rate or the amount of the federal budget devoted to foreign aid, have a significant influence on the public’s political judgments. Using both traditional survey methods and survey-based randomized experiments, I show that ignorance of policy-specific information leads many Americans to hold political views different from those they would hold otherwise. I also show that the effect of policy-specific information is not adequately captured by the measures of general political knowledge used in previous research. Finally, I show that the effect of policy-specific ignorance is greatest for Americans with the highest levels of political knowledge. Rather than serve to dilute the influence of new information, general knowledge (and the cognitive capacities it reflects) appears to facilitate the incorporation of new policy-specific information into political judgments.
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Goering, John M. « Resolute ignorance or political straw man ? » Society 25, no 2 (janvier 1988) : 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02695630.
Texte intégralThèses sur le sujet "Political ignorance"
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Acaralp, Linnéa. « U.S. Drone Attacks and the Proportionality Principle : Growing ignorance or Consciousness ? » Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157224.
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This thesis focuses on the usage of military drones, a type of semi-autonomous weapon, which has shifted the premises of conventional warfare, particularly relating to the ethics and legality of warfare. This paper examines the conditions that affect the civilian casualties in United States (U.S.) drone attacks. Drawing on Graham Allison’s work on the factors that influence U.S. foreign policy decision making, I theorize that civilian collateral casualties are more likely under certain conditions. These conditions changes depending on the type of administration in office, level of organization pressure, and the value and level of risk a target directs towards the U.S. In light of the discussion and the effect of drones on civilian casualties a debate upon the proportionality principle will be assessed. In the assessment a cost and benefit analysis is made between the military goal and civilian casualties (Gardam,1993). The proportionality principle refers to the balancing act of the excessive use of force on civilians in relation to the military goal. This paper is using a quantitative method. This study investigate data on US drone attacks, sourced from Bureau of Investigative Journalism, covering 733 attacks in four countries (Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia and Pakistan) during the time period from 2002 to 2016. Based on Allison’s model three hypotheses are formulated and evaluated against the data using descriptive statistic and t-tests. The empirical result suggests that there was a statistical significance in all three hypotheses, indicating that it was possible to detect that under certain circumstances drone attacks are more likely to lead to more civilian casualties. However, when one observed the total casualties in proportion to the civilian casualties the result was not as grand as anticipated. However, the findings of this paper illustrates a pattern that during certain premises and cost and benefit analyses, the usage of drones are causing a greater risk towards civilians. Thus, these discussions further develop an already existing debate on today’s focus on military autonomous weapons and the results of using such weapons. Hence, this type of study can be applied to other military autonomous weapons as well. In light of the discussion of the proportionality principle, this paper suggest that the development of autonomous military weapons should not be taken lightly and an improvement of international regulations should perhaps be made.
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Miele, Alex. « An Explanation of John Rawls's Theory of Justice with a Defense of the Veil of Ignorance ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1537.
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John Rawls was a political philosopher who proposed a theory centered around the idea of justice as fairness. His primary concern was social justice, so more specifically, he proposed a basic structure for society that ensures major social institutions like the government fairly distribute fundamental rights and duties and optimally divide advantages brought about by social cooperation. His theory is based on the idea that the correct principles to use for the basic structure of society are those that free and rational people would agree to in attempt to advance their own self-interest from a fair and equal starting position. Rawls proposes three principles that he believes people would agree to in this situation and describes what a society based on these principles would look like. Throughout this paper, I will attempt to explain Rawls’s “Theory of Justice” and defend various aspect of the theory against common objections.
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CAVALETTO, TOMMASO. « Democrazie in crisi epistemica : il suffragio universale alla prova ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10281/277367.
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La ricerca analizza la crisi sistemica attraversata dalle democrazie contemporanee leggendone i sintomi alla luce di un profilo specifico, ossia quello del declino epistemico che colpisce l’utenza di tali sistemi normativi. Si è in particolare focalizzata l’attenzione sul divario sempre più marcato tra, da una parte, lo scarso livello di (in)formazione e capacità di ragionamento dei cittadini e, dall’altra, la crescente quantità di competenze necessarie per orientarsi correttamente all’interno della società. Si è quindi cercato di dimostrare come l’esacerbazione di tutti i principali sintomi dell’attuale crisi democratica sia fortemente correlata alle preoccupanti dimensioni ormai raggiunte da questo “differenziale epistemico”, il quale, pur rappresentando una fonte di criticità sempre latente all’interno di società organizzate democraticamente, incontra oggi condizioni di contesto che favoriscono il pieno dispiegamento dei suoi effetti anche sul piano fenomenico. La sintomatologia della crisi democratica viene esaminata ricorrendo all’ausilio di elaborazioni socio-demoscopiche sul rapporto tra cittadini e politica, di dati statistici relativi alle abilità cognitive e al livello delle competenze possedute dagli elettori, e di ricerche sul decision making applicato al contesto elettorale, prestando un’attenzione particolare al panorama italiano. Questo complesso di studi ha consentito di approcciare criticamente quelle teorie che, pur con molteplici sfaccettature, fondano la legittimazione assiologica della democrazia su una presunta capacità dei cittadini di autogovernarsi.
L’analisi è stata quindi orientata verso la ricerca di soluzioni istituzionali volte a superare la crisi in modo strutturale. In primo luogo si è esplorata la possibilità di intervenire sul sistema formativo e sulla regolamentazione di quello mediatico, con l’obiettivo di innalzare il livello delle competenze, di incrementare le abilità analitiche, e di migliorare lo stato informativo dei cittadini. Realisticamente, simili interventi si prospettano tuttavia soltanto parzialmente risolutivi rispetto a un fenomeno diffuso, consolidato e persistente come il deficit epistemico che colpisce l’elettorato democratico. Nella seconda parte del lavoro si è quindi rivolto lo sguardo alle teorie elaborate nell’ambito della filosofia politica di orientamento epistocratico, la quale, pur con molte sfumature e diverse declinazioni, propone di ridiscutere la pressoché incondizionata universalità del suffragio caratterizzante le democrazie contemporanee, per sostituirla con forme di selezione dell’elettorato fondate sulla valorizzazione della conoscenza. La scelta di concentrare l’attenzione sulle dottrine epistocratiche discende dal fatto che esse stanno acquistando un ruolo sempre più rilevante nel dibattito scientifico, e configurano uno dei filoni di ricerca attualmente più innovativi (e al contempo più controversi) per l’analisi critica del modello democratico. Si sono quindi esaminate le condizioni giuridiche che un’eventale restrizione del suffragio dovrebbe rispettare per non violare i principî supremi degli ordinamenti democratici, per poi trattare il problema della realizzabilità di queste proposte anche dal punto di vista assiologico. Da ultimo ci si è interrogati se, al di là della legittimità giuridica e della condivisibilità teorica, simili interventi risulterebbero altresì realisticamente concretizzabili nell’attuale contesto socio-politico, ovvero se quest’ultimo imponga di orientare il processo di epistocratizzazione verso soluzioni politicamente meno dirompenti. In particolare, si sono prese in considerazione alcune proposte che, pur mantenendo formalmente inalterato il suffragio universale, potrebbero comunque ridurre per via indiretta l’incidenza dell’ignoranza politica sul processo elettorale.This work analyzes the crisis faced by contemporary democracies moving from a specific point of view, i.e. the epistemic decline of democratic electorates. In particular, I focused on the gap between low level of information/reasoning ability of the average citizen, and the growing amount of skills he needs to get properly oriented in contemporary society. Therefore, I show that all the main symptoms of the current democratic crisis are strongly correlated with this “epistemic gap”, which has always been a potential problem for democracy, but its effects are nowadays amplified by the social, political and technological context we live in. In order to analyze the features of this epistemic crisis, I used surveys on the relationship between citizens and politics, statistical data on voters’ cognitive skills and studies on voters’ decision-making, focusing in particular on the Italian context. As a result, these studies cast a shadow over many democratic theories that base the axiological legitimacy of democracy on a citizens’ supposed ability to govern themselves. Therefore, I tried to find institutional solutions to overcome the crisis. First of all, I proposed some interventions for improving education and media systems, aimed at increasing competences, analytical skills, and information of citizens. However, a phenomenon as pervasive and entrenched as epistemic deficit cannot be fully solved only by this kind of interventions. Therefore, in the second part of the thesis I considered the theories developed by epistocratic political philosophy, which proposes to rethink universal suffrage and replace it with some kind of knowledge-based electorate selection. I chose to focus on epistocratic doctrines because of the increasingly key role they are acquiring in the contemporary scientific debate: nowadays, they are one of the most innovative (and controversial) line of research in the field of critical analysis of the democratic model. I studied the legal conditions that a suffrage restriction should respect in order not to violate the supreme principles of democratic systems. I then studied the same issue also from an axiological point of view. Lastly, I wondered about the feasibility of these kind of interventions in the current socio-political context. From this point of view, it has emerged it was appropriated to think also of less disruptive solutions in the short-medium term. In particular, I analyzed some reform proposals that could reduce indirectly the incidence of political ignorance on the electoral process, while keeping universal suffrage formally unchanged.
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Lappalainen, Isa. « The Secret Ingredients to Moral Philosophy : Blood, Sweat, and Tears : On bad enough worst-case scenarios in experimental approximations of John Rawls' Original Position ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374308.
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Cook, Anna. « Unable to Hear : Settler Ignorance and the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission ». Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24191.
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My dissertation provides an epistemic evaluation of settler colonialism in terms of settlers’ disavowal of past and ongoing settler colonial violence. I seek to explain how settlers can fail to hear Indigenous testimonies in ways that disrupt structural inequality and challenge settler colonial legitimacy. This theoretical consideration of settler ignorance reveals how the elimination of Indigenous peoples requires the delegitimatization of Indigenous peoples as knowers. This insight is crucial in evaluating contemporary governmental apologies and truth commissions aimed at reconciliation. In particular, I focus on the epistemic assumptions that do not challenge what I call ‘settler ignorance’ and so do not transform settler nation-myths that disavow past and present settler colonialism. My epistemic evaluation of settler colonialism demonstrates how the exclusion of Indigenous peoples from the realm of reason, what I call their ‘epistemic elimination,’ is not accidental, but integral to the settler colonial project of eliminating Indigenous presence.
Using this characterization of settler ignorance, I evaluate the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in terms of its ability to accomplish its mandate of “establishing and maintaining respectful relationships” between Indigenous peoples and settler Canadians. I conclude that the TRC fails on its own terms because it does not challenge epistemic assumptions that prevent testimonies of residential school survivors to be heard as expressions of Indigenous refusal of settler authority. Without challenging these epistemic assumptions, testimonies cannot disrupt structural settler ignorance and so, cannot lead to meaningful reconciliation.
Meaningful reconciliation requires of settlers a reparative transformation of epistemic assumptions that work to maintain a structural ignorance of past and ongoing settler colonial violence. The goal of what I call ‘reparative knowing’ is both a personal one and a critical intervention into how settlers can become epistemically responsible agents. In the context of ongoing settler colonial violence, reparative knowing involves a troubling of settler common sense, and so, a disruption of structural settler ignorance. Without such an understanding of settler ignorance and reparative knowing, an investigation into the aims and transformations of settler colonialism would remain incomplete.
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Clément, Daniel. « Citizens United : - en strid mellan yttrandefrihet och politisk jämlikhet ? » Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-43901.
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Modern democracies rest on a foundation of values essential to their prosperity. Two of those values are freedom of speech and political equality. To many, these values appear to coexist effortlessly. However, what this thesis aims to expose are some of the problems that quickly arise when attempts to interpret the values fail. The thesis investigates a specific US Supreme Court ruling called Citizens United. The ruling enabled corporations and unions to use their own treasuries for unlimited independent political expenditures. Previous laws that prohibited such corporate and union expenditures were deemed unconstitutional by the Supreme Court for violating the First Amendment’s right to freedom of speech. The ruling also paved the way for another court ruling in the US called SpeechNow.org. Facilitated by the two court rulings the so called Super PACs and 501(c)(4) organizations could receive and spend unlimited money to expressly support or oppose political candidates and parties in American elections. With an analytical framework consisting of John Rawls’s theories the Veil of Ignorance and the Difference Principle a conclusion concerning Citizens United’s righteousness can be made. The thesis concludes that the Supreme Court based its ruling on a misinterpretation of the value of freedom of speech and that Citizens United resulted in greater political inequality in the US.
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Aldrich, Andrea Stephanie. « "Ignorant and Confused?" Knowledge and Awareness as Determinants of Euroskepticism ». unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04152009-143419/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2009.Title from file title page. William Downs, committee chair ; Jelena Subotic, Charles Hankla, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Sep. 28, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-56).
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Poulsen, Jonas. « Poor, Oppressed and Angry ; Rich, Free and Ignorant : Applying Political Economy on Hirschman's Voice ». Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-145317.
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Societies will always fail to live up to the expectations of citizens one way or another, independent of their economic and political standards. Albert Hirschman proposed that citizens then have the option of expressing their voice for social change. This paper sets up a rational choice model of voice to empirically test whether higher levels of political and economic grievance make it more likely for citizens of a country to have a collective voice. The main result from the probit regression is that an increase in the level of democracy has a negative effect on the probability of voice, all else being equal.
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Mauchline, Kerry Joan. « Ignorance in the time of AIDS : what we do, and do not know about the ABC message in Uganda ». Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3745.
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The reduction of the HIV prevalence rate in Uganda during the early 1990s is often attributed to the introduction of an ABC policy. The Ugandan government is thought to have maintained a consistent message that suggested behaviour change in response to the HIV epidemic - encouraging citizens to Abstain, Be faithful, and/or use Condoms. It is thought that such a policy provides individuals with behavioural 'options', allowing them to choose a manner of protecting themselves against HIV infection. Although often used as an example of a successful social policy, many questions regarding the case are still unanswered. This dissertation establishes what is and is not known about the decline in prevalence in Uganda, as well as the role played by the ABC policy in that decline. The dissertation takes the form of a literature survey using key terms relating to the case. The ABC concept and the issues relevant to its implementation are initially discussed on an abstract level. The dissertation then turns to the implementation of the ABC policy in Uganda and the alleged success thereof. Three key topics are discussed in relation to the case: 1) the available statistical evidence pertaining to HIV/AIDS rates, 2) the available statistical evidence of behaviour change in Uganda, and 3) the national policy employed by the Ugandan government during the past three decades. The ideological debate surrounding the current Ugandan policy is also discussed. From the analysis of the available literature on the ABC policy and the Ugandan case, it becomes evident that certain things are known about the topic while others are not. The literature shows that a decline in prevalence did indeed take place, but that the extent and timing of this decline are unclear. The literature also shows that prevention messages in the country did suggest a change in behaviour in response to the threat of HIV, but that the content of these messages was not consistent on a national level. 6 Most importantly, the literature does not support a clear link between the implementation of an ABC policy and behaviour change in Uganda, nor does it clearly support a link between an ABC policy and a decline in HIV prevalence. Further research on the effectiveness and potential negative impact of the ABC concept is necessary before it is widely implemented in other countries.
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Pacheco, Katie. « The Buddhist Coleridge : Creating Space for The Rime of the Ancient Mariner within Buddhist Romantic Studies ». FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/937.
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The popularization of academic spaces that combine Buddhist philosophy with the literature of the Romantic period – a discipline I refer to as Buddhist Romantic Studies – have exposed the lack of scholarly attention Samuel Taylor Coleridge and The Rime of the Ancient Mariner have received within such studies. Validating Coleridge’s right to exist within Buddhist Romantic spheres, my thesis argues that Coleridge was cognizant of Buddhism through historical and textual encounters. To create a space for The Rime within Buddhist Romantic Studies, my thesis provides an interpretation of the poem that centers on the concept of prajna, or wisdom, as a vital tool for cultivating the mind. Focusing on prajna, I argue that the Mariner’s didactic story traces his cognitive voyage from ignorance to enlightenment. By examining The Rime within the framework of Buddhism, readers will also be able to grasp the importance of cultivating the mind and transcending ignorance.
Livres sur le sujet "Political ignorance"
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Ignorance and liberty. New York : Routledge, 2003.
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The management of ignorance : A political theory of the curriculum. Oxford [Oxfordshire] : B. Blackwell, 1985.
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Inglis, Fred. The management of ignorance : A political theory of the curriculum. Oxford : Basil Blackwell, 1987.
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Inglis, Fred. The management of ignorance : A political theory of the curriculum. Oxford : Blackwell, 1985.
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Larcinese, Valentino. Rational ignorance and the public choice of redistribution. Roma : Banca d'Italia, 2002.
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Zaitchick, Alexander. Common nonsense : Glenn Beck and the triumph of ignorance. Hoboken, N.J : Wiley, 2010.
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American politics in the age of ignorance : Why lawmakers choose belief over research. New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
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Common nonsense : Glenn Beck and the triumph of ignorance. Hoboken, N.J : Wiley, 2010.
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Dulu, Azizur Rahman. Criminal law of Bangladesh : Ignorance of judges is calamitious for people. Dhaka : Osder Publications, 2014.
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Ignorance : On the wider implications of deficient knowledge. Pittsburgh, Pa : University of Pittsburgh Press, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political ignorance"
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Somin, Ilya. « Trust and Political Ignorance ». Dans Studies in Applied Philosophy, Epistemology and Rational Ethics, 153–69. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-44018-3_11.
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Kaitatzi-Whitlock, Sophia. « The Political Economy of Political Ignorance ». Dans The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications, 458–81. Oxford, UK : Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444395402.ch21.
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Boyd, Kenneth. « Pragmatic encroachment and political ignorance ». Dans The Routledge Handbook of Political Epistemology, 253–62. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series : Routledge handbooks in philosophy : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429326769-31.
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Somin, Ilya. « Is political ignorance rational ? 1 ». Dans The Routledge Handbook of Political Epistemology, 241–52. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series : Routledge handbooks in philosophy : Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429326769-30.
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Voigt, Stefan. « Veilonomics : On the Use and Utility of Veils in Constitutional Political Economy ». Dans Behind a Veil of Ignorance ?, 9–33. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-14953-0_2.
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Schiffino, Nathalie, et Steve Jacob. « Uncertainty and Cleavages at Stakes : Do the Belgian Constitutions of 1831 and 1993 Stabilize Political Power ? » Dans Behind a Veil of Ignorance ?, 121–33. Cham : Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-14953-0_7.
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Bousfield, Dan. « Neoliberalism, Race, and Ignorance in an Era of Covid-19 ». Dans Covid-19 and the Global Political Economy, 53–67. London : Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250432-5.
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Lauermann, Robin M. « Muddy Waters and Perception of Representative Issue Positions : Constituent Ignorance, Delusion or Rationality ». Dans Constituent Perceptions of Political Representation, 52–68. New York : Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137400437_4.
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Maeso, Silvia Rodríguez, et Marta Araújo. « Eurocentrism, Political Struggles and the Entrenched Will-to-Ignorance : An Introduction ». Dans Eurocentrism, Racism and Knowledge, 1–22. London : Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137292896_1.
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Somin, Ilya. « Top-Down and Bottom-Up Solutions to the Problem of Political Ignorance ». Dans The Epistemology of Democracy, 287–315. New York : Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003311003-19.
Texte intégralActes de conférences sur le sujet "Political ignorance"
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Sirulhaq, Ahmad, Saharuddin Saharuddin, Mochamad Asyhar et Samsinas Jafar Sukri. « Ignorance of Political Correctness on Joko Widodo’s Political Rhetoric in the 2019 Presidential Election Campaign : a Pragmatic Study ». Dans 1st Annual Conference on Education and Social Sciences (ACCESS 2019). Paris, France : Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200827.047.
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Chida, Aakifa. « Countering Islamophobia to create a global positive change ». Dans LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.117.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Ignorance and misinformation are often common causes of hatred and discrimination, and change is required to break the cycle so that it may positively influence attitudes and behaviour. Islamophobia is a global trend of hatred towards Islam and Muslims, manifested in social, political and cultural contexts. As a catalyst for positive societal change, communication design can counteract Islamophobia by focusing on creating awareness, educating, and debunking stereotypes by graphically presenting information which invokes empathy and consciousness within the viewer. The methodology of design activism is employed in this research, in which design is used to create a connection between the viewer and a greater cause through graphic language. This practice-oriented research will use the methods of literature analysis, visual representations of concepts and theories, and iterations of design experimentation to create a cohesive awareness campaign all situated in design activism. The aim is to address the thinking, behaviour, actions and consequences behind Islamophobia, in an effort to take a step towards positive global change. Through focusing on changing mindsets, consequential actions have a chance to be altered, creating an opportunity for positive change. Islamophobia is not limited to a certain time or place, therefore the communication design deliverables resulting from this research aim to reach current and future change makers through several platforms. Through digital – a social media campaign, content can reach an extensive range of users and the shareability factor is prominent. And through print – publicly displayed poster design content can be presented to a non-selective public, without the obstruction of tailored algorithms. The content of this campaign will include facts, statistics, stories, and rhetorical questions delivered through typography, information design and layout which aids how effectively the message is communicated. Design is everywhere, connecting with people belonging to several walks of life, therefore outcomes which exist in a range of formats ensures outreach of a wider target audience which is crucial to raising awareness. The use of visual language plays a key role in this research, as a tool of invoking empathy within the viewer and sparking change in a quick and effective manner. This project will also show how change does not have to be monumental or wide-scaled to be important, rather any small difference made within a person, or within their circle, is just as significant. While I recognise that Islamophobia cannot be eradicated overnight, using design to spark awareness and empathy is a small yet significant step in the right direction.
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أبو الحسن اسماعيل, علاء. « Assessing the Political Ideology in the Excerpts Cited from the Speeches and Resolutions of the Former Regime After the Acts of Genocide ». Dans Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
If killing a single person is considered as a major crime that forbidden by Sharia and law at the international level and at the level of all religions and divine legislation, so what about the concept of genocide!! Here, not just an individual with a weak influence on society is killed, but thousands of individuals, that means an entire nation, a future, energy and human and intellectual capabilities that can tip the scales, and on the other hand, broken and half-dead hearts are left behind from the horrific scenes of killing they witnessed before their eyes, moreover, the massacres of genocide continues to excrete its remnants and consequences for long years and for successive generations, and it may generate grudges of revenge among generations that did not receive the adequate awareness and psychological support which are necessary to rehabilitate these generations to benefit from the tragedies and bitter experiences of life to turn them into lessons and incentives to achieve progress and advancement. Genocide is a deadly poison whose toxic effect extends from generations to others unless it is wisely controlled. Here the role of the international community and its legal, legislative and humanitarian stance from these crimes is so important and supportive. Genocide can be occurred on two levels: external and internal. As for genocide on the external level: this is what happened at the hands of foreign powers against a certain people for colonial and expansionist goals in favor of the occupier or usurper. There are many examples throughout history, such as the Ottoman and British occupations...etc Whereas genocide at the internal level, can be defined as the repressive actions that governments practice against their own people for goals that could be extremist, racist or dictatorial, such as t ""Al-Anfal"" massacre in 1988 carried out by the previous regime against the Kurds in the Kurdistan region. The number of victims amounted at one hundred thousand martyrs, most of them were innocent and unarmed people from children, women and the elderly, and also the genocide which was practiced against of the organizers of Al-Shaibania Revolution in 1991 was another example of genocide in the internal level. It is possible to deduce a third level between the external and internal levels, which is the genocide that is done at the hands of internal elements from the people of the country, but in implementation of external agendas, for example, the scenes of organized and systematic sectarian killing that we witnessed daily during (2007) and (2008), followed by dozens of bloody explosions in various regions throughout the capital, which unfortunately was practiced by the people of the country who were misguided elements in order to destabilize the security of the country and we did not know until this moment in favor of which external party!! In the three aforementioned cases, nothing can justify the act of killing or genocide, but in my personal opinion, I see that genocide at the hands of foreign forces is less drastic effects than the genocides that done at the hands of internal forces that kill their own people to impose their control and to defense their survival, from the perspective of ""the survival for the strongest, the most criminal and the most dictatorial. The matter which actually dragged the country into the abyss and the ages of darkness and ignorance. As for the foreign occupier, he remains an occupier, and it is so natural for him to be resentful and spiteful and to keep moving with the bragging theory of that (the end justifies the means) and usurping lands illegally, but perhaps recently the occupier has begun to exploit loopholes in international laws and try to gain the support of the international community and international organizations to prove the legitimacy of what has no legitimacy, in the end to achieve goals which pour into the interest of the occupiers' country and from the principle of building the happiness and well-being of the occupiers' people at the expense of the misery and injustice of other peoples!! This remains absolutely dehumanizing societal crime, but at least it has a positive side, which is maximizing economic resources and thus achieving the welfare of a people at the expense of seizing the wealth of the occupied country. This remains the goal of the occupier since the beginning of creation to this day, but today the occupation associated with the horrific and systematic killing has begun to take a new template by framing the ugliness of the crime with humanitarian goals and the worst, to exploit religion to cover their criminal acts. A good example of this is the genocide that took place at the hands of the terrorist organization ISIS, that contradictory organization who adopted the religion which forbids killing and considers it as one of the greatest sins as a means to practice the most heinous types of killing that contemporary history has witnessed!! The ""Spiker"" and ""Sinjar"" massacres in 2014 are the best evidence of this duality in the ideology of this terrorist organization. We may note that the more we advance in time, the more justification for the crimes of murder and genocide increases. For example, we all know the first crimes of genocide represented by the fall of Baghdad at the hands of the Mongol leader ""Hulagu"" in 1258. At that time, the crimes of genocide did not need justification, as they were practiced openly and insolently for subversive, barbaric and criminal goals!! The question here imposes itself: why were the crimes of genocide in the past practiced openly and publicly without need to justify the ugliness of the act? And over time, the crimes of genocide began to be framed by pretexts to legitimize what is prohibited, and to permit what is forbidden!! Or to clothe brutality and barbarism in the patchwork quilt of humanity?? And with this question, crossed my mind the following ""Aya"" from the Glorious Quran (and do not kill the soul that God has forbidden except in the right) , this an explicit ""Aya"" that prohibits killing and permits it only in the right, through the use of the exception tool (except) that permits what coming after it . But the"" right"" that God describes in the glorious Quran has been translated by the human tongues into many forms and faces of falsehood!! Anyway, expect the answer of this controversial question within the results of this study. This study will discuss the axis of (ideologies of various types and genocide), as we will analyze excerpts from the speeches of the former regime that were announced on the local media after each act of genocide or purification, as the former regime described at that time, but the difference in this study is that the analysis will be according to a scientific and thoughtful approach which is far from the personal ideology of the researcher. The analysis will be based on a model proposed by the contemporary Dutch scientist ""Teun A. Van Dijk"". Born in 1943, ""Van Dijk"" is a distinguished scholar and teaching in major international universities. He has authored many approved books as curricula for teaching in the field of linguistics and political discourse analysis. In this study, Van Dijk's Model will be adopted to analyze political discourse ideologies according to forty-one criteria. The analysis process will be conducted in full transparency and credibility in accordance with these criteria without imposing the researcher's personal views. This study aims to shed light on the way of thinking that the dictatorial regimes adopt to impose their existence by force against the will of the people, which can be used to develop peoples' awareness to understand and analyze political statements in a scientific way away from the inherited ideologies imposed by customs, clan traditions, religion, doctrine and nationalism. With accurate scientific diagnosis, we put our hand on the wounds. So we can cure them and also remove the scars of these wounds. This is what we seek in this study, diagnosis and therefore suggesting the suitable treatment "
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Gurbuz, Mustafa. « PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION : MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT ». Dans Muslim World in Transition : Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hzit2119.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.
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Roselli, Claudia. « Geografie della memoria e zone di transizione : interpretare le possibilità future di salvaguardia dei legami territoriali a Delhi ». Dans International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Roma : Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.7959.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Il futuro delle metropoli sarà quello di continuare ad aumentare in dimensioni ed estensioni,
fagocitando territorio, oppure ci sarà un momento in cui le cose cominceranno a cambiare, nella
consapevolezza collettiva e politica, che è necessario assimilare i concetti di limite e di
sostenibilità?
Sembra che le svolte economiche globali abbiano già allertato le menti sensibili verso un
necessario cambiamento di rotta nella governance urbana.
Non è più possibile ignorare le trasformazioni, talvolta molto pericolose, in atto nelle nostre città,
ed è piuttosto necessario tentare un loro indirizzamento verso passaggi temporali che
considerino l'importanza della memoria collettiva, attivando l'engramma giusto per costruire
nuove relazioni antropologiche, culturali e sociali.
Nello specifico il paper vuole esaminare la realtà della città di Delhi, la capitale indiana,
svelando l'esistenza nel suo corpo di zone di confine territoriali: zone dove ancora è possibile
trovare e riconoscere tracce della sua antica origine rurale fatta di mestieri agricoli e artigiani,
forni di argilla e terre coltivate. Questa anima della città, costituita da memorie, saperi e
relazioni territoriali è stata minacciata, negli ultimi anni, dal desiderio cieco di espansione di
imprenditori senza scrupoli e da decisioni non monitorate capillarmente relative ai piani di
sviluppo urbanistico, le quali hanno avuto ricadute non prevedibili a spese del territorio e
dell'ambiente. Negli ultimi anni, dopo la fine delle aspettative create dai Giochi del
Commonwealth, la città ha sviluppato una rete infrastrutturale più veloce, promuovendo l'utilizzo
dei mezzi pubblici e creando una rete metropolitana molto efficiente, presupposto iniziale per
riconquistare la sua antica fama di città verde. Oltre a queste nuove potenzialità infrastrutturali
anche i tessuti connettivi, tra area ed area e le grandi zone di verde urbano ( giardini, parchi e
foreste ) potenziano l'ipotesi di trasformare Delhi in una delle più competitive capitali del futuro.
Per realizzare questa visione è necessario creare vocabolari, strade e linguaggi, capaci di
suggerire lo sviluppo di nuovi modelli di insediamenti urbani sopratutto nelle zone più sensibili
ovvero laddove avviene l'incontro tra l'urbano ed il rurale. The future of the metropolis will be to increase in dimension and extension phagocyting territory,
or it will be a moment where the things will start to change, in the collective and politic
awareness, that it is necessary to absorb the concepts of limits and sustainability? It seems that
the global economic turns have already alerted the sensitive minds towards a necessary change of the course of the urban governance.
It is not possible to ignore longer, the transformations, sometime very dangerous, in our cities,
todays. Rather it is necessary try to addressed them in a time crossing, capable of
understanding the importance of the collective memory, attracting the proper engramma to build
new anthropological, cultural and social relations.
Specifically the paper would like analyze the reality of the city of Delhi, the Indian capital,
disclosing the existences, on its body, of some territorial boundaries.
Zones where it is possible to find and to recognize tracks of its ancient rural origins made by
crafts and agricultural artisan, clay ovens and cultivated lands. This soul of the city, made by
memories, knowledges and territorial relations was menaced, on the last years, from the blind
wish of expansions of unscrupulous businessman and from decisions not capillary monitored
relatively to urban development plans, which have had unpredictable consequences for the
territory and for the environment. After the end of the expectations created from the
Commonwealth Games, on 2010, the city developed an infrastructural net more quick,
promoting the use of the public transports and creating an underground net very efficient, initial
assumption to regain its former glory of green city. Over these new infrastructural potentialities
also the connective tissues, between area and area and the big zones of urban green, like
gardens, parks and forests, they had great potential in themselves to make Delhi one of the
most competitive capital of the future.To realize this visions it is necessary to create
vocabularies, roads and languages, capable of suggesting the development of new models of
urban settlements mainly on the sensitive zones, where it will happen the encounter between
urban and rural.
Rapports d'organisations sur le sujet "Political ignorance"
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Scartascini, Carlos, et Razvan Vlaicu. Research Insights : Are Young Latin American Voters Politically Engaged ? Inter-American Development Bank, août 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003571.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Data on political engagement of newly eligible young voters in 34 countries during 2004-2016 indicate that voting eligibility is associated with higher political engagement, casting doubt on the view that voters are rationally ignorant. Voting eligibility is associated with higher political interest, more discussion of political issues and attendance of political meetings, and more political knowledge. These effects are stronger in countries with enforced mandatory voting. The increase in political engagement is larger closer to the prior election, and it is driven by the engagement of eligible voters, implying that young voters acquire political information in anticipation of elections rather than ex post.