Articles de revues : « Political history »

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Ware, Susan. "Political Partnerships, Political History." Reviews in American History 40, no. 2 (2012): 301–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2012.0027.

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De Hart, Jane Sherron. "Women's History, Gender History, and Political History." Public Historian 15, no. 4 (1993): 77–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3378639.

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Davidson, Lawrence. "Lebanese Political History." Journal of Palestine Studies 15, no. 4 (1986): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2536624.

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Young, Luke. "Cambodian Political History." Monthly Review 65, no. 6 (November 3, 2013): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-065-06-2013-10_3.

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Pitney, John J. "Real political history." Review of Politics 68, no. 2 (May 2006): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506260133.

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For too many political scientists, “political history” means little more than poll results, aggregate vote totals, and DW-NOMINATE scores. Useful as these data may be for narrow purposes, they miss the complexity of political life. Real political history concerns the interplay of ideas, interests, institutions, and individuals.

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PRECUPANU, Monica. "Political Thinkers Present in Nicolae Steinhardt's Journalism." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 20 (June 15, 2022): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2021.11.

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Nicolae Steinhardt was a refined intellectual who asserted himself in the interwar period through his collaboration with journals such as Revista Fundațiilor Regale, Revista Burgheză, Victoria, Libertatea etc. Apart from the topics that prove N. Steinhardt's love of literature and of any aspect related to culture and art, many of his interwar articles reveal a fine analytical sense at the political level. Steinhardt’s anchoring in political life and his concern for understanding political concepts and identifying the features of effective governance are revealed by reading, analysing and exposing the political ideas launched by various thinkers.In the interwar Steinhardtian journalism one finds pertinent radiographs of different political events that changed the course of history, dissections of political ideologies but also critical analyses of the political ideas of important thinkers of different political “colours” and various ethnic origins, such as: Alexis de Tocqueville, Joseph Barthélemy, Lucien Prévost-Paradol, Benjamin Constant, Silvio Trentin, André Suarès, Georges Sorel, Saint-Simon etc. The way of reporting to the works and their theories is intended to be an objective one by pointing out some positive and negative aspects, but in essence they reflect the author's subjectivity and Steinhardt's political conceptions: the distinction between democracy and liberalism, support for constitutional monarchy and people’s freedom, hostility to universal suffrage as a form of mass tyranny, opposition to any form of totalitarianism.

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Graham, Hugh Davis. "[Women's History, Gender History, and Political History]: Response." Public Historian 15, no. 4 (1993): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3378640.

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Sîrbu, Ionel. "Romania between the Wars. Institutional Backgrounds and Political Practice." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 4 (October 31, 2005): 197–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2005.09.

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A major problem of reunited Romania was the integration of the new provinces in the economy and legislation of the Kingdom. This difficult mission failed to succed, although there were many capable people, who handled the Romanian policy at that time, from Ionel Brătianu to Iuliu Maniu or Ion Nistor and Ion Incule&, to name liders from all the provinces. The old disfunctionalities from the Romanian policy "said their word again" by creating discontents, which, finally led to the bankrupcy of the parliamentary democracy from Romania. The old political class missed the important moments of the new start. Shortly, the hopes concerning the agricultural reform were also exhausted, the peasants facing majore difficulties, which led most of them to bankrupcy.

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Dogma, Michel Douryang. "The Machiavellian Epistemology of Democratic Reorganization in Ukraine." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 12 (June 14, 2013): 151–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2013.07.

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This article aims to explain the conceptual and practical work behind the reorganization of the Ukrainian democratic scene from the time of the rejection of the association agreement between Ukraine and the European Union by Viktor Yanukovych up to its self-exile in the Russian Federation. The principled or idealistic analysis of democracy is ill suited to explain the mutations of the political link inherent to this reorganization, apart from the category of chaos. The Machiavellian epistemology of democracy identifies the changes in Ukrainian democracy as a concrete political activity marked by logical situations and constraints to which political actors must always adapt. The apparent chaos of the Ukrainian political scene unfolds in this context a series of rigid and fluid meanings and actions, more or less coordinated, constituting a sum of reference points of orchestration by political actors.

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Leff, Mark H. "Revisioning U.S. Political History." American Historical Review 100, no. 3 (June 1995): 829. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168607.

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Rich, Ben A. "Pain: A Political History." Journal of Pain & Palliative Care Pharmacotherapy 29, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 75–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/15360288.2014.1003685.

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Pye, Lucian W., and Denny Roy. "Taiwan: A Political History." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 2 (2003): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033559.

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Tomlinson, Jim. "History as Political Rhetoric." Political Studies Review 6, no. 3 (September 2008): 297–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2008.00159.x.

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Murphy, Kate. "Feminism and Political History." Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, no. 1 (March 2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01539.x.

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Stockbridge, Erica L., and Kristine Lykens. "Pain: A Political History." Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-3445774.

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White, Kristopher D. "Azerbaijan: A Political History." Asian Affairs 43, no. 2 (July 2012): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2012.682718.

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Zagoria, Donald S., and Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa. "Tibet: A Political History." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 1 (1985): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042559.

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Bouali, Hassan I. "Histoire politique / Political History." Studia Islamica 115, no. 2-3 (December 21, 2020): 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341419.

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Dorow, Sara. "Adoption as Political History." Reviews in American History 41, no. 1 (2013): 169–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2013.0029.

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Pasquino, Gianfranco. "Political History in Italy." Journal of Policy History 21, no. 03 (July 2009): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030609090137.

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Sipress, M. "Political History in Fiction." OAH Magazine of History 13, no. 2 (January 1, 1999): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/13.2.49.

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NAKAMIZO, Kazuya. "Political History of Crisis:." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 64, no. 2 (2013): 2_62–2_85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.64.2_62.

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Noda, S. "History in Political Science." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 50 (1999): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.50.0_113.

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Miller, Jerry L., and Raymie E. McKerrow. "History of Political Communication." Review of Communication 10, no. 1 (January 2010): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358590903370233.

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Geukjian, Ohannes. "Georgia. A Political History." Europe-Asia Studies 66, no. 8 (September 14, 2014): 1375–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2014.941699.

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المعلة, جميل, and علي الخرسان. "History of political thought." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 24 (November 23, 2015): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2015/v1.i24.6321.

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Greece has reached the height of its greatness and its reputation has spread throughout the world to this day. Every intellectual and philosophical product throughout history has been studied and drank from the wellspring of Greek civilization, as it is the fountain of ideas and the center of global thought to this day. This does not mean that it was not preceded by another civilization. Mesopotamia and the Chinese, Indian and Persian civilization preceded it by many centuries, and Greece took a lot from them, and this was not a defect, but rather a universal norm and a law that governs humanity, as civilizational and cultural exchange and the interaction and integration of ideas are part of this human system within the title of “Integration of Civilizations”.

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Bezabeh, Samson A., and Sonia Le Gouriellec. "Djibouti. A political History." Afrique contemporaine N° 277, no. 1 (April 26, 2024): 406–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afco1.277.0406.

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Rexroth, Frank. "From Political History To the History of Political Culture: Fifteenth-Century England." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 2 (1999): 181–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00053.

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Rexroth, Frank. "From Political History To the History of Political Culture: Fifteenth-Century England." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 3 (1999): 181–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00224.

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오영인. "Reemerging American Political History and Congressional History." SA-CHONG(sa) ll, no. 81 (January 2014): 399–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.16957/sa..81.201401.399.

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Enache, George. "Reflecţii pe marginea cărţii lui Cyril Hovorun: Ortodoxii politice. Ereziile unei biserici aservite." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 22 (July 8, 2024): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2023.13.

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The study starts from Cyril Hovorun's book: Political Orthodoxies: The Unorthodoxies of the Church Coerced and analyzes several concepts present in the book: "Political Orthodoxies", "Unorthodoxies", "Heresies", "Church Coerced", "civil religion", "political religion", "ideology", "conservatism", "fundamentalism", etc.Once these concepts are clarified, it is shown that Hovorun does not define some concepts well, in many situations it is confusing, and the work presents many shortcomings from the point of view of historical documentation. The situation is even more complicated in the case of the Romanian translation, which subtly tries to criticize the Orthodox Church from a Protestant perspective, by manipulating some concepts.At the end, the study proposes a new grid for understanding the relations between Orthodoxy, ideology and political power in the contemporary era.

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Vartumyan, A. A., and M. Yu Napalkin. "Political falsification of history: problems of Anglo-Saxon "Interpretation"." Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, no. 3 (43) (2023): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.3.19.

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The article examines the actual problem of falsification of political history and its "interpretations" by Anglo-Saxon authors. The authors demonstrate a comprehensive approach of a set of methods – from dialectics and gemeneutics to comparative studies and semiotics. The presented principles of dialectics allow us to identify the dynamics of the development of falsifications. The principles of comparative studies used in comparisons with historical facts help to expose falsification. The use of personalism data allows us to more accurately understand the personalities who participated in the falsification. The method of hermeneutics allows you to penetrate into the depth of the meaning of the text, through the disclosure of its true content, the problem of falsifications is represented by the scheme: incompetence-error-lie. The approaches of the US ruling elite to the interpretation of modern international events of political history in relations with Russia have been criticized. In relation to the English falsifiers of history, the authors distinguish two categories of memory: collective and collective. The nature of information wars in fakes and demagogic tricks is revealed. The purpose of further development of this topic is to develop and implement a number of events and "anti-fake" programs based on close interaction of the Russian media, which allow to rid the Russian community of the "weeds" of the Anglo-Saxon falsification of political history.

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Ghita, Marian. "The Concept of “Fortuna” in Machiavelli’s “The Prince”." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 2 (December 4, 2003): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2003.03.

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The concept of “Fortuna” has attracted many historians dealing with political ideas. A major role in this respect belongs to the way in which Machiavelli analysed it and, as much, to the place occupied by this concept in The Prince, the famous work which consacrated the “Great Florentine” as one of the founders of the modern political sciences. This paper presents the manner in which Machiavelli defined this concept, both as a result of the contemporary vision on it and of the political and national objectives of his capital work.

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Chawla, Devika. "My History of History." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 6, no. 2 (2017): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2017.6.2.62.

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Rooted in the conceptual and received notion that personal histories are necessarily imbricated in larger historical, social, and political narratives, “My History of History” is a performance forum that engages individual and collective responses to pivotal historical moments. Each of the ten auto/historical performances featured here seeks the liminal space between the personal and the political to ask and answer the following questions: How do we feel, shape, remember, and embody socio-political-historical narratives? In times of adversity, debate, upheaval, loss, etc., how do we give voice to and trace a particular moment in history? How does this history linger in our selves, our bodies, and our stories?

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Stepanchuk, Olga. "ACTIVITIES OF OLEH SHTUL-ZHDANOVYCH DURING WORLD WAR II." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 8 (December 30, 2020): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11206.

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The aim of the article is to study the political, social and cultural activities of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych during World War II. In the process of the research general and special historical methods and basic principles of historical knowledge were used. The principles of historicism and scientificity allowed to analyze the activities of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych seen in the perspective of social and political events of the time. The principle of objectivity helped to critically analyze the literature and source base of the study. The principle of systematicity allowed to form a holistic picture of the activities of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych during World War II. Being based on the available source base, the article presents an unprecedented generalized image of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych’s activity during World War II, comprising the scientific novelty of the research. The author made conclusions that the political activity of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych during World War II was quite active and diverse. He became a member of the OUN (M) marching groups and actively participated in the political life of occupied Kyiv, closely cooperating with leading figures of the nationalist movement, especially with Olena Teliha and Oleh Olzhych.Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych’s social and cultural activity during World War II is represented by his work in the editorial office of the newspaper “Ukrainske Slovo” (“Ukrainian Word”) (Kyiv). Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych’s cooperation with Taras Bulba-Borovets was of great importance, while its purpose was to unite all independent forces against a common enemy. In fact, their cooperation supported a permanent political connection between the OUN (M) and the forces of Taras Bulba-Borovets. According to Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych, the main goal of any struggle was to gain Ukraine’s independence. In general, the research provides an estimation of the political, social and cultural activities of Oleh Shtul-Zhdanovych in the Ukrainian lands during World War II.

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Panchuk, Maryna. "THE RELEVANCE OF THE LIBERAL IDEA IN UKRAINE: THE EXPERIENCE OF THE FIRST POLITICAL PARTIES." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 10 (June 30, 2022): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112028.

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This study aims to highlight and analyze the liberal principles in the context of Ukrainian political parties’ activities in the early XXth century, clarifying the conditions under which the liberal idea found its expression in the Ukrainian reality of the time. The research methodology comprises general scientific methods (program document analysis, generalizations, systematic approach) as well as special-historical methods, in particular historical-genetic, anthropological, and comparative analyses. The scientific novelty is found in the role and significance of the liberal idea in the formation of Ukrainian political thought, which led to the emergence and development of political concepts that served as the foundation for various parties’ activities on the main stages of statehood. Conclusions. The liberal idea in Ukraine has undergone several stages of development, finding expression in the programs of newly formed Ukrainian parties and serving as a response to the challenges of political life and the requirements of progressive intellectuals in the early XXth century. The implementation of liberalism in the Ukrainian political sphere was also unique in that it was combined with socialist demands and the struggle for Ukrainian national rights. During the Ukrainian National Revolution and the establishment of Ukrainian statehood in 1917–1921, liberal ideas, manifested in a number of democratic demands, were renewed. Even though the liberal doctrine does not receive widespread support in Ukraine, we believe that combining elements that stimulate private initiative and the formation of civil society with moderate and well-defined state regulation can help Ukraine progress. Further research is required in order to study the psychological, cultural and mental aspects of the rejection of liberalism in its "pure" form, as well as the current political field of Ukraine and the presentation of liberal elements in the activities of Ukrainian governments, especially after 2004.

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Capotă, Alexandru, and George Enache. "Interview with the Priest Alexandru Capotă (1919-2012)." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 11 (October 31, 2012): 295–345. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2012.17.

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The Eastern-Orthodox priest Alexandru Capotă (born on January 27th, 1919 in Cudalbi, Galaţi County; deceased during the month of April, 2012), had been a towering figure among the ancient political prisoners of Galaţi County. He was arrested by the Communist regime in January 1957 and had been detained until 1962 in the labor camps of the Danube-Black Sea Canal and the Danube Delta: Grindu, Periprava, 9 Culmea. After 1989, he was involved in the political organization of the ancient political prisoners, and during the years 2001-2004 he acted as the President of the Romanian Federation of the ancient political prisoners and anti-communist fighters.These pages constitute a part of a comprehensive interview given by the priest Capotă, referring to the period of his arrest, his detention, and the eventsexperienced after his released from jail. The interview includes precious informations about the day to day life in the Communist labor camps, the personalities encountered by the priest Capotă in the Communist prisons, and the manner in which the Communist regime dealt with the Christian priests.

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Bilobrovets, Olga. "VIEWS OF POLISH DEMOCRAT EUGENIE STARCHEWSKI ON THE PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPE." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 15 (December 14, 2024): 120–29. https://doi.org/10.35433/history.112085.

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The purpose of the article is to analyze and reveal the essence of the views of the Polish democrat, public and political figure E. Starczewski regarding the new foundations of international politics and unification of the European community in the first decades of the 20th century. The research methodology is based on general scientific principles, historical-systemic and textological methods, socio-political and prosopographic analysis. The scientific novelty consists in the presentation of the progressive views and positions of the Polish democrat E. Starczewski regarding the social and civilizational development of mankind and the construction of new foundations of European politics, which are consonant with modernity. The author's conclusions point to the uniqueness of Ye. Starchevskyi's personality. He distinguished himself as a historian, lawyer, public and political figure, publicist. The views expressed by him regarding the need to change social foundations and international policy, recognize the rights of peoples to political development, define borders within ethnic territories, and ensure the rights of national minorities became the program of activities of Polish democrats. His views on the need to unify European states into one organization based on parity, peaceful coexistence, protection of economic, political, and cultural rights of peoples deserve attention. His statements about the human desire for personal happiness and self-realization, the protection of human rights, and tolerance in the perception of others, which constitute the core values of the modern European Union, remain profoundly relevant.

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Fiume, Giovanna. "Women's History and Gender History: The Italian Experience." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (November 2005): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284291.

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SummarySince the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's city council. Local perceptions of national events, like Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed a significant symbolic meaning and challenged traditional understandings of local administration by introducing notions of political opposition. In Bologna, the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to form a political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after the parliamentary revolution of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. Due to its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Illustrating the relationship between central administration and the periphery, the article analyses the development of political language and changing meanings of political representation on the local level between Unification and World War One.

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Moraru, Pavel. "Marshal Antonescu's Bonapartism in Bessarabia and Bukovina." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 11 (October 31, 2012): 199–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2012.10.

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An aspect of Marshall Antonescu’s political regime has been overlooked so far by the historians: the consultation of the population through referendum, in order to obtain its support for the implementation of the political projects. Such consultations – two in number – took place during the 1941 (after the rebellion of the Iron Guard in January 1941 and after the return of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the Romanian fatherland), when the politics imposed by the new historical circumstances had to be validated by a popular vote. This study aims to describe these two consultations of the Romanian people through referendum.These were the only two referendums organized by Marshall Antonescu’s regime. Afterwards, during the years 1941-1944, the leaders in power took for granted the popular consent to the political actions accomplished by the government.

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Alliès, Paul. "The republic: a political history." Revista Estudos do Século XX, no. 10 (2010): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_10_20.

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Müller, Jan-Werner. "European Intellectual History as Contemporary History." Journal of Contemporary History 46, no. 3 (July 2011): 574–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009411403339.

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The first part of this essay examines the peculiar role European intellectual history played in coming to terms with the twentieth century as an ‘Age of Extremes’ and the different weight it was given for that task at different times and in different national contexts up to the 1970s. The second part looks at the contemporary history of politically focused intellectual history — and the possible impact of the latter on the writing of contemporary history in general: it will be asked how the three great innovative movements in the history of political thought which emerged in the last fifty years have related to the practice of contemporary history: the German school of conceptual history, the ‘Cambridge School’, and the ‘linguistic turn’. The third part focuses on recent trends to understand processes of liberalization — as opposed to the older search for causes of political extremism. It is also in the third part that the so far rather Euro-centric perspective is left behind, as attempts to create an intellectual history of the more or less new enemies of the West are examined. Finally, the author pleads for a contemporary intellectual history that seeks novel ways of understanding the twentieth century and the ‘newest history’ since 1989 by combining tools from conceptual history and the Cambridge School.

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Ngam, Confidence Chia. "Democratic transition and political landscaping in cameroon 1990-2000: profiling confusing power patterns versus indigenous response in the north west region." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 13 (November 16, 2014): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2014.08.

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To the various transformations that gripped the world and its economies in the 1990s, the new demands and responsibilities and the new ways of making use of resources, African countries south of the Sahara responded in quite different but interesting ways. In Cameroon, these new developments occasioned paradigmatic changes which took various contents and shapes, one of which being the formation of particular indigenous groups. A typical area in Cameroon where there was almost a unique response to this changing political matrix is the North West Region, also known as the Bamenda grasslands. This paper traces the basis the foundations of democratic transitions alongside theresurgence of political conscious groups in the North West Region. It maps out the new contours created as well as their plight in the pursuit of new identities and patterns of loyalties in the changing socio-political and economic landscape within a decade time span.

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Tuluș, Arthur. "Economic and Political Interests at the Low Danube Mouths between 1936 and 1940." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 4 (October 31, 2005): 229–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2005.11.

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The Sulina channel was still the only way of access to and from Danube of the commercial ships, although there had been many other initiatives of finding another derivation. The harbour of the maritime Danube were especially centres of purchasing rather cereals (almost 50 % of the total amount of the goods exported by sea) than wood. The exchanging of goods on the Danubian market was influenced, as well as the entire Romanian commerce, by a series of economical, fiscal and political factors. Towards the end of the 30s, in the context of worsening of the international relations, the influence of the world market begin to be shadowed by the political events. The geo-strategic and economic importance of the region is obvious, especially from the perspectives of the German interests, the geopolitical theoreticians of the Third Reich insistently asking to control the entire Danubian area.

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Sandu, Marian. "The Galati Prison as a Center for Political Detention during the Communist Period." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 12 (June 14, 2013): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2013.05.

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The Galați Prison played an important role during the communist period for Romania's oppressive system of political police, led by the infamous Securitatea. Despite this, it is less known compared to other prisons, such as Sighet, Aiud, Gherla, Pitești or Râmnicu Sărat. This articles intends to bring to light the history of the Galați prison from the 1950s period of the 20th century. In addition, it focuses on the stories of individual detainees who served a significant part of their sentences in Galați.

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Bourke, Paul F., and Donald A. DeBats. "Restoring Politics to Political History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 15, no. 3 (1985): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204141.

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Hattam, Victoria. "History, Agency, and Political Change." Polity 32, no. 3 (March 2000): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3235354.

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Wood, Gregory. "The Cigarette: A Political History." Journal of American History 108, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 188–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab023.

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Islami, Islam. "Political history of modern Egypt." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 1 (June 30, 2016): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.2016.1.191.

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Islami, Islam. "Political history of modern Egypt." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i1.231.

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Under the Ottoman Empire, Egypt was granted some autonomy because as long as taxes were paid, the Ottomans were content to let the Egyptians administer them. Nevertheless, the 17th and 18th centuries were ones of economic decline for Egypt.In 1798, the French army led by Napoleon Bonaparte landed in Egypt and defeated the Egyptians on land at the battle of the Pyramids, but he was utterly defeated at sea by the British navy, which made him abandon his army and leave Egypt. Subsequently, British and Ottoman forces defeated the French army and forced them to surrender.In particular after the last quarter of 19 century, in Egypt began colonizing activities by Western European countries, while the reaction to such events occurred within “the Egyptian national movement.”With its history of five thousand years, Egypt is considered as the first modern state of the Arab world. Ottoman military representative Mehmet Ali Pasha takes a special place through his contribution to this process. He is seen as a statesman who carried important reforms, which can be compared even with the ones of Tanzimat. He managed to build Egypt as an independent state from the Ottoman Empire, standing on its own power.Gamal Abdel Nasser was the one who established the Republic of Egypt and ended the monarchy rule in Egypt following the Egyptian revolution in 1952. Egypt was ruled autocratically by three presidents over the following six decades, by Nasser from 1954 until his death in 1970, by Anwar Sadat from 1971 until his assassination 1981, and by Hosni Mubarak from 1981 until his resignation in the face of the 2011 Egyptian revolution.

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