Thèses sur le sujet « Political history of the XVIth century »
Pour voir les autres types de publications sur ce sujet consultez le lien suivant : Political history of the XVIth century.
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les 50 meilleures thèses pour votre recherche sur le sujet « Political history of the XVIth century ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Parcourez les thèses sur diverses disciplines et organisez correctement votre bibliographie.
1
Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. « Shaping the Nation : Early 19th Century America ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/731.
Texte intégral
2
Maxson, Brian. « Factional Identity in Fifteenth-Century Florence ». Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6217.
Texte intégral
3
Withington, Philip John. « Urban political culture in later-seventeenth-century England : York, 1649-1688 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251471.
Texte intégral
4
Erdmann, Mark Karl. « Azuchi Castle : Architectural Innovation and Political Legitimacy in Sixteenth-Century Japan ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493525.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study seeks to clarify the limits of knowledge regarding Azuchi Castle (Azuchi-jō) and, in turn, offers a multifaceted interpretation of its crowning glory―the six-story, lavishly decorated, timber-framed tower known as a tenshu (donjon). Azuchi Castle was located on a small mountain on the eastern shores of Lake Biwa. Completed in 1579, it was conceived and constructed to be a capital for the first of the so-called “three-unifiers” of Japan, Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582). Due to its landmark importance in Japanese history, Azuchi has not suffered from a lack of attention. However, owing to its short, three-year life and the tantalizingly vague and often contradictory records that remain of it, Azuchi has often been the subject of unfettered and under-qualified speculation. The first part of this dissertation is thus dedicated to surveying and simplifying the issues that have inspired the contentious and confusing image of Azuchi that exists in scholarly discourse. To this end, the disparate written primary sources on Azuchi, the waves of archeological digs, and the numerous reconstructive models of the tenshu are explored and the known perimeters of the “object” at the center of this study is as best as possible, defined. The second part of this dissertation is focused on the Azuchi tenshu. The case will be made that the tenshu represents a unique product of class, technology, and ideology. I contend that the tenshu as an evolved form of yagura (unembellished towers used in sieges) represents an unique expression of provincial warrior identity. This expression was elevated to a level of elite status by means of a new breed of master carpenter versed in the newly capable technology of architectural drawing. Finally, I argue that the architectural and painting programs of the Azuchi tenshu’s keep framed Nobunaga as both heir to his predecessors in the Ashikaga shogunate and through evocation of the Chinese imperial building known as a Mingtang (“Bright Hall”), the unimpeachable recipient of a “Mandate of Heaven” to govern.History of Art and Architecture
5
Song, Robert. « Some twentieth-century Christian interpretations of liberal political thought ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1990. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b768a401-ce08-47ea-8f09-afed0be3f6e2.
Texte intégralRésumé :
A study of Christian interpretations of liberalism is important for social theology for two reasons: first, liberalism is the dominant political ideology of modernity, and (especially in the form "liberal democracy") is the most prominent form of public self-definition in the West, its claims often being taken to be self-evidently true. Second, liberalism is historically indebted to Christianity, and the two are susceptible of mutual confusion. A critical theological analysis of liberalism is necessary to ensure the authentically Christian nature of contemporary political theology. This analysis is conducted principally through a discussion of the criticisms of liberalism made by three Christian thinkers of the twentieth century, the American Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971), the French Jacques Maritain (1882-1973), and the Canadian George Grant (1918-1988). After an introductory chapter, chapter two presents an interpretation of liberalism, mapping the historical contours and varieties of liberalism from five liberal writers, and elaborating a loose framework of the conceptual structure of liberal thought. Chapter three examines Reinhold Niebuhr's criticisms of liberalism's alleged facile progressivism and optimistic conceptions of human nature and reason, and chapter four looks at George Grant's claim that John Rawls' liberal theory fails to provide the ontological affirmations necessary to defend human beings and liberal values against the dynamics of technology. Jacques Maritain's account of pluralism and the ideal of the secular state, and the contribution he can make to the current debate between liberals and communitarians, are the subjects of chapter five, while chapter six attempts to secure some theological purchase on the issues of Bills of Rights, judicial review, and the constitutional restraint of democratic majorities, with special reference to the British context. In the concluding chapter it is argued that the liberal account of justice is impossible to realize, and that central insights must be borrowed from the Augustinian tradition.
6
Bennett, Angela C. « Continuity and conflict : the struggle for political rights in eighteenth-century Geneva ». Thesis, University of Kent, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294319.
Texte intégral
7
Cherniss, Joshua. « Political Ethics and the Spirit of Liberalism in Twentieth-Century Political Thought ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13070021.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Liberalism is often criticized as too moralistic and removed from the realities of politics; and too complacently accepting of injustices. Such criticisms, familiar among contemporary political theorists, were expressed far more forcefully in the earlier twentieth century. Liberalism then came under attack from anti-liberals who wholly rejected the institutional and ethical limits on the political deployment of violence and fear insisted upon by liberals. Such anti-liberals advanced arguments for political ruthlessness on behalf of a truer morality - either the morality of pursuing morally imperative political goals; or the morality of "realistically" responding to threats to public order. Liberals found themselves faced with a dilemma: to adhere to their principles at the price of hampering their ability to combat both existing injustices, and the threat posed by ruthless anti-liberal movements; or to abandon their scruples in seeking to defend, or transform, liberal society.
The criticisms and challenges confronting liberalism between the end of World War I, and the end of the Cold War, thus centered on opposing responses to problems of political ethics. They were also shaped by opposed ideals of political ethos - the "spirit", dispositions of character, sensibility and patterns of perception and response, which characterize the way in which actors pursue their values and goals in practice.
In this dissertation I reconstruct these debates, and explicate the ethical claims and questions involved, presenting accounts of the opposed - yet often convergent - positions of moral purism, end-maximalism, and realism. I offer accounts of the ethical arguments and ethos of such anti-liberals as Lenin, Trotsky, and Lukacs; and explore the ambivalent commitments and ambiguous arguments of Max Weber, who influenced both critics and defenders of liberalism. Finally, and primarily, I reconstruct the ethical arguments and ethos of "tempered liberalism" - a strain of liberalism, represented by Reinhold Niebuhr, Isaiah Berlin, and Adam Michnik, which sought to re-imagine liberalism as an ethos which rejected both the innocence and complacency of some earlier liberalisms, and the ruthlessness of anti-liberalism, and steered a "moderate" ethical path between hard-headed, skeptical realism, and values of individual integrity and idealism.Government
8
Carr, Rosalind. « Gender, national identity and political agency in eighteenth-century Scotland ». Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/602/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis considers the interrelationship between the discourse and performance of gender, national identity and political agency in Scotland during the Union debates of 1706-07 and the mid-to-late eighteenth-century Scottish Enlightenment. These two periods are offered in contrast to each other in order to demonstrate the means by which changing discourses of gender and national identity impacted upon the performance of political agency. The first section of this thesis (Chapters 2 and 3) demonstrates that anti-Union discourse in 1706-07 was founded upon a conception of a masculine Scottish nationhood defined by ‘heroick ancestors’. This is contrasted with women’s political agency at the time, demonstrated most markedly by elite women’s ability to influence parliamentary politics. I argue that despite masculinist discourses of nationhood, during the Union debates status was a more important determinant of political agency than gender. The second section of my thesis (Chapters 4, 5 and 6) considers the centrality of male refinement and ‘civilised’ femininity to discourses of North British nationhood in the context of the Scottish Enlightenment. I examine the construction and performance of male refinement within intellectual societies and convivial clubs and then consider women’s limited inclusion in the urban Enlightenment public sphere, demonstrating that discourses of femininity necessarily precluded women’s full public engagement in this sphere. The final chapter (Chapter 7) considers martial masculinity, particularly the masculine ideal of martial Highland manhood in order to demonstrate the problematic aspect of notions of hegemonic masculinity and in order to bring the story of the Highlands and Empire into the story of Enlightenment Scotland. This thesis will demonstrate the centrality of gender to discourses of national identity and examine the impact of these on the performance of political agency in eighteenth-century Scotland and in doing so offers a contribution to the history of gender and political power.
9
Wallmann, Elisabeth. « The political economy of eighteenth-century insects : natural history and political economy in France, 1700-1789 ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/100285/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation argues that insects provided a crucial lens through which Enlightenment thinkers could reimagine and represent their societies. It demomstrates that the understanding of the functioning of their individual bodies, the close observation of their collective behaviour, and its manipulation and management, helped eighteenth-century scholars to conceptualise, and root in nature, their social orders and the changes that they wished to see in them. While insect collectives such as bee swarms or ant colonies that had long been used to metaphorically model human societies, in the eighteenth century, these metaphors were reformulated and given an empirical basis. Investigating writings on insects on the part of natural historians, agronomists, philosophes and physicians, the thesis contributes to the growing literature on the role of animals in human history in general and in the Enlightenment in particular. It builds on two scholarly traditions: French studies and the cultural history of scientific, economic and political knowledge (mainly written after the 1980s). I take from French studies methods for the close reading of texts and more recent ideas on how ‘to bridge’ different fields of knowledge; the latter discipline will be useful in providing ideas about the history of observation and experimentation, theories of the animal and human body as well as eighteenth-century understanding of political economy. As this dissertation demonstrates, insects helped conceptualise new ideas of the human individual and his or her passions (chapters 1 and 2), of how human collectives are formed (chapter 3) and how governments can manipulate and regulate them in the most profitable ways possible (chapters 4 and 5). By investigating Enlightenment writings on insects, this thesis shows, we can recover part of the rich history of our modern understanding of our own ways of living together.
10
Reid, George. « Popes, politicians and political theory : The principle of subsidiarity in 20th century European history ». Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27018.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The transformation of the principle of subsidiarity from a philosophical principle in Catholic social teachings to a constitutional article in the 1992 Treaty on European Union has been a source of confusion for scholars of European integration. Political scientists have examined subsidiarity from the perspective of political philosophy to account for its transformation and to determine its impact on European integration. However, no attempt has been made to anchor the emergence of subsidiarity in a historical context. This thesis employs a historical approach to analyze the transformation of subsidiarity. It examines the political struggles surrounding the principle in the Catholic Church, in German Christian Democracy, and in the debates over European Union in the European Community. It concludes that the transformation of subsidiarity occurred during the debates over the European Union that began in the 1970s and culminated in the ratification of the 1992 Maastricht treaty on European Union.
11
Wernitznig, Dagmar. « No documents, no history : a political biography of Rosika Schwimmer (1877-1948) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711810.
Texte intégral
12
Shirota, Maree. « Unrolling history : fifteenth-century political culture and perceptions on the Canterbury Roll ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/11080.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Canterbury Roll is a fifteenth-century genealogical chronicle roll that traces the succession of English kings from Noah until the Wars of the Roses. Created in a period when genealogy and ancestry had practical and ideological meaning in society, the Canterbury Roll is symbolic of the ideas of dynasty, myth and heritage that its original creators and readers valued. This thesis departs from previous historiographical approaches to genealogical rolls by treating the Canterbury Roll as a document that reflects the political culture in which it was produced. By examining the image, text and materiality of the manuscript, the thesis develops on existing scholarship and offers insights into the depiction of political prophecies, political theories of effective kingship, the justification of royal deposition and English perceptions towards foreign kingdoms and dominions. Political prophecies on the roll reveal how genealogy and prophecy contribute to a broader sense of history and prestige that the Lancastrian kings claimed to inherit. By using mythical royal depositions, the roll justifies the removal of Richard II and the Lancastrian dynasty’s legitimacy through not only hereditary right, but also contemporary political theory that validated the ousting of ineffective kings. The thesis also establishes that the roll reveals contemporary English attitudes towards other territories such as Scotland, Wales and France, which reflect the political and diplomatic context of the period. These themes demonstrate the capacity of genealogical manuscripts to present a nuanced view of contemporary political concepts. In doing so, this thesis both provides an in-depth textual analysis of the Canterbury Roll, and contributes to the historiography of medieval genealogical literature and political thought by approaching the manuscript as a source for the political culture of early fifteenth-century England.
13
Calaresu, Melissa. « Political culture in late eighteenth-century Naples : the writing of Francesco Mario Pagano ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273021.
Texte intégral
14
Malone, Hannah Olivia. « Nineteenth-century Italian cemeteries : the social and political basis of funerary architecture ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648217.
Texte intégral
15
Jauch, Linda. « Women, power and political discourse in fifteenth-century northern Italy ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252268.
Texte intégral
16
Forrester, Katrina Max. « Liberalism and realism in American political thought, 1950-1990 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283922.
Texte intégral
17
Holley, Jared Douglas. « Eighteenth-century Epicureanism and the political thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708202.
Texte intégral
18
Gribble, Laura. « Metropolitan philanthropy : popular education and political culture in early nineteenth-century England (1800-1830) ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313552.
Texte intégral
19
Earley, Benjamin Edward. « The Spirit of Athens : the reception of fifth-century BC Athenian history in eighteenth-century British political thought ». Thesis, University of Bristol, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.702159.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis seeks to explore the important and numerous ways in which British political commentators engaged with fifth-century Be Athenian history, with particular reference to the rise and fall of Athenian sea power and maritime empire, in the eighteenth century. It argues that Athens provided British commentators with historical material in debates over the nature of maritime empire, the rights of colonists, the influence of luxury on imperial powers, the role of the individual in a free constitution, the causes of war, and the spread of factionalism and violence. This material was, at the same time, interpreted in the light of political concerns, while helping to shape the nature of various contemporary debates. The idea that the rise, decline, and fall of the fifth-century Athenian Empire and democracy was common intellectual currency and seen as politically useful is contentious. Edward Andrew argued that 'Athens definitely was not a model' for eighteenth-century thinkers, while J . T. Roberts sees Athens as an anti-democratic model. That is to sayan example of a constitution to be avoided. My thesis will add nuance to these accounts by considering the reception of various facets of Athenian history in total rather than individually. Over the coming chapters we will see how it is misleading to separate the history of the empire, the role of luxury, debates over Pericles, and the causes and violence of the Peloponnesian War. All these different strands together form a compelling case, I argue, for the importance of Athens in eighteenth-century British thought. This thesis will further point to the influence of readings of Thucydides, Plutarch, Herodotus, Xenophon, Aristotle, and others on the reception of Athenian history. The classical texts provided the raw material from which ideas of Athenian history were formed. This thesis will point to various traditions of reading these texts that were current in the eighteenth century, which provided material in contemporary political debates. Furthermore, I will explore ways in which readings of these texts problematised received wisdom. For example,. around the time of the American Revolution, Thucydides' depiction of the descent of the Athenian Empire into tyranny provided troubling material when compared with the perceived liberty of the British Empire.
20
Liss, Annie Parker. « Varieties of religious Americanism : religion, historical writing and political advocacy in the late-nineteenth century ». Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3340.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Despite the prevailing rhetoric of religious liberty in the nineteenth century, Protestant religious values dominated historical and public policy discourses. Histories celebrated Anglo-Saxon Protestant triumphalism, while laws regarding blasphemy, temperance, Sunday observance, polygamy, and religious instruction in public schools, as well as the Federal Indian mission policy, amply demonstrated Protestant influence on various levels of American government. My dissertation examines intersections of religion, historical writing, and political advocacy in the late nineteenth century. I focus my study on the Gilded Age (1865-1900) because of the importance American history assumed during this time. American history became an established part of public school curricula and university studies, and amateur and professional historical studies flourished as individuals sought to understand and preserve American national identity. I argue that historical writing by religious thinkers played a central role in the construction of religious nationalisms in the late-nineteenth century, while also informing the public policy position of their adherents. Using a case-study approach, I examine key thinkers representing mainstream Protestantism, Roman Catholicism, Seventh-day Adventism, Quakerism and Reform Judaism. These religious intellectuals wielded the new historical sensibility to comment, from the perspective of their religious beliefs, on the nature of American public and private institutions, immigration restriction, Sabbath laws, race relations, and questions of war and pacifism. Their aim was to construct a vision of America's past, present, and future that would allow believers to wholeheartedly embrace an American national identity without compromising their beliefs.
Current historical literatures on religion and nationalism criticize prevailing Anglo-Saxon Protestant views of the nation in the Gilded Age yet frequently fail to address how others in the period understood themselves and their place in American society. In contrast, this study provides a balance of views including outsider contributions to American political culture. Methodologically, a comparative and thematic approach provides an analytical alternative to historical narratives that either focus on dominant coherent narratives or those that present the "messy realities" of American national culture. Moreover, in contrast to current historical literatures which claim that marginalized religious groups in America constructed variant nationalisms based on binary "insider" or "outsider" identities, I argue that these classifications overlook significant subtleties. Finally, rather than simply focusing on "conflict" or "exclusion," this study demonstrates negotiation and participation. While strategic choices varied, grounding national identity in history and theology ensured the persistence of religious components in American political cultures.
21
Lam, Po-ying Belinda, et 林寶英. « Modern Chinese political thought and the Min-li pao ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1985. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31948571.
Texte intégral
22
James, Samuel Charles. « The 'Cambridge School' in the history of political thought, 1948-1979 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610472.
Texte intégral
23
Henderson, Nancy Ann. « British Aristocratic Women and Their Role in Politics, 1760-1860 ». PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4799.
Texte intégralRésumé :
British aristocratic women exerted political influence and power during the century beginning with the accession of George III. They expressed their political power through the four roles of social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political patron/electioneer. British aristocratic women were able, trained, and expected to play these roles. Politics could not have existed without these women. The source of their political influence was the close interconnection of politics and society. In this small, inter-connected society, women could and did influence politics. Political decisions, especially for the Whigs, were not made in the halls of government with which we are so familiar, but in the halls of the homes of the social/political elite. However, this close interconnection can make women's political influence difficult to assess and understand for our twentieth century experience. Sources for this thesis are readily available. Contemporary, primary sources are abundant. This was the age of letter and diary writing. There is, however, a dearth of modern works concerning the political activities of aristocratic women. Most modern works rarely mention women. Other problems with sources include the inappropriate feminization of the time period and the filtering of this period through modern, not contemporary, points of view. Separate spheres is the most common and most inappropriate feminist issue raised by historians. This doctrine is not valid for aristocratic women of this time. The material I present in this thesis is not new. The sources, both contemporary and modern, have been available to historians for some time. By changing our rigid definition of politics by enlarging it to include the broader areas of political activities such as social patron, patronage distributor, political advisor, and political/electioneer, we can see British aristocratic women in a new light, revealing political power and influence.
24
Andrews, Graham. « Rethinking the third century CE : contemporary historiography and political narrative ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/286358.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis challenges one of the fundamental assumptions about Rome's political upheaval in the third century CE. This period is conventionally defined by the growing political influence of the army at the expense of the Senate, after the Severan emperors made it clear that their hold on power rested on military support. The soldiers would grow bolder in asserting their position, eventually coming to overthrow emperors at will. I present a broad reassessment of the evidence for a historical model which derives from the narratives of two contemporary witnesses, Cassius Dio and Herodian. Dio is the subject of my first discussion. I address two problems. Firstly, Dio's contemporary history survives only through Byzantine epitomes and excerpts. Its irreparable alteration means that Dio's later books cannot be treated in their own terms, but have to be contextualised against the wider thematic framework of his thousand-year account. Secondly, I turn to Dio himself. Within that framework, Dio presents himself as the ideal senatorial historian. In doing so, he is able to define a uniform senatorial experience, which excludes everything else as deriving from military corruption. An analysis of Herodian follows, also in two parts. The first analyses Herodian's construction of Roman society into three constituent parts, Senate, army and people. I show how these simplistically homogenous social units allow Herodian to explore imperial character, even as they cause inconsistencies in his political narrative. I then address Herodian's account of Maximinus Thrax. This narrative has been presented as the historical culmination of the army taking over politically. I argue instead that it represents the climax of Herodian's rhetorical scheme. Overall, the model of political conflict is built on two contemporary accounts which have specific reasons to simplify matters in their presentation of political activity. In order to understand the nature of political change in this period, I argue that it is necessary to move beyond them.
25
Tal, Nimrod. « The American Civil War in twentieth-century Britain : political, military, intellectual and popular legacies ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5343d0e7-7004-4b25-b50e-fe184ee26298.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the continuous British interest in the American Civil War from the war’s end to the late twentieth century and the British utilisation of the conflict at home and in the Atlantic arena. Contributing to the limited, yet burgeoning literature on the subject, this study emphasises the independent agency of both the Civil War and its British interpreters. It thus rejects a simplistic depiction of British adoption of American culture and applies a more sophisticated methodology that accounts for the active, versatile and autonomous British use of complex foreign images. This enables a meaningful analysis of the Civil War’s place and role in modern British culture. The thesis examines the British fascination with the conflict as reflected in four facets: politics, military thought, academe and popular culture. Additionally, it takes a transatlantic perspective and explores how Britons’ view of the United States has influenced their understanding of the Civil War. This study thus provides a first comprehensive and coherent overview as well as a nuanced picture of the American conflict as it travelled across the Atlantic from a historically distanced perspective. The thesis reveals that the Civil War achieved unique prominence in British culture and that this British fascination with the war was part of a greater transatlantic encounter between an epic American affair and sophisticated British interpreters. Accordingly, the two main questions underpinning this study are ‘why were the British particularly interested in the Civil War?’ and, following directly on that path, ‘how did Britons use the war both at home and in the transatlantic sphere?’ Answering these questions further establishes the war’s prominence in British culture and explores the character of the British encounter with the conflict. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the Civil War’s global impact and casts another light on Anglo-American relations.
26
Harrison, Henrietta. « State ceremonies and political symbolism in China, 1911-1929 ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670261.
Texte intégral
27
Pelegrin, Taboada Ricardo. « Shades of Liberalism : Lawyers and Social, Political and Legal Transformations in Nineteenth Century Cuba ». FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3895.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1819, Ferdinand VII ordered the creation of two Colegios de Abogados in Cuba to prevent the expansion of the number of legal professionals, as well as the unauthorized practice of law. The strategy, however, failed, and lawyers increasingly became a force of political and social change in the island, being mostly inspired by the debates about the implementation of liberal agendas in and out of Cuba. Some Colegios de Abogados eventually became centers of anti-Spanish conspiracy and lawyers even led recurrent uprisings for Cuban independence. Ideas of reform among Cuban lawyers, however, were diverse, and different interpretations of liberalism surfaced, especially under the influence of other movements such as annexationism and autonomism. This variety of ideas encountered one another at the Constitutional Convention of 1901, where self-proclaimed liberal delegates still questioned, for example, free education and universal suffrage, which made evident the many shades that liberalism still had in Cuba at this time.
This study takes legal professionals to be a strategic window to approach and explain key social, political and intellectual transformations in nineteenth century Cuba, while unveiling the leading role lawyers themselves played in those processes. Relying on personal and professional documentation, correspondence and job applications, the dissertation recreates lawyers’ political, intellectual and social positions, and shows how they had a decisive participation in historical change in late colonial Cuba. Their ideas survived in periodical publications, newspapers, and political writings that they established or where they participated, as well as in legislations that they enacted, applied or commented on. Being the most influential professional group of the period under study, lawyers represent a perfect tool to understand the end of Spanish times in Cuba and its transit, under the flags of liberalism, to an independent republic.
28
Milner, Wesley T. « Progress or Decline : International Political Economy and Basic Human Rights ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2180/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This dissertation is a cross-national, empirical study of human rights conditions in a dynamic international political economy. The scope of the examination covers 176 developed and developing countries from 1980 through 1993. Through evaluating the numerous theoretical aspects of human rights conceptualization, I draw upon Shue's framework and consider whether there are indeed "basic rights" and which rights should fit into this category. Further, I address the debate between those who claim that these rights are truly universal (applying to all nations and individuals) and those who argue that the validity of a moral right is relative to indigenous cultures. In a similar vein, I empirically investigate whether various human rights are interdependent and indivisible, as some scholars argue, or whether there are inherent trade-offs between various rights provisions. In going beyond the fixation on a single aspect of human rights, I broadly investigate subsistence rights, security rights and political and economic freedom. While these have previously been addressed separately, there are virtually no studies that consider them together and the subsequent linkages between them. Ultimately, a pooled time-series cross-section model is developed that moves beyond the traditional concentration on security rights (also know as integrity of the person rights) and focuses on the more controversial subsistence rights (also known as basic human needs). By addressing both subsistence and security rights, I consider whether certain aspects of the changing international political economy affect these two groups of rights in different ways. A further delineation is made between OECD and non-OECD countries. The primary international focus is on the effects of global integration and the end of the Cold War. Domestic explanations that are connected with globalization include economic freedom, income inequality and democratization. These variables are subjected to bivariate and multivariate hypothesis testing including bivariate correlations, analysis of variance, and multiple OLS regression with robust standard errors.
29
Miller, Derek Robert. « Breaking the Mold : Sugar Ceramics and the Political Economy of 18th Century St Eustatius ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2008. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626553.
Texte intégral
30
Ulmschneider, Jacob A. « Paul Piccone’s Providential Moment : Phenomenology, Subjectivity, and 20th Century Marxism in Telos ». VCU Scholars Compass, 2018. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5445.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis explores the intellectual history of editor, writer, and philosopher, Paul Piccone and Telos, an independent journal of contemporary critical theory, which he founded in 1968. Born in Italy, Piccone lived most of his life in the United States, earning his Ph.D. in philosophy at SUNY-Buffalo in 1970. Piccone served as Telos’ editor and a major contributor from 1968 to 2004. This thesis follows the trajectory of his thought by contextualizing his writing within the broader world of Marxist, and eventually post-Marxist, political philosophy. Telos also concerned itself with modern interpretations of historical dialectics and early 20th-century Marxist philosophy. Piccone himself predicated much of his philosophy on Husserlian phenomenology, which stresses concrete experiences, and his writing therefore stands at a unique confluence of Husserl and Marx. Piccone ultimately became a leading exponent of anti-Liberal philosophy and the theory of artificial negativity, which examines capitalist hegemony in both material and socio-historical terms.
31
Atack, Carol Wendy. « Debating kingship : models of monarchy in fifth- and fourth-century BCE Greek political thought ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708051.
Texte intégral
32
Geuter, V. R. « Women and embroidery in seventeenth-century Britain : the social, religious and political meanings of domestic needlework ». Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244595.
Texte intégral
33
Porter, Catherine Lee. « Nationalism, authority and political identity in the secession of Katanga, 1908-1963 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709432.
Texte intégral
34
Carvalho, Susana Adelina S. G. S. « Nationalism and regime overthrow in early twentieth century Portugal ». Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/404/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The thesis aims to explain the role played by opposition nationalisms in the overthrow of two distinct regimes in early twentieth century Portugal – the Constitutional Monarchy in 1910 and the First Republic in 1926. After identifying a gap in the existing literature on Nationalism – namely, the importance of political opposition nationalisms in explaining the overthrow of ruling regimes in homogeneous, but ideologically divided, nation-states – this research project presents a three-phased theoretical framework devised with the objective of explaining the political events that led to the demise of both regimes. Accordingly, this thesis argues that in the case of Portugal, the demise of the Constitutional Monarchy and of the First Republic were preceded by the emergence of two opposition nationalisms, a left-wing and anti-clerical republican nationalism and a reactionary and Catholic integralist nationalism, respectively. Both opposition nationalisms were anti-systemic and revolutionary. They unfolded in three phases, which are common in both cases. Phase One, an opposing intelligentsia created a new nationalist ideology that contested the official rule of the governing regime. During the Constitutional Monarchy, this opposing intelligentsia was embodied by the 1870 Generation (1870-1876), whereas during the First Republic it was best articulated by Integralismo Lusitano (1910-1916). Phase Two, the ideological movement gave rise to a political opposition movement that competed at the electoral level, albeit with little success, and disseminated an alternative definition of who and what constituted the nation. Once again, intellectuals of the 1870 Generation created the Portuguese Republican Party (PRP) in 1876 while the integralists created the Junta Central do Integralismo Lusitano in 1916. Finally, Phase Three, the political opposition movement, barred from exercising power, formed a civilian-military coalition with the explicit aim of overthrowing the ruling regime from power. Between 1903 and 1910, an alliance was gradually built between the lower ranks of the military, the PRP, the Masonry and the Carbonária. In the final years of the First Republic (1922-1926), a civil-military alliance was formed between the higher ranks of the military and moderate and radical conservatives, including the integralists. As this thesis argues, these civil-military coalitions succeeded in overthrowing the regime when a series of economic and political crises put in question the legitimacy of the ruling institutions, and the defensive forces, loyal to the regime, ultimately adopted a neutral position vis-àvis the belligerent attacks of the opposition nationalists.
35
Fuad, Ahmad Nur. « The Bābī movement in Iran : from religious dissent to political revolt, 1844-1853 ». Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20482.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis is a study of the development of the Babi movement and the political implications embodied in its religious teachings. The thesis basically assumes that in its early development (1844--1848), the movement may be seen merely as religiously dissenting from the mainstream of Shi'i tradition. In the course of history, however, and especially after the Bab, its founder, claimed in 1848 to be the return of the Hidden Imam and proclaimed the abrogation of Qur'anic shari'a, the Babi movement showed radical tendencies, thus threatening the established religious and political authorities. This later development (1848--1853) was characterized by armed revolts by the Babis against the government troops. This thesis also examines the nature of Babi religious dissent and demonstrate that the Babi revolts were to a large extent based on religious motives.
36
Tusalp, Ekin Emine. « Political Literacy and the Politics of Eloquence : Ottoman Scribal Community in the Seventeenth Century ». Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11277.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In 1703, the chief scribe (reisü'l-küttab) Rami Mehmed Efendi (d. 1708) was appointed as the grand vizier in the Ottoman Empire. In scholarship, Rami Mehmed epitomizes the transition in the political cadres from the people of the sword/seyfiye to the people of the pen/kalemiye as the first chief scribe to be appointed as the grand vizier. While this transition has long been accepted as a crucial aspect of eighteenth-century Ottoman history, the cultural and intellectual formation of "the people of the pen" as a distinct community before this period has not been adequately examined.
37
Oz-Salzberger, Fania. « Scottish political ideas in eighteenth century Germany : the case of Adam Ferguson ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6ef5e5b0-37a4-42b7-a58f-8c1e35cc451c.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis examines the reception of the works of Adam Ferguson, a major thinker of the Scottish Enlightenment, by a range of German readers in the late eighteenth century. It provides a survey of Ferguson's main political ideas, and argues that many of his prominent German readers did not come to terms with them. The thesis contrasts the political realities and concerns of Ferguson's Scotland with the profoundly different political concerns of his German readers, and their often vague and inaccurate ideas of Scotland, and of the British constitution. Their documented responses to Ferguson's works are brought as evidence for a cumulative and complex case of misreception. The terms in which Ferguson expressed his political ideas can be fruitfully analyzed as a political language, a vocabulary of recognizable and mutually complementing political terms. After a close examination of this particular vocabulary, the thesis proceeds to show in detail how Ferguson's German translators, commentators, reviewers and readers unwittingly dismantled this vocabulary, lost or ignored its republican and activist elements, and sometimes shifted it into other vocabularies which were far removed from the author's political intentions. However, the differences between the individual readers are emphasized, not only with respect to their varied intellectual backgrounds and works, but also touching on their personal profiles as readers and thinkers. The thesis aims especially to highlight three aspects of this Scottish- German encounter: the capacity of Ferguson's texts to be removed from their contexts and misread; the failure of civic humanist ideas to make a serious entry into German political discourse; and the merits of close textual analysis for supporting a type of explanation, which may supplement or counter-balance other explanations, about the limited effect of "imported" political ideas in eighteenth-century German discourse.
38
Feng, Dongning. « Text, politics and society : literature as political philosophy in post-Mao China ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2216.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of this study is to arrive at a critical overview of politics and literature in the Chinese context. The relationship has increasingly become a "field" of studies and theoretical inquiry that most scholars in either disciplines are wary to tread. This thesis tries to venture into this problematic field by a theoretical examination as well as an empirical critique of Chinese literature and politics, where the relationship seems even more paradoxical, but adds more insight into the argument. The Introduction and Chapter One set up a framework by asking some general but fundamental questions: what literature is, and how it is to be related to politics. Chapter Two examines the historical function of literature and Chinese writers in society to establish the basis of argument in the Chinese context. Chapter Three focuses the discussion on the relationship between politics and literature during the Mao era and after. Chapters Four analyses the literary works published during the post-Mao period to establish the argument that literature, as part of our perception of the world, is most concerned with human society and social amelioration and participates in the socio-political development by contributing to it through a discourse that is otherwise inaccessible. Chapter Five explores the argument further by extending it into the field of cinema, which basically comes from the same narrative tradition of prose literature, but offers a wider and different dimension to the argument pursued. Chapter Six and the Conclusion try to draw together the argument by examining literature as both form and content to argue how and why literature is related to politics and how it has functioned in a political manner in Chinese society. To summarise, Chinese literature in this period will b& shown to be involved In a process of political reform and development by way of bringing the reader to participate in a critical and philosophical dialogue with power, history and future. In the long run, it offers emancipating visions and possibilities revealed to the reader in ways that are historical, developmental, philosophical and comparative. This study focuses on the prose fiction published in this period, for it is the leading force in China's cultural development and constitutes the major trunk of the modern Chinese canon. In addition, the research also extends to drama and films, and the way they, together with prose fiction, make up the most popular perception and intellectual discovery of contemporary Chinese society and politics and best inform the argument of the study of politics and literature.
39
Adams, Ellen E. « "of More Consequence Than the President" : Frances Folsom Cleveland and the Role of First Lady in the Late Nineteenth Century ». W&M ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626461.
Texte intégral
40
Thompson, Stephen John. « Census-taking, political economy and state formation in Britain, c. 1790-1840 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265510.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Since 1801 the British government has counted the population once every ten years. Only the Second World War has interrupted this practice, making the census one of the most enduring administrative institutions of the modern British state. This dissertation is about why legislators and political economists first sought to quantify demographic change in the early nineteenth century. The first chapter explains the administrative organisation of census-taking under John Rickman, who directed the first four censuses. The second chapter examines the legislative origins of census-taking in eighteenth-century Britain. It compares the efforts of two backbenchers, Thomas Potter and Charles Abbot, to establish a national census in 1753 and 1800. The third chapter analyses the pre-census empirical basis of fiscal policy during the 1790s, paying patticular attention to William Pitt the Younger's use of political arithmetic to estimate the yield of Britain's first income tax. The fou1th chapter examines the function and limitations of the population data used by four national accountants - Benjamin Bell, Henry Beeke, J. J. Grellier and Patrick Colquhoun - in their responses to Pitt's new tax. The fifth chapter re-assesses the economic and social thought of Robet1 Southey, whose opposition to T. R. Malthus's Essay on the pr;ndple of populahon, and especially its commitment to poor law abolition, arose from a fundamental disagreement about the state's role in welfare provision. The sixth and seventh chapters consider the relationship between information gathering and state formation. Chapter six quantifies the number and range of printed accounts and papers produced by the House of Commons in the early nineteenth century. It challenges previous analyses which have used public expenditure and statute-making as measures of state formation. The final chapter explores how census data was used to determine the redistribution of parliamentary representation that took place as a result of the 1832 Reform Act. Employing a diverse range of methodologies and sources, this study contributes to histories of economic thought and state formation by revealing the extent to which political arithmetic converged with Smithian political economy during the French revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. This convergence proved sho1t-lived, however, and early nineteenthcentury political arithmetic was consigned to historical oblivion by the world 's first professional economist, John Ramsay McCulloch. Nonetheless, reasoning by 'number, weight, or measure', paiticularly in respect of population, challenged and transformed the conduct of parliamentary business in this period, leading to the legislative dissolution of the existing electoral system in 1832.
41
Crewe, Thomas James. « Political leaders, communication, and celebrity in Britain, c1880-c1900 ». Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709506.
Texte intégral
42
Prakoonheang, Kevin, University of western Sydney et of Arts Education and Social Sciences College. « Political ideologies and development in the Lao people's democratic republic since 1975 ». THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Prakoonheang_K.xml, 2001. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/823.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This work is a study in some detail of the political history and development of Laos since 1975. The contents include: Origin of the Lao Modern Political Ideology; Backgrounds of the Lao Communist Party; Development of Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP); The LPRP as a ruling party; New economic policy 'Chintanakarn Mai'; Future directions of the LPRP. Several maps, tables, charts and photographs are included in the researchMaster of Arts (Hons)
43
Cook, Christopher Joseph. « Agency, Consolidation, and Consequence : Evaluating Social and Political Change in New Orleans, 1868-1900 ». PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/535.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In the last twenty years, recent scholarship has opened up fresh inquiry into several aspects of New Orleans society during the late nineteenth century. Much work has been done to reassess the political and cultural involvement, as well as perspective of, the black Creoles of the city; the successful reordering of society under the direction of the Anglo-Protestant elite; and the evolution of New Orleans's social conditions and cultural institutions during the period initiating Jim Crow segregation. Further exploration, however, is necessary to make connections between each of these avenues of study. This thesis relies on a variety of secondary sources, primary legal documents, and contemporary newspaper articles and publications, to provide connections between the above topics, giving each greater context and allowing for the exploration of several themes. These include the direction of black Creole public ambition after the end of that community's last civil rights crusade, the effects of Democratic Party strategy and the Lost Cause of the Confederacy movement on younger generations of white residents, and the effects of changing social expectations and increasing segregation on the city's diverse ethnic immigrant community. In doing so, this thesis will contribute to enhancing the current understanding of New Orleans's complex and changing social order, as well as provide future researchers with a broad based work which will effectively introduce the exploration of a variety of key topics and serve as a bridge to connect them with specific lines of inquiry while highlighting the above themes in order to make new connections between various facets of the city's troubled racial history.
44
Johnson, Chalamanda Fiona Michaela. « 'Interpretations in transition' : literature and political transition in Malawi and South Africa in the 1990s ». Thesis, University of Stirling, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3427.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In this thesis I explore instances of literary engagement with the major transitions in national political formation in Malawi and South Africa; both countries moved from a totalitarian regime to democratic government, brought in by multi-party elections, in 1994. Most analyses of the wave of democratic transitions in Southern Africa are either historical, political or economic in their approach. The shift of political power from one constituency to another also requires another kind of study, of the impact of the political changes on lived experience through an analysis of people's creative expression. The artistic expressions of the experi nce of change are at times strikingly similar in the two countries, especially how artists imagine newness and simultaneously negotiate a past which was subject to repression. Literature is important in this political process, for it has a licence to reinterpret conventional representations and dominant narratives, often through fictionalising and creating new imaginative possibilities. I consider whether literary production in Malawi and South Africa is comparable in the light of this idea, despite the obvious differences in political configuration, geographic factors and levels of industrialisation and urbanisation, and ask whether political transition is a legitimate point of departure for interpreting literature. In the process I seek to identify similarities, and even overt influences or alliances between the literary practices in Malawi and South Africa during and since the transition. I analyse a wide variety of literary forms, some of which may transgress conventional definitions of 'literature'. Examples include the reader-contributions sent in to a newspaper's literary pages by its readers and the two historical accounts of women's experience. I discuss the porous distinction between fiction and history, realism and magic realism, as well as the subjective distinctions between formal and popular literature. The ambiguity of the title of my thesis therefore conveys the fact that the more established modes of literary interpretation are themselves also currently in transition. My intention here is not to argue what kind of literature is good or bad, valuable or trivial, but to discuss and interpret contextually the kinds of literature which are being produced and published. Chapter 1 of my thesis discussesth e work of JackM apanje and Nadine Gordimer, two 'veterans' of censorship under their respective regimes, suggesting how their writing has changed with freedom of expression. With the transition came experimentation and a wave of writing on fantastical, magical and irrational subjects. The writers discussed in Chapter 2 serve as a contrast to the engaged realism of Gordimer and to some extent, Mapanje. Steve Chimombo, Lesego Rampolokeng, Seitlhamo Motsapi and Zakes Mda convey a burlesque, transgressive style, which I discuss, drawing on Bakhtin, under the eading 'carnivalesque'. Chapter 3's emphasis on newspaper literature from Malawi reflects the importance of the form in contrast to South Africa where popular writing largely finds its main outlet in literary journals and magazines rather than in daily newspapers. Chapters 4 and 5 are related in their considerations of memory and searches for truth. In Chapter 4 Antjie Krog and Emily Mkamanga challenge the distinction between literary and factual chronicle in their woman-centred accounts of the past. The final chapter discusses two texts that are overtly literary, yet function in a mode of mourning and reflection, returning from the bustle of the present moment to a continuing, necessary reflection of the past which defines the new present. I conclude by suggesting that the comparative analysis is viable and enriching and that this study of literature from societies in transition demonstrates how poetry and fiction tell stories of history.
45
Davis, Michael A. « Jacksonian Volcano : Anti-Secretism and Secretism in 19th Century American Culture ». University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1378109351.
Texte intégral
46
Petillon, Emily. « The Chronicle of William Pelhisson : A Microcosm of Early Thirteenth Century Papal Inquisition ». Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1244.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study will use Pelhisson’s account of the Toulouse inquisition of 1230-1238 as a case study into the causes of the inquisition, the mindset of the Dominicans who carried it out, and the institutionalization of the inquisition process.
47
Aiko, Yuichi. « The history of political theory in international relations : seventeen and eighteenth-century perpetual peace projects in intellectual context ». Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270501.
Texte intégral
48
Paterson, Craig. « Prohibition & ; resistance : a socio-political exploration of the changing dynamics of the southern African cannabis trade, c. 1850 - the present ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002403.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Looking primarily at the social and political trends in South Africa over the course of the last century and a half, this thesis explores how these trends have contributed to the establishment of the southern Africa cannabis complex. Through an examination of the influence which the colonial paradigm based on Social Darwinian thinking had on the understanding of the cannabis plant in southern Africa, it is argued that cannabis prohibition and apartheid laws rested on the same ideological foundation. This thesis goes on to argue that the dynamics of cannabis production and trade can be understood in terms of the interplay between the two themes of ‘prohibition’ and ‘resistance’. Prohibition is not only understood to refer to cannabis laws, but also to the proscription of inter-racial contact and segregation dictated by the apartheid regime. Resistance, then, refers to both resistance to apartheid and resistance to cannabis laws in this thesis. Including discussions on the hippie movement and development of the world trade, the anti-apartheid movement, the successful implementation of import substitution strategies in Europe and North America from the 1980’s, and South Africa’s incorporation into the global trade, this thesis illustrates how the apartheid system (and its collapse) influenced the region’s cannabis trade.
49
Nassimi, Azim M. « An ethnography of political leaders in Afghanistan ». Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1063417.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This study consisted of qualitative interviews with six Afghan political leaders who served as cabinet members in the Afghan government prior to the Soviet invasion. The study sought to report the political conditions in Afghanistan based on the direct experiences and the reflections of these leaders whose titles and names remain anonymous.The data were collected and analyzed using a modified version of Spradley's Developmental Research Sequence Writing methodology. The data included field notes gathered from numerous interviews, casual conversations, tape recording, library research and documents provided by the informants.The rivalries that prevented political unity during the war of resistance have exacerbated the quest for power now that the common enemy, the Soviet Union and Afghan-Marxist regimes, has disappeared from the scene. No credible social or political within the country to initiate and promote political reconciliation. Each group appears to be attempting a unilateral solution to the national crisis. The great majority of Afghans are not only left out of the political process, but are also held hostage to the confrontation between competing groups whose political and military strategies is the elimination, or at best exclusion, of other competing groups. Dangerously, none of the powerful group's adversaries has given up the idea of war as the institution or nationally acceptable leadership is available instrument of political settlement. Among political leaders there is still much in Afghan political culture that is basically hostile to open and competitive politics.Department of Educational Leadership
50
Ali, Shara. « The 'pronunciamiento' in Yucatán : from independence to independence (1821-1840) ». Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1693.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Unique to nineteenth-century Spain and Central America, the pronunciamiento can be interpreted as an act of insubordination against ruling authorities, which included a written document with a list of complaints or demands. The practice was almost always carried out by members of the army, but usually involved heavy participation by political and civilian sectors of society as well. The pronunciamiento more often than not contained a threat of military violence if the grievances of the pronunciados were not listened to; as a result, it carried with it the implicit consequence of armed revolt. The pronunciamiento was responsible for major political changes in early nineteenth-century Mexico and Yucatán, and was also one of the most powerful forces of political and societal destabilisation during this period. Indeed, the pronunciamiento was responsible for the establishment of federalist and centralist systems, changes of constitutions, and constant overthrows of presidents. This was also true on a smaller scale in Yucatán, as the pronunciamiento was not only used to depose governors and administrations, but was the key negotiatory mechanism between the Yucatecan and Mexican administrations; yucatecos resorted to the pronunciamiento to realise their secessions from and reunifications to Mexico throughout the early nineteenth century. The aim of this thesis is to expose the dynamic of the Yucatecan pronunciamiento. It will challenge the present depiction of the pronunciamiento as military exercise of destabilization, and will instead concentrate on exposing it as a highly intricate process of political representation and negotiation, at both local and national levels. This will not only contribute toward a greater understanding of pronunciamiento culture on a local and more general scale, but will also reveal a more comprehensive analysis of the socio-political and economic circumstances of nineteenth-century Yucatán. This in turn will aid in re-defining early nineteenth-century Mexico, questioning its traditional depiction as an age of “chaos”, and instead exposing it as one dominated by political and ideological forces and factions, who used the pronunciamiento to express their beliefs and to negotiate for change.