Thèses : « Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects »

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Nanabhay, Yasmin. « Non-compliance with external control measures in selected case studies within the national sphere of the public sector ». Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2426.

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Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2014.
Ethical conduct displayed by members of the public sector is integral to creating a sustainable democratic government, which upholds the constitutional tenets of accountability, transparency and professional ethicality. Furthermore, a true constitutional democracy emphasises and advocates the notion of service leadership that nurtures public participation and engages with citizens in a positive manner. Ethical conduct in the public sector earns public trust; it is hence a key principle in good governance. Yet, in the years since the advent of democracy in South Africa, the government has been plagued by rampant corruption and maladministration by public officials and politicians in leadership positions. The external control measures passed by government in an attempt to ensure ethicality and accountability within the public sector include codes of ethics, rules of conduct and the enactment of legislation. These are intended to shape the mindset of members of the public sector, with the ultimate aim of an efficient, effective, ethical and responsive public service. The purpose of the current study is to analyse non-compliance with external control measures within the public sector by means of selected case studies and to present the reasons for this occurrence. The three cases selected are: the South African Arms Deal, the corruption trial of Jackie Selebi, and the investigation of Bheki Cele regarding irregularities in the procurement of SAPS assets, the latter two who served as National Commissioners of the South African Police Service but were each dismissed from that post. The reasons for non-compliance with external control measures in the public sector as well as recommendations based on the findings to improve compliance will be undertaken. The three case studies demonstrate the experience and impact of corruption and/or maladministration, which have contributed to the increasing loss of confidence in political leadership in the country as elsewhere in the world. A qualitative methodology of inquiry, including a review of literature covering the theories applied to the case studies will be employed. Owing to the subject nature of the current study, the findings will be validated by an independent source, which has been identified as the Office of the Public Protector.

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Spittal, Angela M. Sears. « An examination of ethical values : a Q-study of political consultants and public relations organizational consultants ». Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1154776.

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This research compares the ethical values of public relations and political public relations practitioners. The study hypothesizes that a difference exists in the two groups' approach to ethical decision-making.A Q-study was completed by twenty-three midwest members of the Public Relations Society of America and the American Association of Political Consultants. The results identified two groups: one, a group of "communitarians" who relied on personal standards for ethical decision-making but believed the community-the public and the mediainfluenced those standards; and two, a group of "individualists" who relied on personal standards for ethical decision-making and were not influenced by the public, media, religion or law.This research determined that a significant difference did not exist in approach to ethical decision-making between political public relations and traditional public relations practitioners. All of the participants relied primarily on personal standards when making ethical decisions and no participants put personal advancement or pragmatism ahead of ethical decision-making.
Department of Journalism

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Bishop, Susan. « Adelphia : An Exploratory Case Study of Corporate Culture and Ethical Judgment ». ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1814.

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White collar corporate corruption continues to be prevalent in the United States, costing shareholders billions of dollars annually. This study of the collapse of Coudersport, PA firm, Adelphia Communications, explored how and why leadership of this prominent and successful company made unethical decisions, created an atmosphere of moral disengagement, and led to the downfall of the company. Taped interviews with 10 executives who were employed at the company during the years of its rise and demise (1996-2006) were transcribed, hand coded, and analyzed to explore the ethical culture and leadership practices at Adelphia. These insights offer a possible explanation for the behavior that resulted in the collapse of the company. The theoretical framework for this qualitative case study included ethical work climate, moral cognitive theory, and the theory of moral disengagement. Results showed that the collapse of Adelphia was enabled by intense family control, low empowerment, and extreme greed and entitlement on the part of the founders who never made a clear business transition from being family-owned to a publicly-traded corporation. Additionally, proper oversight by the board and outside auditors was lacking. These findings may contribute to positive social change in the areas of ethical training and in creating and operationalizing corporate values in day-to-day decision making in the corporate environment. These findings also suggest further need for new legislative issues beyond existing law to hold external consultants involved in fiduciary responsibility more accountable.

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Schick, Katherine Anne. « Trauma and the ethical in international relations ». Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/552.

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Warburton, John (John Harcourt). « The social nature of corrupt networks in the Queensland police force 1960-1987 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2007. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28112.

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Most corruption research is into what causes corruption, rather than how it functions, on institutional causal factors rather than how it works. There are strong practical reasons for this, given the difficulty in gaining reliable data about actual corruption. The political economy model of corruption is the most influential, coherent and popular. It describes corruption in terms of “rent seeking" behaviour by “rational optimisers”, and has the advantage of access to political economy tools and concepts such as game theory and principal agent theory. This thesis contests the assumptions of the rational choice influences on the political economy approach, using evidence from an in—depth case study of corruption in the Queensland Police Force between 1960 and 1987. The results show that the corrupt network in the Queensland Police Force involved highly complex social behaviour that displayed many “non rational” characteristics. Far from being rational optimisers focused on material benefits, corrupt network members were found to be willing to accept small material or non material rewards, even though their behaviour involved significant personal risk. Corrupt network members were also found to highly value social interactions and belonging to the corrupt network as a group. This is not to say that individuals in the corrupt network did not seek corrupt payments, as a large amount of cash was actually involved. However, the evidence shows that a very small number of “inner sanctum” power holders received a hugely disproportionate amount of the money while bearing disproportionately less of the risk. Corruption has to be holistically understood as an outcome of continuously functioning networks rather than as an episode with a distinct beginning and end. Using the data from the Queensland Police Force corrupt network, this thesis examines the nature of interactions between all the corrupt network actors using some of the tools and methodology of social network analysis. The evidence suggests that corrupt police networks are self contained and highly adaptive to threatsand opportunities from their environment. The network has a shape and function that transcends individuals, even though in the case of the Queensland Police Force corrupt network certain individuals were clearly important to its successful operation. The network is highly flexible and resilient, able to maintain itself while reducing activity even during periods of sustained external threat, and also to efficiently increase activity and access to resources when the environment is more favourable. The corrupt network is able to achieve these outcomes, both through using directly corrupt interactions between actors in the corrupt network, and other interactions that bear little relation to traditional conceptions of corruption. In particular this thesis finds that considerable energy is expended by corrupt network members in conducting interactions that: protect the network from external attack using network resources; promote the network to grow in directions that give it greater control of relevant resources; are of a social nature; and, promote the development of influence relations, access to resources, the swapping of information and the trading of favours. In fact, referring to a corrupt network underestimates the complexity of its interaction with its environment. The corrupt network within the Queensland Police Force interacted with several self contained networks that had links with each other: the corrupt police network; the criminal milieu; and, the adjacent influence network. The inter—relationships between all three networks were crucial to the operation of the police corrupt network, which at its highest point was receiving over $56,000 a month in corrupt payments from criminals. The evidence shows that without links to the criminals the corrupt conduct could not occur, but that links to the adjacent influence network were also highly important to corrupt network operation. The adjacent influence network consisted of a socially connected group of actors from Queensland’s primary social institutions including: the political sphere (and in particular the ruling National Party); the judiciary; and, the media. Access to powerholders in these institutions allowed the corrupt network to receive information and resourCes, thus ensuring it could protect and sustain itself over a long period of time. Anti-corruption measures need to take into account these social and network characteristics of corruption to be successful.

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Dunbar, Danielle. « The devil’s children : volk, devils and moral panics in white South Africa, 1976 - 1993 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20179.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There are moments in history where the threat of Satanism and the Devil have been prompted by, and in turn stimulated, social anxiety. This thesis considers particular moments of ‘satanic panic’ in South Africa as moral panics during which social boundaries were challenged, patrolled and renegotiated through public debate in the media. While the decade of the 1980s was marked by successive states of emergency and the deterioration of apartheid, it began and ended with widespread alarm that Satan was making a bid for the control of white South Africa. Half-truths, rumour and fantasy mobilised by interest groups fuelled public uproar over the satanic menace – a threat deemed the enemy of white South Africa. Under P. W. Botha’s ‘total onslaught’ rhetoric, a large sector of white South Africa feared total ‘moral onslaught’. Cultural guardians warned against the satanic influences of popular culture, the corrupting power of materialism, and the weakening moral resolve of the youth. Others were adamant that Satanists sought to punish all good, white South Africans with financial ruin and divorce in their campaign to destroy white South Africa. From the bizarre to the macabre, the message became one of societal decay and a youth that was simultaneously out of control. While influenced by the international Satanism Scare that swept across the global West during the 1980s and early 1990s, this thesis argues that South Africa’s satanic panics reflected localised anxieties as the country’s social borders changed over time. While critically discussing the concept of the ‘moral panic’ and its analytical value in historical study, this thesis further argues that these moments of moral panic betray the contextually specific anxieties surrounding the loss of power and shifts in class and cultural solidarity. In so doing, this thesis seeks to elucidate the cultural changes in South Africa between 1976 and 1993 by highlighting the social, temporal and geographic boundaries which were contested and renegotiated through the shifting discourse on Satanism.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar is oomblikke in die geskiedenis toe die bedreiging van Satanisme en die Duiwel deur sosiale angstigheid aangespoor is en dit ook verder gestimuleer het. Hierdie tesis neem bepaalde momente van ‘sataniese paniek’ in Suid-Afrika – waartydens sosiale grense deur publieke debat in die media uitgedaag, gepatrolleer en heronderhandel is – in oënskou as oomblikke van morele paniek. Terwyl die 1980s gekenmerk is deur agtereenvolgende noodtoestande en die agteruitgang van apartheid, het dit begin en geëindig met wydverspreide verontrusting dat Satan poog om beheer oor wit Suid-Afrika te verkry. Halwe waarhede, gerugte en fantasie, gemobiliseer deur belangegroepe, het publieke onsteltenis oor die sataniese gevaar aangehits – = vyandige bedreiging vir wit Suid-Afrika. In samehang met PW Botha se ‘totale aanslag’ retoriek, het = groot deel van wit Suid-Afrika ook = ‘totale morele aanslag’ gevrees. Die kultuurbewakers het gewaarsku teen sataniese invloede op populêre kultuur, die sedebederwende mag van materialisme en die verflouing van morele vasberadenheid onder die jeug. Ander was oortuig daarvan dat Sataniste daarop uit is om alle goeie, wit Suid-Afrikaners deur finansiële ondergang en egskeiding te straf in hulle veldtog om wit Suid-Afrika te vernietig. Van die grillige tot die makaber, die boodskap was een van sosiale agteruitgang en = jeug wat terselfdertyd buite beheer was. Alhoewel Suid-Afrika beïnvloed is deur die heersende internasionale sataniese verskrikking wat gedurende die 1980s en die vroeë 1990s, dwarsdeur die globale Weste gevind is, voer hierdie tesis aan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse sataniese paniek, soos die sosiale grense in Suid-Afrika verskuif het, gelokaliseerde angs gereflekteer het. Buiten die kritiese bespreking van die konsep van die ‘morele paniek’ en die analitiese waarde daarvan, argumenteer hierdie tesis verder dat hierdie momente van morele paniek konteks-spesifieke angs blootlê, paniese angs wat met die verlies van mag en veranderings in klas- en kulturele samehorigheid saamhang. Hierdeur beoog die tesis om kulturele veranderinge in Suid-Afrika tussen 1976 en 1993 toe te lig, deur te fokus op die sosiale, temporale en geografiese grense wat deur die verskuiwende diskoers oor Satanisme betwis en heronderhandel is.

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Malan, Martha S. « The scientific politics of HIV/AIDS : a media perspective ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53684.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: When South Africa's President, Thabo Mbeki, began doubting that HfV was the cause of AIDS in the late nineties, the debate he introduced in his country was not new; it had raged in the United States as far back as a decade ago. But, even prior to that, there had been numerous controversies pertaining to the discovery of the Ill-virus. This thesis argues that those contentions created such a heated atmosphere that the causal debates that were to follow, however incredible they were, were largely unavoidable. In its coverage of the epidemic, the media were immersed in its own politics. During the early eighties, the gay newspapers in the US felt a personal responsibility to find the cause of a disease that was rapidly killing many of its readers. But, in the process, the often promoted unscientific and dangerous approaches. By the time the AIDS dissident debate had unraveled in the US, the gay media was so suspicious of the anti-gay Reagan government that they frequently advanced dissident arguments. The mainstream and scientific media, on the other hand, were perceived as rigidly supporting government institutions, excluding critical voices. When the dissident debate reached South Africa ten years later, the South African media was completely unprepared. Most journalists had never heard of AIDS dissidents; some had not even heard of HfV or the anti-AIDS drug AZT, that the President had labeled toxic. Begin a new democracy, with a history of white oppression, the black and white media differed immensely on how to cover 'the President's debate'. Criticism of the newly elected ANC government's arguments were often branded racist and unpatriotic, with journalists suffering regular intimidation at the hands of state officials and governmentaligned editors. This thesis examines the development of the politics surrounding the science of AIDS, from the discovery of'HfV up until Thabo Mbeki's controversial contentions. To an equal extent, it looks at the news media's coverage of the process, focusing on the approaches to the debate of various media outlets and individual journalists. It also raises ethical issues, particularly in South Africa, that emerged during one of the most widely reported debates in the country's history. It in no way attempts to provide a quantitative analysis of media coverage and, in the case of the US media, draws heavily on analytical studies conducted at the time. NOTE: In the analysis of the South African media's coverage of the AIDS dissident debate in Part Three: B, issues pertaining to the country's public broadcaster, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), were not discussed The reason was that the author was the Corporation's Health Correspondent at the time, and therefore too closely involved in the institution in order to provide an objective perspective.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Toe Suid-Afrika se president, Thabo Mbeki, in die laat jare negentig begin het om die oorsaak van VIGS in twyfel te trek, was die debat wat hy in sy land ingelei het, nie nuut nie; dit reeds 'n dekade tevore in die VSA gewoed. Maar, selfs voor daardie debat, was daar 'n hewige omstredenheid wat met die ontdekking van die MI-virus verband gehou het. Hierdie tesis argumenteer dat daardie omstredenheid so 'n driftige atmosfeer geskep het, dat die debat oor die oorsaak van VIGS wat sou volg, hoe ongeloofwaardig ook al, grootliks onvermydelik was. Met die dekking van die epidemie was die media in hul eie politiek gedompel. Tydens die vroeë jare tagtig het gay-koerante in die VSA 'n persoonlike verantwoordelikheid gevoel om die oorsaak te vind van 'n siekte wat baie van hulle lesers vinnig laat sterfhet. Maar, in die proses het hulle dikwels onwetenskaplike en gevaarlike benaderings bevorder. Teen die tyd dat die 'oorsaak-debat' in die VSA begin posvat het, was gay-koerante so agterdogtig oor die anti-gay Reagan-regering dat hulle dikwels 'afvallige' argumente aangemoedig het. Die hoofstroommedia en wetenskaplike joernale is aan die ander kant weer gesien as rigiede ondersteuners van regeringsorganisasies, wat kritiese stemme wou stilmaak. Toe die 'oorsaak-debat' Suid-Afrika tien jaar later bereik het, het dit die plaaslike media geheel en alonkant betrap. Die meeste joernaliste het toe nog nooit van 'VIGS-afvalliges' gehoor nie; party nie eens van MIV of die teenvigsmiddel AZT, wat die president as giftig geëtiketteer het nie. Daarby was die land 'n jong demokrasie met 'n geskiedenis van wit onderdrukking, wat meegebring het dat wit en swart media-instansies grotendeels verskil het oor hoe die 'president se debat' gedek moes word. Kritiek teen die nuut verkose ANC-regering se argumente is dikwels as rassisties of onpatrioties afgemaak, en regeringsamptenare of regeringsgesinde redakteurs het gereeld probeer om joernaliste te intimideer. Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die ontwikkeling van die politiek rondom die wetenskap van VIGS, van die ontdekking van MIV tot en met Thabo Mbeki se omstrede argumente. Dit kyk ook na die nuusdekking van die proses, deur op die benaderings van verskeie media-instansies asook individuele joernalistse te fokus. Dit bespreek ook etiese kwessies wat tydens nuusdekking na vore gekom het, veral in Suid-Afrika, waar hierdie debat van die wydste nuusdekking óóit in die geskiedenis van die land geniet het. Dit poog geensins om 'n kwantitatiewe analise van mediadekking te verskaf nie, en waar die Amerikaanse media beskou word, word daar sterk gesteun op analitiese studies wat tydens die duur van die debat uitgevoer is. NOTA: In die analise van die Suid-Afrikaanse media se dekking van die 'oorsaak-debat' in Deel 3:B word kwessies wat met die nuusdekking van die land se openbare uitsaaier, die Suid-Afrikaanse Uitsaaikorporasie (SA UK), verband hou, nie bespreek nie. Die rede is dat die outeur die korporasie se gesondheidskorrespondent was, en was daarom te nou verbind aan die korporasie om 'n objektiewe perspektiefte verseker.

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Holtz, Brigitte Elke. « Resistance and reactions to neo-liberal economic globalisation and its institutions : exploring the 'anti-globalisation' movement ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53031.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.

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Baumann, Chiara Manina. « A legal and ethical analysis of the South African government’s response toward Zimbabwean immigrants ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4347.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of the South African government‘s response toward Zimbabwean immigration, focusing on the period from 2000 to July 2009. The aim is to shed light on why the government has acted in the manner that it has, using a human security framework. South Africa‘s legal obligations under international, regional, and domestic law are investigated and the ethical debate concerning issues of entrance and borders is explored. Concepts of morality, universality, and human dignity are central to this discussion. Against this backdrop, the Zimbabwean migration is briefly analysed in terms of push and pull factors and numbers; and the legal debate concerning the classification of Zimbabweans is explored. The challenges Zimbabweans face in South Africa and how the government has dealt with the Zimbabwean immigration is covered. Key actors from civil society and government are interviewed in an attempt to engage opinions about the government‘s response. The main opinions as to why the government has responded in the manner it has are then discussed and other factors are considered. Issues of solidarity, land reform, and South Africa‘s involvement in the Zimbabwean mediation process are some of the factors considered. The conclusion of this study is that the South African government has not succeeded in meeting its legal obligations nor acted ethically concerning Zimbabwean immigrants. The particular sentiments of ex-president Thabo Mbeki, the solidarity amongst national liberation movements, regional considerations, and the capitalist interests of some South Africans are factors that carry the most weight in explaining the South African government‘s response to the Zimbabwean crisis and its subsequent migrants.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n studie van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die immigrasie van Zimbabwiërs na Suid-Afrika, met die klem op die tydperk tussen 2000 en Julie 2009. Die doel is om lig te werp op die regering se optrede in dié tydperk aan die hand van 'n menslike veiligheidsnetwerk. Suid-Afrika se regsverpligtinge onder internasionale, streek- en plaaslike reg, sowel as die etiese debat rakende kwessies soos die binnekoms van immigrante en grense, word ondersoek. Konsepte van moraliteit, universaliteit en menslike waardigheid , staan sentraal tot hierdie bespreking. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die Zimbabwiese migrasie kortliks ontleed in terme van die stukrag-en-trefkrag faktore en getalle; en word die regsdebat oor die klassifisering van Zimbabwiërs onder die loep geneem. Die uitdagings wat Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika in die gesig staar en hoe die regering Zimbabiese immigrasie hanteer het, word bekyk. Onderhoude is gevoer met sleutelspelers in die burgerlike samelewing en die regering in ‗n poging om agter die kap van die byl te kom met betrekking tot die regering se reaksie op Zimbabwiese immigrasie. Die belangrikste standpunte ten opsigte van die regering se optrede word dan bespreek in die lig van faktore soos solidariteit, grondhervorming, en Suid-Afrika se betrokkenheid by die Zimbabwiese mediasieproses. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering nie daarin geslaag het om sy regsverpligtinge na te kom nie, en nie eties korrek opgetree het nie met betrekking tot Zimbabwiese immigrante. Die sentimente van oudpres. Thabo Mbeki, die solidariteit onder die nasionale bevrydingsbewegings, en die kapitalistiese belange van sekere Suid-Afrikaners, is van die belangrikste faktore aan die hand waarvan die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die Zimbabwiese immigrasie-krisis verklaar word.

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Van, Zyl Elizabeth Margaretha, et Zyl Lizma Van. « Too cosy for comfort ? : a media ethical investigation into the Presidential Press Corps ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53697.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Govemment and the media are in the process of establishing South Africa's first Presidential Press Corps (PPC) based on the White House Press Corps in the United States of America. The need for a body like the Presidential Press Corps (PPC) has become increasingly evident as the recent relationship between the South African president and this country's press can only be characterised as poor. The establishment of the PPC potentially presents an ethical dilemma though due to various factors. A joumalist can only serve the public with the most comprehensive and accurate news when his or her finger is on the pulse of events that take place within the decision-making bodies. However, being so close to those in power may seriously threaten journalistic independence. This dilemma would be discussed in detail in this assignment. In May 200 I, the troubled relationship between Mbeki and the media was tackled at an Indaba between the South African National Editor's Forum (SANEF) and cabinet at Sun City. The crux and outcome of these discussions are set forth in The lf/oy Fo/wOld, a report prepared by those attending the Indaba. The establishment of the PPC is one of eight joint government and media initiatives outlined in this report. Although there is overwhelming support for the Pl'C, there is concern that the Pl'C members would be censored, manipulated and controlled by government as a result of their proximity. The Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI) believes the implications are far reaching and pose a serious threat to a free press. This first group of Pl'C journalists is going where no other has gone before in this country's history. They are however facing a daunting task, as the arena they are entering is fraught with novelties, challenges, obstacles and temptations. This assignment will examine the media's role in a democracy, the challenges of far closer cooperation between the media and government, the ethical dilemma potentially presented by the Pl'C as well as ways to ensure as far as possible, an ethical and professional relationship between government and the corps's members.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regenng en die media is in die proses om Suid-Afrika se eerste Presidensiele Perskorps (PPK) te stig. Die konsep is geskoei op die van die Wit Huis Perskorps in die Verenigde State van Amerika. 'n Dringende behoefte bestaan in Suid-Afrika aan 'n liggaam soos die PPK aangesien dit duidelik geword het dat die verhouding tussen die president en die media nie na wense is nie. Die stigting van die PPK kan egter weens verskeie faktore eties-problematies wees. Joernaliste kan die publiek slegs voorsien van akkurate nuus indien hulle vingers op die polsslag van gebeure binne die land se besluitnemende liggame is. Joernalistieke onafhanklikheid kan egter in gedrang kom indien die verhouding tussen die "waghond" en die regering te intiem raak. Die PPK-Iede sal na verwagting weens gereelde kontak 'n veel hegter verhouding met die president he as wat die geval is met ander joemaliste. Die vertroebelde verhouding tussen die media en president Thabo Mbeki is in Mei 200 1 bespreek tydens 'n lndaba by Sun City. Een van die inisiatiewe waarop daar ooreengekom is in 'n poging om die probleme aan te pak, is die stigting van die PPK. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Redakteursforum en die regering hoop dat die korps sal bydra tot 'n vryer vloei van inligting asook tot 'n beter verstandbouding tussen die regering en die media. Hoewel daar oorweldigende steun is vir die PPK, is daar ook vrese dat die korps se lede gemanupileer en beheer sal word deur die kabinet.Die eerste groep PPK-lede gaan baanbrekerswerk verrig, maar die pad voor hulle is onbekend en vol potensiele gevare. Die uitdagings, slaggate sowel as maniere hoe etiese probleme oorkom kan word, word in hierdie werkstuk bespreek.

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Krapf, Elizabeth Maria. « Euthanasia, the Ethics of Patient Care and the Language of Propaganda ». PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/606.

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This thesis is an examination of euthanasia, eugenics, the ethic of patient care, and linguistic propaganda in the Second World War. The examination of euthanasia discusses not only the history and involvement of the facility at Hadamar in Germany, but also discuss the current euthanasia debate. Euthanasia in World War II arose out of the Nazi desire to cleanse the Reich and was greatly influenced by the American eugenics movement of the early 20th century. Eugenics was built up to include anyone considered undesirable and unworthy of life and killed many thousands of people before the invasion of allied troops in 1944. Paramount to euthanasia is forced sterilization, the ethic of patient care, and how the results of the research conducted on euthanasia victims before their deaths should be used. The Nazis were able to change the generally accepted terms that researchers use to describe their experiments and this change affected how modern doctors and researchers use the terms in current research. This thesis includes research conducted in Germany and the United States from varied resources.

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Vollgraaff, Helene. « Values and the environmental/green movement of South Africa ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52602.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and growth of the environmental/green movement has been linked to a value shift from materialism towards postmaterialism. In this study, the emergence of the South African environmental/green movement and its growth potential is investigated within the context of Ronald Inglehart's value change theory and its implications for developing societies. The positive link between postmaterialism and environmentalism is well researched and widely accepted. However, many researchers focusing on developing societies argue that a shift towards postmaterialism does not adequately explain the emergence of environmentalism, because environmentalism is taking root in developing societies despite postmaterialist values not being prioritised. This relationship is investigated by means of a literature study about the values, principles and issues addressed by the environmental/green movement. It is argued in this study that environmentalism can indeed be linked to postmaterialism, but that prematerialist values could also playa role, especially in developing societies. The South African environmental/green movement is discussed as an example of environmentalism in a developing society. The South African movement is often described as a white middle class movement. It is argued on the basis of a literature study that the movement has changed considerably and incorporates a wide range of interests ranging from more conservative forms of environmentalism to radical political forms of environmentalism such as environmental justice. This change is linked to the concepts of prematerialism and postmaterialism emphasising that both sets of goals seems to be prioritised by different discourses within the movement. Issues concerning both the welloff and the poor are addressed by the movement. This is followed by an analysis of the 1995 World Value survey data set to obtain a demographic and socio-economic profile of the active members of an environmental organisation and the environmentally concerned. The relationship between active membership of an environmental organisation, the environmentally concerned and the concepts of prematerialism, materialism and postmaterialism is also established. The positive relationship between postmaterialism and environmentalism is confirmed, but contradictory results have been found regarding the relationship between prematerialism and environmentalism. This can possibly be attributed to the inadequate survey material that is available. Although active membership of an environmental organisation correlates positively with prematerialism, no relationship could be found between environmental concern and prematerialism. Lastly, a demographic and socio-economic profile of the "don't know" response group has also been compiled as this group is an important target group for the expansion of the environmental/green movement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die totstandkoming en groei van die groen- of omgewingsbeweging word gekoppel aan 'n waardeverskuiwing van materialisme na postmaterialisme. Die totstandkoming van die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging en die groeipotensiaal daarvan word ill hierdie studie ondersoek binne die raamwerk van Ronald Inglehart se waardeverskuiwingsteorie en die implikasies daarvan vir ontwikkelende lande. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid is goed nagevors en geniet wye aanvaarding. Tog het verskeie navorsers, veral dié wat op ontwikkelende lande fokus, probleme daarmee. Hierdie navorsers argumenteer dat postmaterialisme nie die totstandkoming van die omgewingsbeweging in ontwikkelende lande voldoende verklaar nie, aangesien die beweging in hierdie lande posgevat het terwyl die prioritisering van postmaterialisme ontbreek. Hierdie verband word ondersoek d.m.v. 'n literatuurstudie oor die waardes, beginsels en vraagstukke wat deur die groen/omgewingsbeweging aangespreek word. Daar word in hierdie studie geargumenteer dat omgewingsbewustheid wel aan postmaterialisme gekoppel kan word, maar dat prematerialistiese waardes waarskynlik ook 'n rol kan speel, veral in ontwikkelende lande. Die Suid-Afrikaanse groen/omgewingsbeweging word beskryf as 'n voorbeeld van omgewingsbewustheid in 'n ontwikkelende land. Die Suid-Afrikaanse beweging word dikwels beskryf as 'n wit middelklasbeweging. Daar word op grond van 'n literatuurstudie geargumenteer dat die beweging aansienlik verander het sodat dit nou 'n breë verskeidendenheid van belange aanspreek wat wissel van die meer konserwatiewe vorme van omgewingsbewustheid tot die radikale politieke vorme soos byvoorbeeld omgewingsregverdigheid (Eng: environmental justice). Die verskuiwing word aan die konsepte van postmaterialisme en prematerialisme verbind. Dit word beklemtoon dat verskillende groeperings binne die groen/omgewingsbeweging verskillende waardes prioritiseer. Vraagstukke wat beide die welvarendes en die armes raak, word deur die beweging aangespreek. Die literatuurstudie word gevolg deur 'n analise van die 1995 World Value Survey datastel. 'n Demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die aktiewe lede van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en respondente wat as omgewingsbewus geïdentifiseer is, is opgestel. Die verhouding tussen die konsepte van prematerialisme, materialisme en postmaterialisme en aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie aan die een kant en omgewingsbewustheid aan ander kant word ook bespreek. Die positiewe verband tussen postmaterialisme en omgewingsbewustheid, sowel as aktiewe lidmaatskap word deur die data bevestig. 'n Positiewe verband is ook tussen aktiewe lidmaatskap van 'n omgewingsorganisasie en prematerialisme gevind, maar teenstrydige resulte is gevind rakende die verband tussen omgewingsbewustheid en prematerialisme. Hierdie resultate kan egter moontlik beïnvloed wees deur die onvoldoende meetinstrument wat beskikbaar is. Laastens is 'n demografiese en sosio-ekonomiese profiel van die "weet nie" responsgroep saamgestel, aangesien hierdie groep 'n belangrike teiken is indien die groen/omgewingsbeweging wil uitbrei.

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Cummine, Angela. « A citizen's stake in Sovereign Wealth Funds : the management, investment and distribution of sovereign wealth ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5c3b8fa7-768e-445f-b4f1-54297dca9582.

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Over the past five years, Sovereign Wealth Funds (SWFs) have become a prominent phenomenon in contemporary capitalism. Described as government investment vehicles that invest state wealth in financial markets, the majority of the world's 60-plus funds have been established since the year 2000. Despite extensive treatments of SWFs' geopolitical and international significance, ethical and domestic level analyses are sparse. In response, this thesis interrogates three key normative questions raised by the funds for the domestic citizen-state relationship: (1) How (and by whom) should sovereign funds be managed? (2) How should sovereign wealth be invested? (3) How should the earnings of sovereign fund investment be distributed? In answering these questions, this thesis aims to dispel ambiguity over the ownership status of sovereign funds, evident in popular and academic discourse and within communities that establish these entities. For this task, it draws on recently revived fiduciary theory of the citizen-state relationship to argue that the rightful owner of these funds is the citizenry - not states or governments who enjoy physical and legal possession of SWFs. It goes on to examine the implications of this fiduciary state conception of SWF ownership, asking how citizen-owners should enjoy control over and benefit from the distinct constituent parts of their SWF property: the institution of the fund, the underlying sovereign wealth and the financial returns earned on the investment of its assets. The model of citizen ownership defended demands substantially increased popular control over SWF management and the investment of sovereign wealth, as well as direct benefit rights for citizen-owners to fund income through individualised distribution of investment returns. Examination of existing practice among SWFs demonstrates that this normative ideal is far, although not impossibly distant from current institutional practice.

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Turner, Jennifer. « The View from the Table : An Analysis of Participant Reactions to Community-Based Dialogues on Food and Justice ». PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1092.

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While Portland, Oregon's sustainable food movement wins accolades for explicitly situating itself in opposition to the industrialized global food system, it often fails to address systems of oppression that are reproduced within the alternative agri-food movement itself. This demonstrated aversion towards the messy, complex, contingent nature of the social world reflects larger processes of "de-politicization" of the overall sustainability agenda, which leads to the favoring of technological and/or spatial solutions that may undermine the social equity and justice dimensions of the "triple bottom line." This thesis focuses on an action research project involving a series of community dialogues that provided participants with a common language and understanding necessary to interrogate issues of race and class in Portland's sustainable food movement while developing visions for possible futures. Dialogue participants may find new ways to communicate, learn, identify common goals and best practices, and potentially network, collaborate and/or co-produce transformative anti-oppression strategies that integrate into the sustainable food movement. By asking those vested in the sustainable food movement to interrogate dimensions of anti-oppression consciousness, the movement becomes fortified with voices better equipped to envision sustainability within a more political and contingent reality that recognizes conflicts of power, and less resembling an idyllic, utopian, and ultimately impossible sustainability. This thesis delivers some preliminary outcomes following the dialogue series by describing and reflecting on the series' implementation and processes, and reflecting on its impact on participants' anti-oppression consciousness in the context of food and sustainability, while discussing possibilities for future scholarship.

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Hadley, Travis Stuart. « Thucydides’ Sparta : Law, Piety, and the Regime ». Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699880/.

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My dissertation investigates Thucydides’ presentation of Sparta. By viewing the war through Sparta, one is confronted with debates on the moral dimensions of war. Sparta decries the imperialism of Athens as unjust and while the Athenians imply that such claims are merely Spartan ‘hypocrisy’ and therefore that Sparta does not truly take justice seriously, my study contends that the Spartan concern with justice and piety is genuine. While the Athenians present a sophisticated and enlightened view of what they believe guides all political actions (a view most scholars treat as Thucydides’ own) my study argues that Sparta raises problems for key arguments of the ‘Athenian thesis.’ Through a closer study of Thucydides’ Sparta, including his neglected Book 5, I locate details of both Sparta’s prosecution of the war and their regime that must be considered before agreeing with the apparent sobriety and clear-sightedness of the Athenians, thus leading the reader into the heart of Thucydides’ view of morality in both foreign affairs and domestic politics. A portion of this research is currently being prepared as an article-length study on the broad and important issue of hypocrisy in foreign affairs among states.

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Bernard, Taryn. « Justificatory discourse of the perpetrator in TRC testimonies : a discourse-historical analysis ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1571.

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Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
This study investigates the ways in which former South African Police (SAP) perpetrators of human rights violations justify their criminal actions in testifying before the Amnesty Committee (AC) of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). In particular, attention goes to the testimonies of former Commissioner of Police Johan van der Merwe, and former member of the Security Branch section of the SAP, Jeffrey Benzien. A key assumption in the study is that the justification of human rights violations is a discursive practice that is largely language dependent (Reisigl & Wodak 200: xi). The research draws on the theoretical aims and methods of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). It refers largely to Benke and Wodak’s (2003) discourse–historical study on the justificatory discourse of ex-Wehrmacht officers of the Austrian army. This study therefore takes a discourse-historical approach to discourse and the data, an approach which takes into consideration the surrounding political and historical context of the selected texts, which are, in this case, the testimonies of perpetrators at the AC hearings. Besides an analysis of the justificatory discourses produced by two former police officers, the study reflects on how the discursive strategies of the apartheid perpetrators compare with one another and with the ex- Wehrmacht officers. CDA and the discourse-historical approach provide interdisciplinary angles on linguistic analysis of a text. For this reason, a review is given of literature which relates the study to political, historical and philosophical insights. The analysis particularly makes use of Foster et al.’s (2005) socio-political study of apartheid perpetrator narratives. The study reveals that perpetrators used a fixed set of justificatory discursive strategies to talk about human rights violations, and their role in such violations. These linguistic strategies are used for a number of different reasons, including reducing personal responsibility, avoiding talking about past atrocities, saving face where personal malicious and degenerate behaviour is made public and diverting feelings of personal guilt. On a discourse theoretical level the study eventually convinces that there are generic strategies typically used in justificatory discourse, whether it be in response to Wehrmacht atrocities of the Second World War or to security force excesses in repressing aspirations of disenfranchised citizens during the last thirty years of the Nationalist government in South Africa. Some stories don’t want to be told. They walk away, carrying their suitcases held together with grey string. Look at their disappearing curved spines. Hunch-backs. Harmed ones. Hold alls. Some stories refuse to be danced or mimed, drop their scuffed canes and clattering tap-shoes, erase their traces in nursery rhymes or ancient games like blind man’s bluff. Excerpt from “Parts of Speech” by Ingrid de Kok

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Dumiso, Phazamile. « Identity politics of race and gender in the post-apartheid South Africa : the case of Stellenbosch University ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49984.

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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Identity has been a contentious issue in South Africa for many years. This created many problems including, among others, discrimination against people on the basis of race and gender. When the new government came to power in 1994, it promised to make valuable changes, and hence programmes such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment were introduced. This study investigates perceptions of students at Stellenbosch University (US) towards identity politics of race and gender after 1994. The subject of investigation includes, inter alia, student accommodation, language of tuition, relationship between students, class participation, sexual harassment and politics (affirmative action and black economic empowerment). This research investigates the university's treatment of students and how students themselves treat each other. Information was collected through a survey using a questionnaire in four selected residences, viz. Concordia, Goldfields, Huis DeViIIiers and Lobelia. The findings of this study indicate that there still are some problems as far as identity politics of race and gender at the US are concerned. For example, this study came to the following conclusions: • The majority of students from the three racial groups who participated in this study have a perception that racial divisions still exist at the US in three areas (classroom, residences and the student centre). The perception is these divisions are caused by the fact that students come from different cultural backgrounds. Language differences also play a role in this respect; • The majority of students also have a perception that black students are less likely to speak in class because they feel intimidated; • The majority of black and coloured students support the ANC (African National Congress), while the majority of white students support the DA (Democratic Alliance). Although this is the case, this research also finds that many students at the US do not want to indicate their political support; • Black and coloured students are positive about the role of Affirmative Action (AA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), whereas white students have a different view; • Women students at the US have a perception that South Africa is still confronted by a problem of gender inequality; • The majority of students have a perception that white men are the worst affected group by AA and BEE; • Most students, regardless of their race or gender, feel protected at the US. There is a perception that there is no gender discrimination by their lecturers; • Men and women students view sexual harassment differently; for example, women students view sexist jokes and wolf-whistling as constituting sexual harassment while men students have a different view. They all have perception that women students are the one who experience more of these forms of sexual harassment than their male counterparts do.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Identiteit is reeds vir baie jare in Suid-Afrika 'n omstrede kwessie. Dit het baie probleme veroorsaak, waaronder, diskriminasie teen mense gegrond op ras en geslag. Tydens die totstandkoming van die nuwe regering in 1994, is beloftes gemaak om veranderinge teweeg te bring. Gevolglik is programme soos regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging ingestel. Hierdie studie ondersoek die persepsie van studente, verbonde aan die universiteit van Stellenbosch (US), jeens die identiteitspolitiek van ras en geslag na 1994. Die onderwerp van die studie sluit ondermeer die volgende in: studente-akkommodasie, die onderrigstaal, die verhouding tussen studente, klasdeelname, seksuele teistering en politiek (regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging). Dit ondersoek die universiteit se hantering van studente en die behandeling van studente se optrede teenoor mekaar. Die inligting is ingesamel deur 'n meningspeiling verkry deur die verspreiding van vraelyste in vier geselekteerde koshuise, naamlik Concordia, Goldfields, Huis de Villiers en Lobelia. Die bevindinge van die studie toon dat daar steeds baie probleme bestaan wat betref die politieke identiteit van ras en geslag aan die US. Die studie het byvoorbeeld tot die volgende gevolgtrekkings gekom: • Die meerderheid van studente, uit drie rassegroepe, wat aan die studie deelgeneem het, het die persepsie dat rasse-verdeeldheid steeds in drie areas voorkom (die klaskamer, koshuise en die studente sentrum). Die persepsie word voorgehou, onder andere, dat die verdeeldheid versoorsaak word deur die feit dat studente van verskillende kulture afkomstig is, asook dat taalverskille 'n rol speel. • Die meerderheid studente het ook die persepsie dat swart studente neig om minder te praat in die klas omdat hulle geïntimideerd voel. • Die meerderheid swart en bruin studente steun die ANC (African National Congress), terwyl die meerderheid wit studente die DA (Demokratiese Alliansie) steun. Hoewel dit die geval blyk te wees, het die studie ook gevind dat baie studente aan die US nie hulle politieke steun bekend wil maak nie. • Swart en bruin studente is positief oor die rol van regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging, teenoor wit studente wat 'n ander uitkyk hierop het. • Vroue studente aan die US het die persepsie dat Suid-Afrika steeds gekonfronteer word met die probleem van geslagsongelykheid. • Die meerderheid studente het die persepsie dat wit mans die ergste geraak word deur regstellende aksie en swart ekonomiese bemagtiging. • Meeste studente, ongeag hul ras of geslag, voel beskermd by die US. Die persepsie bestaan dat geen geslagdiskriminasie deur lektore toegepas word nie. • Mans- en vroue-studente sien seksuele teistering verskillend. Vroue-studente, byvoorbeeld, sien seksistiese grappe en wolwefluite as seksuele teistering, teenoor mansstudente wat dit nie so sien nie. Almal het wel die persepsie dat vrouestudente meer geraak word deur seksuele teistering as hulle manlike eweknieë.

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Muthien, Bernedette. « The KhoeSan & ; Partnership : Beyond Patriarchy & ; Violence ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1879.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008.
This thesis contributes to existing literature on violent and peaceful societies generally, and more specifically contributes to debates on gender egalitarian societies within the fields of Peace, Gender and Indigenous Studies, by focusing on the KhoeSan, and KhoeSan women especially. This research project focused on two critically intersectional components: (1) reconstructing knowledge in general and reclaiming indigenous knowledge, from an African feminist perspective; and (2) analysing and reclaiming peaceful societies and the notion of nonviolence as a norm. Inextricably tied to these primary research questions, is the issue of gender, and gender egalitarianism, especially as it relates to women. An interdisciplinary, intersectional approach was used, combining the analytical lenses of the fields of Political Science (Peace Studies), Anthropology and Gender Studies, with some attention to cultures and spiritualities. The participatory methods employed include focus group discussions and unstructured interviews with KhoeSan community leaders, especially women elders. Concrete skills exchange with, and support for, the participating communities was consciously facilitated. Scholarship on, as well as practices of, the Khoesan evince normative nonviolence, as well as gender egalitarianism. These ancient norms and practices are still evident in modern KhoeSan oral history and practice. This thesis sets the following precedents, particularly through the standpoint of a female KhoeSan scholar: (a) contributing to the research on peaceful societies by offering an analysis of the KhoeSan’s nonviolence as a norm; (b) and extending scholarship on gender egalitarian societies to the KhoeSan. Further research in these intersecting areas would be invaluable, especially of peacefulness, social egalitarianism and collective leadership, as well as gender egalitarianism, among the KhoeSan. Broadening research to encompass Southern Africa as a region would significantly aid documentation.

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Hough, Gys. « The systemic analysis of the establishment of torture as foreign policy measure in modern democratic institutions with special reference to the use of torture during the “War on Terror” ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4284.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation’s primary focus is why torture is used when torture is not an effective means of gathering intelligence. To answer this question the argument for the use of torture, commonly known as the ticking time bomb argument, is discussed. Due to psychological and physiological processes during torture interrogation it was found that torture cannot be relied upon to deliver truthful information. Torture was also found to adversely affect the institutions that are needed for its establishment. After torture has been found to be of no utility in terms of the appropriation of information the question of why torture is still used is answered by means of discussing societal dynamics as well as the political process surrounding torture. On the societal front it was found that American public opinion towards torture is ambivalent. The reason for this includes a host of socio-psychological factors such as the in-group out-group bias as well the War on Terror as a political ideology in its own right. The notion that anybody is likely to torture is also explored by means of discussing the Milgram’s Obedience Experiment as well as the Stanford Prison Experiment. On the political front the notion that the abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay were the work of a few bad apples is dispelled since it formed part of a deliberative political process that tried to make torture a legitimate foreign policy measure. The reason for the existence of this process is the failure of international and domestic checks and balances. On the international front U.S. unilateralism as foreign policy principle is cited as the reason for the ineffectiveness of international measures to stop torture. On the domestic front the permanent rally around the flag effect due to the permanent state of mobilization in the War on Terror is cited as the reason for the failure of domestic checks and balances. The lessons learnt from the research enables the creation of measures on how to stop torture even when it is found that the necessary political will is not present within the Obama administration. In the absence of political will it must be manufactured by means of the actions of civil society, the free press and the international community. It was found that the most effective means would be the creation of a committee of inquiry to create the political memory of the use of torture and how it was established. Additionally a memorial must be erected as well seeing that inquiries create political memories but they do not sustain it.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se fokus is om na te vors waarom marteling gebruik word as dit nie ‘n effektiewe wyse is om inligting in te win nie. Om hierdie vraagstuk te beantwoord word die argument vir die gebruik van marteling naamlik die tikkende-tydbom-argument bespreek. Asgevolg van sielkundige en fisiologiese prosesse tydens ondervragings wat gebruik maak van marteling kan daar nie op marteling staatgemaak word om die waarheid op te lewer nie. Dit was ook bevind dat marteling die instansies, wat nodig is vir die gebruik daarvan, op ‘n negatiewe wyse beïnvloed. Nadat daar vasgestel is dat marteling geen nutswaarde aangaande die inwinning van informasie bied nie word die vraagstuk waarom marteling steeds gebruik word beantwoord. Op die samelewingsvlak kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse samelewing onseker is oor of marteling gebruik moet word al dan nie. Verskeie redes vir hierdie opinie word aangevoer waarvan die in-group out-group bias en die Oorlog teen Terreur as politieke ideologie slegs twee daarvan uitmaak. Dat enige persoon in staat is tot marteling onder die regte stel omstandighede word ook bespreek na aanleiding van die Milgram’s Obedience Experiement en die Stanford Prison Experiment. Op die politiese vlak is daar vasgestel dat die menseregteskendings in Abu Ghraib en Guantanamo Bay nie die werk was van slegs `n paar indiwidue was nie, maar deel uitmaak van ‘n doelbewuste politiese proses wat marteling as ‘n legitieme buitelandse beleidskwessie wil afmaak. Die rede waarom die beleidsproses bestaan kan toegeskryf word aan die mislukking van inter- en intranasionale wigte en teenwigte. Op die internasionale vlak kan daar gestel word dat die Verenigde State se unilateralistiese modus operandi die rede is vir die mislukking van internasionale maatreëls teen marteling. Op die intranasionale front kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse publiek verkeer in ‘n permanent rally around the flagtoestand asgevolg van die permanent mobilisasie in die Oorlog teen Terreur. Uit die lesse wat geleer is uit die navorsing kan daadwerklike stappe gedoen word om die gebruik van marteling stop te sit alhoewel die Obama-administrasie se politiese wil ontbreek. Met die tekort aan politiese wil moet die politiese wil geskep word deur die burgerlik samelewing, the vrye pers asook die internasionale gemeenskap. Daar was gevind dat die mees effektiewe wyse om marteling stop te sit sal deurmiddel van ‘n kommissie van ondersoek wees. Die kommissie se doel sal wees om te bepaal hoe marteling tot stand gekom het en ‘n politiese herinnering te skep. Daar moet ook ‘n bykomende maatreël wees, naamlik die oprigting van ‘n monument aangesien kommissies van ondersoek politiese herinneringe skep maar nie in stand hou nie.

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Van, Riet Gideon. « HIV/AIDS and climate in food security crises : a study of Southern Africa, 2001-2005 / ». Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1328.

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Davies, Evan. « Mandatory detention for asylum seekers in Australia : an evaluation of liberal criticism ». University of Western Australia. Political Science and International Relations Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0202.

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This thesis evaluates the policy of mandatory detention for asylum seekers maintained by successive Australian governments against several core liberal principles. These principles are derived from various accounts of liberal political thought and the major themes and criticisms inherent in the public debate over the policy. The justifications of the policy given by the Australian government and the criticisms enunciated by scholars, refugee advocates and non-government organisations with respect to the policy strongly correspond with the core liberal principles of fairness, protecting the rights of the individual, accountability and proportionality. The claims of the critics converge on a central point of contention: that the mandatory detention of asylum seekers violates core liberal principles. To ascertain the extent to which the claims of the critics can be supported, the thesis selectively draws on liberal political theory to provide a framework for the analysis of the policy against these liberal principles, a basis for inquiry largely neglected by contributors to the literature. This thesis argues that, on balance, the mandatory detention policy employed by successive Australian governments violates core liberal principles. The claims of the critics are weakened, but by no means discredited, by the importance of the government's maintenance of strong border control. In the main, however, criticisms made by opponents of the policy can be supported. This thesis contributes to the substantial body of literature on the mandatory detention policy by shedding light on how liberal principles may be applicable to the mandatory detention policy. Further, it aims to contribute to an enriched understanding of the Australian government's competence to detain asylum seekers.

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Kabisa, Bular Pawen Jean-Baptiste. « Singularité des traditions et universalisme de la démocratie : étude critique, inspirée d'Eric Weil, sur l'espace négro-africain dans la "mondialisation" ». Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211992.

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Khoshroo, Sajjad. « Islamic finance : the convergence of faith, capital, and power ». Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0ab321e8-0d54-40d6-a1ef-3a37a0a5ffe6.

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This dissertation assesses how Islamic finance fares as an example of 'civil compromise' in Islamic law. By focusing on the Islamic project finance sector, my research examines how the industry's main stakeholders (representing faith, capital, and power) cooperate and compete to bring about this compromise through the 'Game of Islamic Bank Bargains'. The Islamic finance industry is a work in progress, and while it has made some significant strides, it is still a niche in the global conventional financial order rather than an alternative to it. It has fallen short of fulfilling its originally-stated social justice aspirations, but has provided a previously unavailable form of banking and finance for Muslims to transact, at least formalistically, in accordance with widely-believed tenets of their faith. Thus, those who hold up Islamic finance as a universal panacea or dismiss it outright as a fraud have both got it wrong. It is neither. It is, rather, a complex myriad of incentives and aspirations of a multitude of stakeholders muddled together across numerous geographies and evolving incrementally and constantly. The state of the industry is the result of how the stakeholders (the shariah scholars, lawyers, bankers, government officials, and customers) have pursued their self-interest in the Game of Islamic Bank Bargains. My research examines who are the 'winners' and 'losers' of this game, and what religious, commercial, and political factors have influenced this outcome. I assess what may incentivise the incumbent 'winners' to guide the Islamic finance industry away from a formal and legalistic approach towards one that also incorporates principles from Islamic economics. I explore how the 'losers' - whose interests are not accounted for due to their lack of sufficient financial and political clout - can sway the outcome of the game in their favour.

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Baum, Chris W. « Nationalism in United States Foreign Policy in the Post 9/11 Era ». PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2531.

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One year after the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, the administration of President George W. Bush introduced a revolutionary foreign policy strategy--the Bush Doctrine. Proponents of this strategy advocated the use of American 'hard power' as a tool to promote freedom and democracy, beginning with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Opponents of the doctrine saw it as dangerously nationalistic, with the potential to entangle the United States in a myriad of protracted international conflicts. This thesis will identify aspects of nationalism within post-9/11 American foreign policy and illuminate the incompatibility of nationalism and the fundamental tenets of conflict resolution. This study theorizes that nationalism played a significant role in the development of the Bush Doctrine. Although its advocates promote specific policies historically associated with nationalism, as a rule they have not acknowledged its influence. Conversely, opponents of the doctrine acknowledge this influence and warn of its destructive characteristics. The study presented herein identifies nationalism as a powerful force in American culture and politics--one that has a profound influence on American foreign policy and on the longevity of our foreign wars.

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Santos, Phillip. « Representing conflict : an analysis of The Chronicle's coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986 ». Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002936.

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This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the roles, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. This is done using insights from the theoretical position of peace journalism and its critique of professional or mainstream journalism as promoting war/violence journalism. Using the case of The Chronicle's reportage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe, it is concluded that, in performing the collaborative role, state owned/controlled media assume characteristics of war/violence journalism. On the other hand, it is concluded that The Chronicle developed practices consistent with peace journalism when it both espoused the facilitative role and journalistic objectivity. These findings undermine the conventional view among proponents of peace journalism that in times of conflict, the news media should be interventionist in favour of peace and that they should abandon the journalistic norm of objectivity which they argue, promotes war/violence journalism.

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Leite, Marcelo. « Biologia total : hegemonia e informação no genoma humano ». [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280489.

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Orientador: Laymert Garcia dos Santos
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T01:28:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leite_Marcelo_D.pdf: 18137235 bytes, checksum: d2ccf296709649c706ae95e568a4a4e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: A tese central deste trabalho é que a aceitação pública despertada pelo Projeto Genoma Humano só se explica pelo uso político e retórico de um determinismo genético crescentemente irreconciliável com os resultados empíricos da pesquisa genômica atual. A complexidade verificada no genoma humano e em suas interações com o meio desautoriza a manutenção de uma noção simples e unidirecional de causalidade, contrariamente ao pressuposto na idéia de gene como único portador de informação, esteio da doutrina do determinismo genético. Um complexo de metáforas informacionais e/ou lingüísticas continuo vivo nos textos publicados por biólogos moleculares na literatura científica, notadamente nos artigos veiculados nos periódicos de alto impacto Nature e Science de 15 e 16 fevereiro de 2001, respectivamente. Tais metáforas inspiram um tipo de discurso ambíguo que modula nuances variadas de retórica determinista, conforme se dirija aos próprios pares ou ao público leigo" O campo da genômica ainda está longe de rejeitar a conjunção problemática das noções de gene pré-formacionista e de gene como recurso desenvo/vimenta/ na base da metáfora do gene como informação. Essa fusão inspirada pela terminologia cibernética propicia uma versão asséptica de gene, distanciada da natureza, puramente sintática, móvel e virtual o bastante para circular desimpedida nos circuitos de produção de valor como recurso genético passível de garimpagem e de patenteamento. Críticos dã tecnociência devem desafiar o campo da genômica a reformular drasticamente as metáforas que dão suporte a seu programa hegemônico de pesquisa
Abstract: The central thesis of this work is that the public support generated for the Human Genome Project and the hype surrounding it can be explained only by the political and rhetorical uses of genetic determinism, a notion which increasingly cannot be reconciled with the empirical results of on-going genomic research. The complexity that has been uncovered in the human genome and in its interactions with the environment implies that a simple and unidirectional notion of causality cannot be maintained, contrary to a presupposition of the idea of the gene as the sole carrier of iliformation, an idea that contributes to sustain the doctrine of genetic determinism. A complex of informational and/or linguistic metaphors lives on in the texts published by molecular biologists in the scientific press, most notably in the issues published February 15thand 16thof 2001 ofthe high impact journals Nature and Science, respectively. These metaphors generate an ambiguous type of discourse that modulates various nuances of deterministic rhetoric, depending on whether it addresses peers or the lay publico The field of genomics is still a long way ITom rejecting the questionable conflation of the notions of gene as preformation and gene as developmental resource which underpins the metaphor of gene as information. This conflation inspired by cybernetics terminology enables an aseptic version of the gene, separated ITom nature, portable and virtual enough to flow unimpeded through the channels ofvalue production as genetic resource suitable for mining and patenting. Critics of technoscience should challenge the field of genomics to drastically reshape the metaphors which have supported its hegemonic research agenda
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais

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李美玲. « 政府信用重建與社會信用體系建設 : 社會轉型期政府信用機制研究 ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2004. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636892.

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朱百鳴. « 當前我國政府誠信建設問題研究 ». Thesis, University of Macau, 2004. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636937.

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Harland, Michael Ian. « Democratic Vanguardism : Modernity, Intervention and the making of the Bush Doctrine ». Thesis, University of Canterbury. History, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/10365.

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The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 transformed the way in which Americans and their leaders viewed the world. The tragic events of that day helped give rise to a foreign policy strategy commonly referred to as the “Bush Doctrine.” At the heart of this doctrine lay a series of propositions about the need to foster liberal democracy as the antidote to terrorism. President George W. Bush proclaimed in a variety of addresses that democracy now represented the “single surviving model” of political life to which all people aspired. In the course of making this argument, President Bush seemed to relate his policies to an overarching “teleology” of progress. This discourse implied that the United States might use force to hasten the emergence of liberal norms and institutions in selected states. With a sense of irony, some commentators soon referred to the Bush administration’s position as “Leninist” because of its determination to bring about the so-called “end of history” today. Yet, surprisingly, these critics had little more to add. This thesis is an attempt to assess in greater depth the Bush administration’s claim to comprehend historical eschatology. Developing a concept termed “democratic vanguardism,” this study investigates the idea of liberal modernity, the role of the United States as a force for democracy, and the implications of using military intervention in the service of idealistic ends. It examines disputes among political theorists, public intellectuals and elected statesmen which help to enrich our understanding of the United States’ efforts under President Bush at bending history to its will.

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DE, SOUSA Luís. « Corruption : assessing ethical standards in political life through control policies ». Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5167.

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Defence date: 12 July 2002
Examining board: Prof. Yves Mény (supervisor)(EUI) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI) ; Prof. Donatella della Porta (Università degli Studi di Firenze) ; Prof. Manuel Villaverde Cabral (ICS, Univ. of Lisbon)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

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Lekubu, Bernard Khotso. « A critique of South African anti-corruption strategies and structures : a comparative analysis ». Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26426.

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The ill-effects of corruption on the society, polity and economy of a country are far reaching. They have a corrosive effect on the rule of law, on governance and on the welfare of the society. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996, which is the supreme law of the country, places as an expectation and obligation on the government accountability of state, and a government free of corruption and the malignancy of economic nepotism. South Africa’s anti-corruption framework is designed as a control-based approach that is multi-faceted and executed through legislation, supporting regulations, audit trails, anti-corruption structures, law enforcement, and public vigilance and reporting structures, amongst others. Be that as it may, South Africa is battling the scourge of corruption and other self-serving behaviours, often amongst the upper echelons of governing power, as demonstrated by the State capture. Some of the acts of corruption stems from the very same institutions that are meant to be the upper guardians of law and order. Numerous corrupt practices occur almost daily, including but not limited to fraud, bribery, extortion, nepotism, conflict of interest, cronyism, favouritism, theft, fronting, embezzlement, influence-peddling, insider trading/abuse of privileged information, bid-rigging and kickbacks and money laundering. The list is not exhaustive. Based on the findings of this study, numerous recommendations and /or suggestions are made. The value of the study lies in the contribution it makes in South Africa’s fight against corruption to become comparable to countries whose corruption perception index is all time favourable, such as Botswana, Seychelles, Hong Kong and Singapore.
Criminology and Security Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Criminal Justice)

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Rajin, Ronnie Gonasagaran Dayananda. « A model for the prevention of corruption and corruption-related offences at Gauteng police stations ». Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22940.

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The research entailed an exploration of the reasons behind corruption and related offences in selected Gauteng police stations of the South African Police Service (SAPS). Corruption refers to the illegal and unlawful activities performed by police officials when they enrich themselves by taking money and other valuable property from offenders, victims and other people they come into contact with. The participants in this study were purposefully chosen and comprised of two groups. The first group included ex-police officials convicted and sentenced for committing corruption and related offences. The second group were active police officials suspected to have committed corruption and related crimes and some in this group were dismissed by disciplinary tribunals. The research was done at four of the police stations in Gauteng Province. There were 18 participants interviewed and nine were chosen from these police stations, with the remaining nine from two correctional facilities in Gauteng. The participants were asked an open-ended question which aimed at exploring convicted police officials’ reasons for having committed corruption. The interviews were recorded with the participants’ permission. The recorded data were transcribed verbatim and analysed. The five main themes that emerged are the high incidence of corruption involving all levels of police, multiple environmental factors which contribute to corruption, forms of corruption, dynamics resulting from corruption and anti-corruption mechanisms to prevent corruption. The themes were described using “in vivo” quotes from the transcribed data. To learn other trends about corruption, the nature and extent of corruption in the political, economic and the governmental sphere were discussed. In the summary of the research recommendations and conclusions were provided. A model has been identified which consists of preventative and reactive mechanisms, including selection, recruitment, the code of conduct, supportive leadership, supervision, mentoring and coaching, targeted inspections and auditing. Life style audits, disciplinary measures, dismissals and prosecution in these corruption case hearings also form part of the proposed model.
Corrections Management
D.Litt. et Phil. (Criminal Justice)

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Lekubu, Bernard Khotso. « Manifestations of corruption in the City of Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality ». Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/19020.

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This study was conducted as a result of the various media reports, various law enforcement investigation reports, Public Service Commission, reports of the Auditor General South Africa and the Public Protector South Africa on corruption and the various forms in which corruption manifests itself in the City of Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality and the effectiveness of the various law enforcement agencies and the government in tackling the scourge of corruption in public and private institutions. While South Africa has various anti-corruption strategies, they all seem to be ineffective and have thus far not achieved their desired results. A qualitative research approach was used to investigate this problem. A thorough literature study and documentary analysis was used to gather all the relevant data related to this topic. It has been found that the most common manifestations of corruption that take place in the South African public service are fraud, bribery, extortion, nepotism, conflict of interest, cronyism, favouritism, theft, graft, embezzlement and abuse of power. Other forms of corruption that raise concern are, for example, influence-peddling, insider trading/abuse of privileged information, bid-rigging and kickbacks. South Africa has, on the other hand, seven anti-corruption institutions and seventeen pieces of legislation which are intended to combat corruption in the public and private sector. These pieces of legislation give South African law enforcement and investigators in the public and private sectors a clear mandate with a view to investigating the high levels of corruption. It is the submission of the Public Service Commission (2011:vi) that corruption has become a global concern that seriously hampers development in any country and diverts its resources from where they are needed the most. The most unfortunate truth and reality about corruption is that the poor suffer the most.
Criminology and Security Science
M. Tech. (Forensic Investigation)

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Akor, Eusebius Ugochukwu. « In quest for an ethical and ideal post-colonial African democratic state : the cases of Nigeria and South Africa ». Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25445.

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Text in English, abstract in English, Afrikaans and Northern Sotho
This study examines why post-colonial African states are not able to institutionalise the ideal ethical and democratic societies, given their access to international best practices and the abundance of human and natural resources; why the future of democracy in Africa remains uncertain despite the current efforts at democratisation; if western democracy can be implemented in Africa; why the West is able to produce better systems of governance; why leaders and managers find it daunting to create the kind of society that is inspiring, ethical, immune to bureaucracy, and that possesses excellent economic performance; how leaders, members of the community, bureaucrats, corporate executives and managers can contribute to the realisation of the ethical and ideal African state; and the options for alternative democratic order for the African continent. The inability of post-colonial African states to institute systems and strategies that adequately address the needs and expectations of their citizens has created chaos and anarchy that in some states can be likened to Hobbes state of nature where the weak is at the mercy of the strong and life is nasty, brutish and short. While the West has been largely blamed for playing a significant role in Africa’s inability to effectively manage itself, other theorists criticise African leaders and the community members for their inability to conduct themselves ethically and to implement a constructive and effective system of governance. It is imperative that African states devise adequate means of ethically administering their territories in a manner that meets societal expectations and needs, and in order to avoid intractable socio-political and economic complications.
Hierdie studie ondersoek die redes waarom postkoloniale Afrika-lande nie die ideale etiese en demokratiese samelewings instabiliseer nie, gegewe hul toegang tot internasionale beste praktyke en die oorvloed van menslike en natuurlike hulpbronne; waarom die toekoms van demokrasie in Afrika onduidelik bly ten spyte van die huidige pogings vir demokratisering; as westerse demokrasie in Afrika geïmplementeer kan word; waarom die Weste beter stelsels van bestuur kan lewer; hoekom leiers en bestuurders dit skrikwekkend vind om die soort samelewing wat inspirerend, eties, immuun vir burokrasie is, te skep en wat uitstekende ekonomiese prestasie besit; hoe leiers, lede van die gemeenskap, burokrate, korporatiewe bestuurders en bestuurders kan bydra tot die verwesenliking van die etiese en ideale Afrika-staat; en die opsies vir alternatiewe demokratiese orde vir die Afrika-kontinent. Die onvermoë van post-koloniale Afrika-state om stelsels en strategieë in te stel wat die behoeftes en verwagtinge van hul burgers voldoende aanspreek, het chaos en anargie geskep wat in sommige state vergelykbaar kan wees met Hobbes se toestand van die natuur, waar die swakeling aan die genade van die wat sterk is afhanklik is en die lewe ‘n nare, brutaal en kort lewe is. Terwyl die Weste grotendeels die blaam kry in terme van hul groot bydra in Afrika se onvermoë om homself doeltreffend te bestuur, kritiseer ander teoretici Afrika-leiers en die gemeenskapslede vir hul eie onvermoë om eties op te tree en om 'n konstruktiewe en effektiewe bestuurstelsel te implementeer. Dit is noodsaaklik dat Afrika-state voldoende middele voorsien om hul gebiede eties te administreer op 'n wyse wat voldoen aan maatskaplike verwagtinge en behoeftes, en om onwikkelbare sosio-politieke en ekonomiese komplikasies te vermy.
Thuto ye e lekola mabaka a gore ke eng dinaga tša ka morago ga bokoloneale di sa kgone go hloma dipeakanyo tša maswanedi tša maitshwaro le ditšhaba tša temokrasi, tšeo di filwego phihlelelo go ditiro tše kaonekaone tša boditšhabatšhaba le bontši bja methopo ya semotho le tlhago: ke ka lebaka la eng Bodikela bo kgona go tšweletša mekgwa ye kaone ya pušo; ke ka lebaka la eng baetapele le balaodi ba hwetša go le boima go hlama mokgwa wa setšhaba seo se nago le mafolofolo, maitshwaro, se sa huetšwego ke mokgwa wa pušo wo o diphetho di tšewago ke bahlanka ba mmušo bao ba sa kgethwago, gomme ba na le tiro ye kgahlišago ka ikonomi; ka moo baetapele, maloko a setšhaba, batšeasephetho ba mmušo ba sa kgethwago, malokopharephare a dikoporasi le balaodi ba ka aba mo go phihlelelong ya maitshwaro le naga ya maswanedi ya Afrika; le go dikgetho tša peakanyo ye e hlatlolanago ya temokrasi mo kontinenteng ya Afrika. Go se kgone ga dinaga tša ka morago ga bokoloneale go hlama mekgwa le maano ao a maleba a go bolela ka ga dinyakwa le ditetelo tša baagi ba bona di hlotše tlhakatlhakano le tlhokapušo yeo mo go dinaga tše dingwe e ka bapetšwago le naga ya Hobbes ka tlhago moo mofokodi a lego ka fase ga yo maatla gomme bophelo bo se bose, bo le šoro le go ba bjo bokopana. Mola Bodikela bo pharwa molato kudu mo go bapaleng karolo ye e tšweletšego mo go se kgonego ga Afrika go itaola ka tshwanelo, borateori ba bangwe ba solago baetapele ba Afrika le maloko a setšhaba mo go se kgonego go itshwara gabotse le go phethagatša mokgwa wo hlamilwego gabotse wo o šomago wa pušo. A bonagala gore dinaga tša Afrika di loga maano a makaone a go laola ka tshwanelo dinagadilete tša bona ka mokgwa wo o tla fihlelelago ditetelo tša setšhaba le dinyakwa, le gore go thibelwe go se boelemorago ga dipolotiki tša selegae le tlhakatlhakano ya ikonomi.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)

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Gatica, Arreola Leonardo Adalberto. « Essays on the political economy of clientelism and government performance ». Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1920.

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Atolagbe, Raphael Olusegun. « Corruption in Nigeria : a revisit of African traditional ethics as a resource for ethical leadership ». Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25065.

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Text in English
The problem of leadership and corruption in Nigeria is a known fact. A good number of Nigerian politicians and top government officials do not think that politics has anything to do with ethics. Currently, injustice is displayed in all spheres of Nigerian life. Indigenous moral values are almost completely ignored and abandoned. Nigeria no longer operates according to the hallowed observance of the rubric ‘Aa kii see’ (it is not done). It is no longer a society of law and order, crime and punishment, good behaviour and adequate reward. It is no longer a society which recognises the principles of abomination/taboos, or what the Yorubas describe as eewo. Taboos represent the main source of guiding principles regulating and directing the behaviour of individuals in the community. However, experience has shown over the years that politics’ functional peak is only attainable with the help of ethics. Politics based on the ethical principle of social equality is one of the indispensable features of true democracy. For politics to be effective and meaningful, ethics must not be forgotten. Politics without morality produces unethical leadership. This study claims that, the much desired political moral uprightness is achievable in Nigeria, if African traditional ethics is harnessed as a tool in solving the problem of unethical leadership and corruption, especially embezzlement. The thesis also attempts to show that, through reinforced moral education for both young and old, it will become more accepted that morality is the backbone of politics and it must not be ignored.
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)

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Maphai, Thabane Vincent. « Justification of coercion ». Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/11351.

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Cowan, Hamish Graeme. « Beyond political civility : essential interests and public service integrity ». Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146563.

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de, la Paz Alexander. « The Problem of Human Shields in War ». Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-03bh-eg81.

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For as long as humans have waged war, they have distinguished between combatant persons that are liable to attack, and protected persons that should enjoy immunity from attack. And for just as long, combatants have exploited such protected persons as "human shields." They have moved protected persons to military targets, and military targets to protected persons with designs as grand as thwarting the outbreak of war itself, and as narrow as deterring attacks within war. This dissertation explores two sets of questions about these strategies and tactics of "interposition," as I call them, at the intersection of international relations, law, and ethics. First: Whence the power of "human shields?" When and how can belligerents, somewhat paradoxically, find safety in exposure with unarmed persons? Under what conditions can noncombatants exposed at flanks, for instance, deny superiorly positioned ambushers, and captives tied to warehouses deny fleets of aircraft? Second: How do we evaluate harm to people deliberately placed in harm's way? And to what extent are our judgments consistent with prevailing prescriptive models from international law and ethics? In this dissertation, I argue that interposition leverages a peculiar kind of threat. And I attribute the force of this threat to its peculiarities, integrating theory from psychology, anthropology, sociology and evidence from detailed case studies, interviews with military commanders, lawyers and soldiers, and accounts from tens of conflicts across the centuries culled from chronicles, archives, and memoirs. The threat is of killing, of directly and foreseeably harming others, of being identified with killing, of being held liable for killing, of authorizing outrage, massacre and scandal. The threat is distinct because it leverages not a hesitancy to incur damage, which is well documented in the conflict literature, but to inflict damage. And it is under some conditions sufficient to deter and compel even the strongest armies to yield and desist. Moreover, I present suggestive experimental evidence demonstrating some degree of conformity between lay intuitions and prevailing international legal and ethical prescriptions on proportionality in war. Lay respondents to a survey-embedded conjoint experiment balanced military value and collateral damage in ways prescribed by mainstream prescriptive models from international law and ethics. In particular, subjects weighed harm to bystanders and involuntary shields the same, but discounted harm to voluntary shields. In sum, the dissertation illuminates prevalent but poorly understood patterns of conflict behavior, and sheds light on understudied aspects of moral and legal judgment about harm in war.

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Katiambo, David. « Incivility in social media as agonistic democracy ? : a discourse theory analysis of dislocation and repair in select government texts in Kenya ». Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26580.

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In an era when adversarial politics is condemned for either being archaic or right-wing extremism, proposing that incivility can be used to counter existing hegemonies, despite its potential to incite violence, is proposing an unorthodox project. By rejecting foundationalist approaches to the current incivility crisis, this study sees an opportunity for it to act as a populist rapture that defies simple binary categorisation and deconstructs incivility, at an ontological level, to reveal the deep meanings and concealed causes that contrast the grand narrative of hate speech. After an overview in chapter one, the study continues with a theoretical review of literature on incivility, guided by the works of radical democracy theorists who universalise what seems particular to Kenya. This review is followed by the description of Bakhtin’s concept of carnivalesque as utani, a joking relationship common in East Africa. For its theoretical perspective, the study is guided by Mouffe’s theory of agonistic democracy and a research method developed by transforming Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) work in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic, into a method for Discourse Analysis. Various concepts from Laclau and Mouffe’s work are used to innovate an explanation of how political practices in social media, both linguistic and material texts, enhance incivility and the struggle to fix a regime’s preferred meaning. Guided by Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Analysis, the study describes how the government is using linguistic tools and physical technologies to repair the dislocation caused by incivility in social media in its attempts to re-create hegemonic practices. Without engaging in naïve reversal of the polarities between acceptable and unacceptable speech, and considering that at the ontological level politics is a friend—enemy relation, the study argues that incivility in social media is part of the return of politics in a post-political era, rather than simple unacceptable speech. While remaining aware of the dangers of extreme speech, but without reinforcing the anti-political rational consensus narrative, incivility is seen as having disruptive counterhegemonic potential, that is, if we consider the powerplay inherent in democracy. It means that binary opposition is blind to the way power produces, and is countered through unacceptable speech.
Communication Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

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Dube, Toanashe. « Systemic corruption in public enterprises in the Harare metropolitan area : a case study ». Diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4694.

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The study sought to investigate the impact of systemic corruption in public enterprises in the Harare metropolitan area in Zimbabwe. This research study used a case and explanatory research designs as its major research approaches. The study was largely prompted by the high level of corruption in public enterprises as reported to the Anti - Corruption Commission and the media. In this study, fourteen (14) directors and twenty six (26) public enterprise officials were used as research subjects. Questionnaires, interviews and documentary reviews were used as research instruments to collect information on the impact of systemic corruption in public enterprises in the Harare metropolitan area. The study showed that low remuneration levels for both low and high level public enterprise officials, patronage appointment to higher level of management and the lack of political will to empower public enterprise officials on the evil of corruption were the causes of systemic corruption. Greed, the disintegration of work morality and ethics in the manner in which public affairs across public enterprises were being handled, were key causes of systemic corruption (see chapter 4 for details). The high level of secrecy in the management of public affairs, the lack of transparency, discipline, fairness, responsibility, equity and weak legal system on corruption were also noted to be corruption drivers. With regard the manifestation of corruption in public enterprises, it was established that systemic corruption occurred in the following forms: abuse of power, fraud, favouritism, embezzlement, weak control, extortion and ghosting.The study also showed that systemic corruption created problems such as administrative inefficiency and parasitism, a social atmosphere of tension and dishonesty within public enterprises (see chapter 4 for details). Corruption reallocated resources to the rich and powerful public officials who were aligned to the ruling party or those in authority. The study also noted that public enterprises officials were using technical complexity in procedures and regulations to conceal under-dealings.It was iv the findings of this study that rewarding for reasons not related to performance, dishonesty, over claiming expenses, falsification of reports/records and favouritism in public enterprises were high. The study also revealed that bid-rigging, shifting from core business, ghosting, and giving gratitude/gift to influence decision were some of the prevalent unethical activities in public enterprises. Against this backdrop, it is recommended that the level of remuneration in public enterprises for public officials is improved so that the minimum grounds for corruption motives are reduced. When salaries are too low, officers are obviously forced to indulge in unethical activities which in turn affect the general public directly or indirectly. It is critical that all public enterprise officials undergo training in the dimension of corruption and corporate governance as a means of empowerment. Corrupt individuals and business organisations in the Harare metropolitan area should not be employed or engaged in public related work and that public affairs must be managed in a transparent and open manner although confidentiality must be observed. The study also recommends that the appointment of public enterprise officials must be based on competence, relevant educational qualifications and experience. Another recommendation is that all cases of corruption must be treated as high level criminal cases which attract longer and deterrent court judgments (see chapter four for details).
Public Administration and Management
M.P.A.

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Salazar, Juan Francisco, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College et of Communication Design and Media School. « Imperfect media : the poetics of indigenous media in Chile ». 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/25273.

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This dissertation examines the cultural constructions of information and communication media by Indigenous peoples in Chile. It includes a critical investigation into the emergence, current practices and future prospects of Mapuche media within situated and culturally mediated social space. The research is informed by current anthropological interests in indigenous media and locates indigenous media theory and practice within three different, though overlapping fields of cultural production: applied visual anthropology, alternative media activism and new media theory. The theoretical, historical and pragmatic concerns of the thesis lie primarily in the media processes that are contextualized by several instances of ethnic resurgence. Indigenous narratives are located at the centre of various forms of cultural activism and are being conceived as tactics in the construction of divergent imaginaries and oppositional public spheres. By concentrating the study on the Mapuche context, the author clarifies the process by which these practices transform social structures in the struggle for political self-determination, cultural autonomy and social recognition.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Onesmus, Nyaude. « Strategies for combating corruption : a case study of four (4) Zimbabwean public secondary schools ». Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25238.

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The aim of the study was to investigate participants’ views on strategies for combating corruption in Zimbabwean public secondary schools with a view to promoting learner academic achievement. The study was undertaken at four (4) selected public secondary schools in Harare Metropolitan Province in Zimbabwe. The study adopted the case study as the principal research design and it was informed by the interpretive paradigm; thus, qualitative research approaches were used. Non-probability and probability sampling techniques were adopted in site and participants’ selection. A representative sample of fifty-four (54) participants was used from a target population of three-hundred and eighteen (318) participants. The study was informed by multiple theories. The study found that most of the participants perceived corruption as a major problem affecting the education of learners in most public secondary schools in Zimbabwe. It was found out that the adoption of a vibrant and robust anti-corruption strategy is the solution/panacea to solve this problem of rampant corrupt practices in educational institutions. The introduction of anti-corruption education in public secondary schools was singled out to be the ‘pivotal’ strategy that policy makers should adopt to disseminate educative anti-corruption information to learners. It was further established that the ‘Zero Tolerance to Corruption’ policy employed by the Government of Zimbabwe should be strongly supported by a multi-agency response to effectively combat corruption within the education system to propel sustainable learner academic achievement. The study findings further revealed that the public secondary schools lack the necessary anticipated formal anti-corruption education curriculum. The study concludes that anti-corruption education and the adoption of multi-strategies play a central role in combating corruption. Therefore, there is need to strengthen the anti-corruption strategies and support mechanisms currently being employed in Zimbabwe to successfully provide an environment that supports sustainable learner academic achievement. In line with the above, the study recommends the introduction of a formal anti-corruption curriculum in Zimbabwean public secondary schools to combat corruption. In addition, the study recommends further research in this seemingly grey area to contribute to the knowledge body regarding instituting good corporate governance in public secondary schools in Zimbabwe.
Die doel van die studie was om deelnemers se menings oor strategieë te ondersoek vir die bestryding van korrupsie in Zimbabwiese openbare sekondêre skole met die oog om leerders se akademiese prestasie se bevorder. Die studie is by vier (4) uitgesoekte openbare sekondêre skole in die Harare Metropolitaanse Provinsie in Zimbabwe onderneem. Die studie het die gevallestudie as die hoofnavorsingsontwerp geneem en dit is gevorm deur die vertolkende paradigma; kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenaderings is dus gebruik. Niewaarskynlikheid- en waarskynlikheidsteekproefnemingtegnieke is gebruik vir ligging en keuse van deelnemers. 'n Verteenwoordigende steekproef van vier-en-vyftig (54) deelnemers is gebruik uit 'n teikenpopulasie van drie-honderd-en-agtien (318) deelnemers. Die studie is gevorm deur verskeie teorieë. Die studie het bevind dat meeste van die deelnemers korrupsie as 'n groot probleem sien wat die onderrig van leerders in die meeste openbare sekondêre skole in Zimbabwe beïnvloed. Daar is bevind dat die gebruik van 'n dinamiese en robuuste teenkorrupsiestrategie die oplossing/kuur is om hierdie probleem van toenemende korrupsiepraktyke in opvoedkundige instellings op te los. Die inleiding tot teenkorrupsie-onderrig in openbare sekondêre skole is uitgesonder as die vernaamste strategie wat beleidmakers moet aanvaar om opvoedkundige teenkorrupsie-inligting onder leerders te versprei. Daar is verder bevind dat die Zimbabwiese regering se 'Zero Tolerance to Corruption'-beleid sterk ondersteun moet word deur reaksie van verskeie agente om korrupsie in die onderwysstelsel doeltreffend te beveg om leerders se volhoubare akademiese prestasie aan te dryf. Die studie se bevindings het verder getoon dat openbare sekondêre skole nie die noodsaaklike verwagte formele teenkorrupsie onderwyskurrikulum het nie. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat teenkorrupsie-onderrig en die gebruik van verskeie strategieë 'n sentrale rol speel om korrupsie te beveg. Teenkorrupsiestrategieë en ondersteuningsmeganismes wat tans in Zimbabwe gebruik word, moet dus versterk word om 'n omgewing te skep wat volhoubare akademiese prestasie vir leerders ondersteun. Ooreenkomstig hiermee, beveel die studie die bekendstelling van 'n formele teenkorrupsiekurrikulum in Zimbabwiese openbare sekondêre skole aan om korrupsie te beveg. Die studie beveel verdere navorsing in hierdie oënskynlike grys area aan om tot die kennis van goeie korporatiewe beheer in openbare sekondêre skole in Zimbabwe by te dra.
Inhloso yocwaningo ukuphenyisisa ngemibono yababambi-qhaza ngamasu okulwa nenkohlakalo kwezezimali ezikoleni zikahulumeni zamasekondari eZimbabwe ngombono wokuqhubela phambili ukuphumelela kwabafundi kwezemfundo. Ucwaningo lwenziwe ezikoleni zamasekondari zikahulumeni ezingu 4 ezikhethwe endaweni yedolobhakazi leprovinsi, leHarare iHarare Metropolititan Province eZimbabwe. Ucwaningo lusebenzise i-case study njengedizayini enkulu yocwaningo, kanti futhi lwasekelwa ngulwazi ngenqubo ye-interpretive paradigm; ngakho-ke kusetshenziswe inkambiso ye-qualitative research kucwaningo. Kusetshenziswe amathekniki amasampuli e-non probability kanye ne-probability ezindaweni lapho okukhethwe khona ababambi-qhaza. Kusetshenziswe amasampuli angamashumi amahlanu nane (54) ababambi-qhaza, kwisibalo sethagethi yabantu abangamakhulu amathathu neshumi nesishagalombili (318). Ucwaningo lusekelwe ngamathiyori amaningana. Ucwaningo luthole ukuthi ababambi-qhaza babone inkohlakalo kwezezimali njengenkinga enkulu enomthelela kwimfundo yabafundi ezikoleni zikahulumeni zamasekondari eZimbabwe. Kutholakale ukuthi ukwamukelwa kwesu eliphambili nelinomdlandla lokulwa nenkohlakalo, yisixazululo/ikhambi lokuxazulula le nkinga yenkohlakalo kwezezimali kwizikhungo zemfundo. Ukusungulwa kwenqubo yokulwa nenkohlakalo kwizikole zesekondari zemfundo kahulumeni yisu eliphambili abenzi bomgomo okumele balemukele ukusabalalisa kubafundi ulwazi lokufundisa nokulwa nenkohlakalo. Kuphinde futhi kwatholakala nokuthi umgomo wokungabekezeli neze inkohlakalo ngesaga esithi 'Zero Tolerance to Corruption' nguHulumeni weZimbabwe kumele usekelwe zikhungo ezehlukene ukuze kube nempumelelo ekulweni nenkohlakalo kwinqubo yemfundo, ukuze abafundi bakwazi ukuphumelela ezifundweni zabo. Ucwaningo luveze nokuthi, izikole zesekondari azinayo ikharikhyulamu ehleliwe yokulwa nenkohlakalo kwimfundo. Ucwaningo luphetha ngokuthi imfundo yokulwa nenkohlakalo kanye nokwamukelwa kwamasu amaningana kudlala indima ebalulekile ekulweni nenkohlakalo. Ngakho-ke, kunesidingo sokuqinisa amasu okulwa nenkohlakalo kanye nezindlela zokusekela ezisetshenziswa okwamanje eZimbabwe ukusekela ukuthi kube nesimo esisekela impumelelo yabafundi kwezemfundo. Ngokuhambisana nokungenhla, ucwaningo luncoma ukuthi kusungulwe ikharikhyulamu ehleliwe yokulwa nenkohlakalo ezikoleni zamasekondari zikahulumeni eZimbabwe, ukulwa nenkohlakalo. Kanti futhi nangaphezu kwalokho, ucwaningo luncoma ukuthi kwenziwe olunye ucwaningo kulo mkhakha ongacacile kahle ukungezela ulwazi maqondana nenqubo yokuphatha kahle ezikoleni zikahulumeni zamasekondari eZimbabwe.
Educational Foundations
D. Phil. (Sociology of Education)

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Bezuidenhoud, Leon. « Constructing an organisational climate model to predict potential risk of management fraud ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18421.

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Fraudulent behaviour by management has become a global problem that cuts across cultural and ideological divides. Therefore, given the high incidence and cost of fraud internationally and locally, as well as the fact that stakeholders, including shareholders, governments and non-governmental organisations, are increasing the pressure on organisations to manage unethical behaviour more effectively, it is astonishing that fraud per se has not attracted more research efforts. Enron, WorldCom and Arthur Andersen, among others, have underscored the fact that the current modes which are governing companies are not sufficient to protect investors and public interests, because it is easy for otherwise honest people to be swept along in a climate of corruption. The aim of this study was to propose a model to predict potential risk of management fraud based on the organisational climate of the organisation. An interpretative framework was used to develop a conceptual model. Analytical induction and Lawshe’s content validity ratio were applied to validate the conceptualised model. The conceptual model assumes that there are certain organisational climate factors (determinants and dimensions) within an organisation which could indicate the direction of climate within the organisation. The determinants are leadership style, managerial values, trustworthiness, and organisational values. The following dimensions were identified: level of individual autonomy, reward system of organisation, degree of open communication between employees and management, perceived individual pressure, and fairness and innovation. The conceptual model further assumes that, although employees’ acceptance and/or tolerance of unethical behaviour might be high, not all managers will engage in fraud, as the various aspects of the fraud diamond also impose a form of constraint on the organisation. The level of individual constraint as imposed by the fraud diamond is moderated by an individual’s gender, tenure, education and age, which form part of an individual’s capability and comprise the acquired traits of an individual. Apart from these biographical traits, the model includes personal traits that will also have an impact on an individual’s capability. The limitations, practical implications and recommendations for future research are also discussed. This study, not only augments fraud literature, but also contributes to industrial/organisational psychology by studying individual deviance from an organisational perspective.
Psychology
D. Phil. (Consulting psychology) : illustrated (some colored)

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Singo, Angeline Thivhilaeli. « Ethical leadership in the Limpopo Provincial Public Service of South Africa : an imperative for good governance ». Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/1075.

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PhD (Public Administration)
Department of Public and Development Administration
The study reviews and assess the impact of ethical leadership in promotion of good governance in the Limpopo Province in South Africa. Since the inception of the province in 1994, the provincial government witnessed an alarming statistics of unethical behaviour within its echelons. The media reports is frequently dominated by negative news of ethical transgression within the province’s public institutions. The reports on fraud and corruption scandals ranges from conflict of interests which manifest itself through payment of ghost workers, tardiness, weak institutions, lack of accountability and honesty by senior and subordinate public officials. In 2011, some of the provincial government’s departments were placed under “Administration”, meaning the control of province by the National Treasury. The placement of the departments under administration confirms the public perception that the province is engulfed by ethical challenges which result to poor governance of the province. The findings from the study confirm that although the province attempted to put strategies to minimise acts of unethical behaviour in the province, there is still a concern of ethical transgression that is ongoing and unabated. The study adopted the mixed methodology research design for data collection. The senior public managers and subordinate public officials were sampled as the population for the study. The aim is to assess the pivotal role that senior public managers as leaders play in fostering the organisational performance, hence good governance through modelling behaviour. The findings of the study assist to respond to the concern of why transgressions of ethical conduct occurs despite progressive legislative frameworks were introduced to promote good governance. The study recommended an Integrative Model of Ethical Leadership, which takes into account
NRF

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Salazar, Juan Francisco. « Imperfect media : the poetics of indigenous media in Chile ». Thesis, 2004. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/25273.

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This dissertation examines the cultural constructions of information and communication media by Indigenous peoples in Chile. It includes a critical investigation into the emergence, current practices and future prospects of Mapuche media within situated and culturally mediated social space. The research is informed by current anthropological interests in indigenous media and locates indigenous media theory and practice within three different, though overlapping fields of cultural production: applied visual anthropology, alternative media activism and new media theory. The theoretical, historical and pragmatic concerns of the thesis lie primarily in the media processes that are contextualized by several instances of ethnic resurgence. Indigenous narratives are located at the centre of various forms of cultural activism and are being conceived as tactics in the construction of divergent imaginaries and oppositional public spheres. By concentrating the study on the Mapuche context, the author clarifies the process by which these practices transform social structures in the struggle for political self-determination, cultural autonomy and social recognition.

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Mokubyane, P. H. « Publich policy analysis of academic ethics and corruption in higher education with reference to specific universities in Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality ». 2015. http://encore.tut.ac.za/iii/cpro/DigitalItemViewPage.external?sp=1001611.

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M. Tech. Public Management
The aim of this research is to test different opinions of whether there are instances of unethical and corrupt activities in Academic higher educational institutions in South Africa and to also discover the types of unethical behaviour and corruption taking place if any, in order to come-up with remedial measures. The participants in this research are the academic and administrative personnel. Participants are aware of what is expected of them by management within their different academic higher educational institutions. They can be able to detect instances of unethical and corrupt acts by their colleagues and these will allow them to make a valuable contribution in this research.

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Richardson, Robert G. « The politics of euthanasia ». 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/47647.

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This thesis argues that the topic of active voluntary euthanasia (AVE) has been significantly neglected in existing political studies research, despite the fact that AVE reform raises fundamental questions about the scope and application of political authority. While this is predominantly a politics thesis in its focus, the thesis also draws when necessary on the broader scholarly literature on AVE, including literature fields such as ethics, as well as on broader public debate and the views of politicians. The thesis also examines, and engages with, the views of relevant traditional and contemporary political theorists including John Stuart Mill, Jeremy Bentham, and Amitai Etzioni. Whilst it will be acknowledged that liberal and utilitarian principles have helped shape and inform the AVE reform debate, and have useful contributions to offer, it is maintained that neither of these approaches provide a suitably comprehensive guide to policy. The thesis argues that communitarianism’s emphasis upon the communal good provides an indispensable counterbalance to potential problems that can arise with some other approaches, including excessive individualism and the uncertainties of moral subjectivism. More particularly, it is suggested that without an ongoing commitment to the principles of self restraint and ‘other regarding’ beneficence, legalised euthanasia could pose a serious threat to the welfare of vulnerable citizens. This is a point of view that is also expressed by many religious critics of AVE and it is argued that pro-choice advocates have relied unduly upon the separation of Church and State principle to deflect a legitimate criticism. Although it is conceded that a commitment to secular liberal–democratic principles is at odds with a legislative prohibition against the popularly endorsed option of last resort (beneficent) AVE it is, nevertheless, maintained that the concerns of these and other critics should not be ignored. Indeed, an examination of various case studies highlights the importance of ensuring a balance between individual autonomy and adequate legislative safeguards. Case studies examined include John Ashcroft’s controlled substances intervention in Oregon, US Congressional action to preserve the life of persistent vegetative state patient Terri Schiavo and Australian anti-suicide / active euthanasia legislation, particularly the Northern Territory’s Rights of the Terminally Ill Act. The conclusion of the thesis not only pulls together the key arguments regarding AVE but also highlights the insights which the AVE debate can provide for understanding broader issues in political theory and practice, particularly in regard to the rights of the individual and the responsibility of the state to legislate for the collective good.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2008

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Brink, Anna Maria Dorothea Johanna. « Aanspreeklikheid en samewerking as demokratiese beginsels en die skool ». Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/10081.

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Aphane, Musawenkosi N. « Politicization of identities, negotiations and transition in a conflict society : the ethics of a genocide-free Burundi ». Diss., 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4251.

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No abstract available in dissertation
Politicisation of identities, negotiations and transition in a conflict society
Ethics of a genocide-free Burundi
Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology
M.A. (Philosophy)

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Thèses sur le sujet « Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects »

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