Littérature scientifique sur le sujet « Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects »
Créez une référence correcte selon les styles APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard et plusieurs autres
Consultez les listes thématiques d’articles de revues, de livres, de thèses, de rapports de conférences et d’autres sources académiques sur le sujet « Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects ».
À côté de chaque source dans la liste de références il y a un bouton « Ajouter à la bibliographie ». Cliquez sur ce bouton, et nous générerons automatiquement la référence bibliographique pour la source choisie selon votre style de citation préféré : APA, MLA, Harvard, Vancouver, Chicago, etc.
Vous pouvez aussi télécharger le texte intégral de la publication scolaire au format pdf et consulter son résumé en ligne lorsque ces informations sont inclues dans les métadonnées.
Articles de revues sur le sujet "Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects"
1
Seriogin, S. M., O. S. Petrenko et S. I. Sokolovskiy. « Psychological dependence of public servants as factor of corruption behavior ». Public administration aspects 6, no 11-12 (20 février 2019) : 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151879.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The purpose of the article is to identify psychological aspects of preventing corruption in the professional activities of public servants by analyzing the main motives of systemic corruption behavior and socio-cultural aspects of their formation. It is revealed that research on the motives of corruption behavior is associated with several important factors: 1) the stereotypes of understanding of the corruption existing in the Ukrainian society; 2) social factors of corruption behavior - historical, economic, political, cultural, collective-psychological and individual psychological; 3) socio-cultural aspects of the formation of anticorruption consciousness.There are several motives of corruption behavior: game, social, monetary etc. This is due to the existence of the most common frames of mass consciousness, which are recorded in the Ukrainian society regarding the perception of corruption. The determining factors of the occurrence of corruption behavior in the professional activities of public servants are the psychological dependencies of the person, which leads to the use of the concept of psychological research.Corruptive behavior is defined as deviant one and causes the perception of the responsibilities of the public service as an opportunity to obtain satisfaction from the prospect of receiving unlawful benefits and privileges for violating official moral and ethical requirements (the formation of dependence). The types of psychological dependencies of public servants (on power, money, etc.) are distinguished. It is shown that a painful manifestation of such a person’s psychological dependency is kleptomania. In order to prevent corruption in the professional activities of public servants, it is proposed to apply scientifically substantiated psychological and diagnostic support, in particular special methods for determining the propensity for kleptomania and corruption behavior.
2
Delong, Marek. « Moral and ethical aspects of the Polish transition from communism in the enunciations of the Polish Episcopate ». Annales. Etyka w Życiu Gospodarczym 20, no 7 (25 février 2017) : 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1899-2226.20.7.09.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The Polish Episcopate critically assessed the social and economic situation in Poland in the period of the transition from communism to democracy and a freemarket economy. Privatisation led to production being stopped and to an increase in unemployment. Profit and not human dignity became the measure of labour. The economic and social reality was dominated by the treatment of economics and financial success as of the highest values and the dissemination of the opinion that in politics and economics there are no values. The political elites showed an inability to develop long-term strategies for getting out of the crisis. The disappearance of the morality of many representatives of public life, which was manifested in universal corruption and the aspiration to improve social status as soon as possible, contributed to this state of affairs. As a result, there was a crisis of the idea of the common wealth and an increase in crime. The social crisis was particularly visible in moral attitudes, social behaviour, and in the economic sphere, public finance, on the labour market, and in the quickly progressing social stratification.
3
Bernstein, Justin, et Pierce Randall. « Against the Public Goods Conception of Public Health ». Public Health Ethics 13, no 3 (27 août 2020) : 225–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/phe/phaa021.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Public health ethicists face two difficult questions. First, what makes something a matter of public health? While protecting citizens from outbreaks of communicable diseases is clearly a matter of public health, is the same true of policies that aim to reduce obesity, gun violence or political corruption? Second, what should the scope of the government’s authority be in promoting public health? May government enact public health policies some citizens reasonably object to or policies that are paternalistic? Recently, some theorists have attempted to address these questions by arguing that something is a matter of public health if and only if it involves a health-related public good, such as clean water or herd immunity. Relatedly, they have argued that appeals to the promotion of public health should only be used to justify the provision of health-related public goods. This public goods conception of public health (PGC) is meant to enjoy advantages over its rivals in three respects: it provides a better definition of public health than rival views, it respects moral disagreement, and it avoids licensing objectionably paternalistic public health policies. We argue, however, that the PGC does just as poorly, or worse, than its rivals in all three respects.
4
Majstorovic, Katarina. « The moral condemnation of corruption ». Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no 176 (2020) : 599–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2076599m.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The definition of corruption, as well as the set of problems that corruption raises, are fundamentally changing due to the different angle from which we perceive it. Usually we cite sociological, legal, economic, political, psychological, ethical as the most common dimensions of this general social problem. This phenomenon is represented by the elementary definition of corruption as an abuse of public office for personal interest. At the heart of this phenomenon is a conflict between the general interest and the self-interest, in circumstances where the priority of self-interest is illegitimate. In this paper, we have provided the background of the most significant causes and consequences of corruption, emphasizing the possible problems with legal mechanisms. Corruption is a criminal offense and thus subject to legal regulation. This regulation is not sufficient to eradicate corruption. Corruption today is devastating and threatens the functioning of the society as a regulated system. We provided an analysis of this process and pointed out its ethical dimensions. The aim of the paper is to highlight the importance of the anti-corruption standpoint as an absolute duty. If every individual adopted Do Not Bribe!, on a personal level, as a perfect duty, corruption would stand no chance. Therefore, we should decentralize attention from the legal and other dimensions to the ethical dimension of the problem of corruption. We have shown in the paper that a clear decision not to participate in corruption due to its moral wrong is a necessary condition if it aims at weakening entrenched bribery practices. That decision is the matter of moral integrity. The conclusion is that any social anti-corruption strategy must start from the analysis of corruption as an action which is subject to ethical analysis.
5
Kuhumba, Kevin Shijja. « Aristotle’s Virtue of Justice as an Ethical Solution to Political Corruption : Analysis and Reflection ». Al-Milal : Journal of Religion and Thought 2, no 2 (26 décembre 2020) : 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46600/almilal.v2i2.87.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This paper attempts to discuss Aristotle’s concept of justice as an ethical solution to political corruption. The goal of this paper is to present corruption as a form of injustice that deprives the majority from a common good. This paper is very important because it provides ethical solution to grand corruption whereby unscrupulous individuals divert funds meant for development of the entire society into private hands. Due to grand corruption the poor masses are deprived of quality basic needs. The paper focuses on corruption as an immoral act through the lens of Aristotle’s ethical and political insights. The virtue of justice in Aristotle’s ethical and political works are spelled out. The methodology used in this paper is analytical and applied. It is analytical because it analyses Aristotle’s understanding of virtue of justice in his moral theory especially in his book entitled Nicomachean Ethics and justice in his political theory. Finally, the paper makes subsequent applications of Aristotle’s virtue of justice in the realm of ethical solutions to the problem of corruption.
6
Igwe, Paul Agu, Obiamaka P. Egbo, Ekwutosi Sanita Nwakpu, Progress Hove-Sibanda, Abu Naser Mohammad Saif et Md Asadul Islam. « Content Analysis of Ethics of Governance, Maladministration and Political Corruption ». International Journal of Public Sociology and Sociotherapy 1, no 2 (juillet 2021) : 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpss.2021070102.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although different forms of corruption exist in every region, Africa, South America, Latin America, Russia, and Asia countries, perhaps to a greater extent engage in higher levels of corruption more than other regions of the world. Applying ethics of governance and theory of “patrimonialism,” this article examines governance of ethics and corruption. This article argues that corruption lays the foundation for the abridgement of citizens' rights and perpetuation of underdevelopment. Methodologically, the authors explored contents through multiple media sources, ensuring rigor and trustworthiness. The findings reveal how corruption is being perpetuated in Nigeria, prosecuted, and the challenges. This article finds a strong relationship between corruption, the absence of ethics of governance, and maladministration. Many public and political office holders engage or support corruption; there is lack of moral and ethical considerations. More so, it appears that politics is based on wealth acquisition and self-interest rather than on ideologies.
7
Zhegalov, Evgeny A. « Moral and Historical School of Criminalistics ». Juridical Science and Practice 16, no 2 (2020) : 82–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2542-0410-2020-16-2-82-86.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The article considers ways to overcome corruption in the investigation and inquiry bodies by improving the course of criminology and establishing and implementing a moral and historical school. Named origins and pioneers of the ethical-historical school of criminology, given their views on the quality of justice investigator from the psychological side: integrity, strong moral convictions, skill in complex conflict situations, to remain master of their feelings and aspirations, to remain faithful to the moral principles of intolerance to evil, the pursuit of justice, ethical behavior in relations with the suspect, accused, witness, excluding physical or mental violence. It is argued that the communication of the investigator with the accused should not be based on deception and immorality; in such a profession necessary moral fortitude, and perseverance of the investigator in an atmosphere of total temptation and corruption, the ability to effectively resist illegal pressure, selfless dedication in any environment, selflessness, and humanism. The abovementioned application of the content of ethical-historical school of criminology, such as: the development and adoption of a code of ethics for CSI, the CSI oath, improvement or adoption of such codes for various categories of employees of law enforcement bodies and subjects of law enforcement; the implementation of the educational process on criminology interactive exploration of film documents on the history of the sections and fields of criminology, political processes, the Nuremberg trials, investigation and conviction of Nazi criminals and their accomplices, the investigation of disasters, terrorist attacks, the death of political and cultural figures, investigation of resonant crimes from different eras and in recent years, return to the detailed development and implementation in the training of lawyers clear criteria of admissibility of tactics; creation of self-regulating communities in state and law enforcement agencies that can be contacted in cases of corruption pressure. Scientific results demonstrate an extremely low knowledge of the recent history of criminology and the Nuremberg trials by law school graduates. The results are new and have not been published before.
8
Okechukwu Okafor, Chiedozie, Nanji Rimdan Umoh et Uzochukwu C. Chinweze. « Partisan Political Participation and Ethical Moral-Self in Face of Political Corruption : Exposing Psychology of Poverty ». Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 8, no 12 (30 décembre 2020) : 572–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2020.v08i12.002.
Texte intégral
9
Abdul Hafid, Rustam Pikahulan et Hasanuddin Hasyim. « ETIKA HUKUM DALAM POLITIK KEBANGSAAN PERSPEKTIF ISLAM : MORALITAS POLITIK PANCASILAIS ». DIKTUM : Jurnal Syariah dan Hukum 18, no 1 (12 juillet 2020) : 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35905/diktum.v18i1.1202.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The legal and political realities that have developed in Indonesia to date, there is a phenomenon that makes us all worried and uneasy. major illness experienced by our nation and country today, namely corruption and terrorism. This phenomenon is more or less closely related to what is called moral degradation in the realm of politics. moral values and norms (morality) which of course in this case, have to do with political phenomena in terms of nationality, state or power. The focus of research is the existence of ethics in this case concerning human actions or behavior in terms of moral values and norms (morality), which are connected with one aspect of human life, namely politics. This study aims to provide a rather enlightened generation of the nation to avoid bad deeds and to obey the applicable rules, especially in the realm of politics and understand the existence of Indonesian-style national political ethics which are considered not at all contrary to the teachings of Islam. The research method used is a qualitative method. The approach used in this study is as follows: First, the philosophical approach to values, morals or actions. Second, the interpretive approach / interpretation. Third, the juridical approach to state administration. Based on the analysis outlined in the discussion, the researcher concludes that Pancasila is a logical transcendental requirement for the implementation of all legal procedures in Indonesia which is used as a guideline for making laws and regulations, which will then be used as an instrument to assess and regulate whether a behavior or act it can be said good or bad. Likewise, the existence of Islam as a product of Allah (Almighty God) is a system of religious morality that is used by Muslims as an instrument to assess or measure whether a behavior or deed can be said to be good or bad. If the two systems of morality are linked, then it turns out that between one another (substantially or in principle) there is no trace of contradiction.
10
Shashkova, A. V. « Corruption as a Problem of Political Theory and Political Practice ». MGIMO Review of International Relations, no 6(45) (28 décembre 2015) : 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-64-73.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The present article is dedicated to the analysis of "corruption" from point of view of political practice and political theory. The present article studies historical examples of corruption: corruption during the era of Alexander the Great, Carthage, Roman Republic. The article gives the evolution of the term "corruption", pointing out current aspects of the term. The article provides positive and negative results of corruption, gives resume. The present article analyses corruption results: economical, political and social. Most important economical consequences of corruption are the following: increase of shadow economy, decrease of tax payments, weakening of the state budget, breach of market competition, decrease of market effectiveness, destabilization of the idea of market economy. Most important social consequences of corruption are the following: great distinction between the declared and real values, which creates a "double standard" of the moral and behavior, distraction of great sums from public and humanitarian development, increase of property disproportion, increase of social tension. The present article names most important political consequences of corruption: shift of ideas from public development to the security of power of oligarchy, decrease of trust to the state, decrease of image of the country at the international arena, increase of its economical and political isolation, decrease of political competition. The present article gives one of the resumes that the globalization process increases corruption. Together with globalization most important role is given to corporations and corporate corruption comes to the front raw.
Thèses sur le sujet "Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects"
1
Nanabhay, Yasmin. « Non-compliance with external control measures in selected case studies within the national sphere of the public sector ». Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2426.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2014.Ethical conduct displayed by members of the public sector is integral to creating a sustainable democratic government, which upholds the constitutional tenets of accountability, transparency and professional ethicality. Furthermore, a true constitutional democracy emphasises and advocates the notion of service leadership that nurtures public participation and engages with citizens in a positive manner. Ethical conduct in the public sector earns public trust; it is hence a key principle in good governance. Yet, in the years since the advent of democracy in South Africa, the government has been plagued by rampant corruption and maladministration by public officials and politicians in leadership positions. The external control measures passed by government in an attempt to ensure ethicality and accountability within the public sector include codes of ethics, rules of conduct and the enactment of legislation. These are intended to shape the mindset of members of the public sector, with the ultimate aim of an efficient, effective, ethical and responsive public service. The purpose of the current study is to analyse non-compliance with external control measures within the public sector by means of selected case studies and to present the reasons for this occurrence. The three cases selected are: the South African Arms Deal, the corruption trial of Jackie Selebi, and the investigation of Bheki Cele regarding irregularities in the procurement of SAPS assets, the latter two who served as National Commissioners of the South African Police Service but were each dismissed from that post. The reasons for non-compliance with external control measures in the public sector as well as recommendations based on the findings to improve compliance will be undertaken. The three case studies demonstrate the experience and impact of corruption and/or maladministration, which have contributed to the increasing loss of confidence in political leadership in the country as elsewhere in the world. A qualitative methodology of inquiry, including a review of literature covering the theories applied to the case studies will be employed. Owing to the subject nature of the current study, the findings will be validated by an independent source, which has been identified as the Office of the Public Protector.
2
Spittal, Angela M. Sears. « An examination of ethical values : a Q-study of political consultants and public relations organizational consultants ». Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1154776.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This research compares the ethical values of public relations and political public relations practitioners. The study hypothesizes that a difference exists in the two groups' approach to ethical decision-making.A Q-study was completed by twenty-three midwest members of the Public Relations Society of America and the American Association of Political Consultants. The results identified two groups: one, a group of "communitarians" who relied on personal standards for ethical decision-making but believed the community-the public and the mediainfluenced those standards; and two, a group of "individualists" who relied on personal standards for ethical decision-making and were not influenced by the public, media, religion or law.This research determined that a significant difference did not exist in approach to ethical decision-making between political public relations and traditional public relations practitioners. All of the participants relied primarily on personal standards when making ethical decisions and no participants put personal advancement or pragmatism ahead of ethical decision-making.Department of Journalism
3
Bishop, Susan. « Adelphia : An Exploratory Case Study of Corporate Culture and Ethical Judgment ». ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1814.
Texte intégralRésumé :
White collar corporate corruption continues to be prevalent in the United States, costing shareholders billions of dollars annually. This study of the collapse of Coudersport, PA firm, Adelphia Communications, explored how and why leadership of this prominent and successful company made unethical decisions, created an atmosphere of moral disengagement, and led to the downfall of the company. Taped interviews with 10 executives who were employed at the company during the years of its rise and demise (1996-2006) were transcribed, hand coded, and analyzed to explore the ethical culture and leadership practices at Adelphia. These insights offer a possible explanation for the behavior that resulted in the collapse of the company. The theoretical framework for this qualitative case study included ethical work climate, moral cognitive theory, and the theory of moral disengagement. Results showed that the collapse of Adelphia was enabled by intense family control, low empowerment, and extreme greed and entitlement on the part of the founders who never made a clear business transition from being family-owned to a publicly-traded corporation. Additionally, proper oversight by the board and outside auditors was lacking. These findings may contribute to positive social change in the areas of ethical training and in creating and operationalizing corporate values in day-to-day decision making in the corporate environment. These findings also suggest further need for new legislative issues beyond existing law to hold external consultants involved in fiduciary responsibility more accountable.
4
Schick, Katherine Anne. « Trauma and the ethical in international relations ». Thesis, St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/552.
Texte intégral
5
Warburton, John (John Harcourt). « The social nature of corrupt networks in the Queensland police force 1960-1987 ». Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2007. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/28112.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Most corruption research is into what causes corruption, rather than how it
functions, on institutional causal factors rather than how it works. There are
strong practical reasons for this, given the difficulty in gaining reliable data about
actual corruption. The political economy model of corruption is the most
influential, coherent and popular. It describes corruption in terms of “rent
seeking" behaviour by “rational optimisers”, and has the advantage of access to
political economy tools and concepts such as game theory and principal agent
theory.
This thesis contests the assumptions of the rational choice influences on the
political economy approach, using evidence from an in—depth case study of
corruption in the Queensland Police Force between 1960 and 1987. The results
show that the corrupt network in the Queensland Police Force involved highly
complex social behaviour that displayed many “non rational” characteristics. Far
from being rational optimisers focused on material benefits, corrupt network
members were found to be willing to accept small material or non material
rewards, even though their behaviour involved significant personal risk. Corrupt
network members were also found to highly value social interactions and
belonging to the corrupt network as a group. This is not to say that individuals in
the corrupt network did not seek corrupt payments, as a large amount of cash
was actually involved. However, the evidence shows that a very small number of
“inner sanctum” power holders received a hugely disproportionate amount of the
money while bearing disproportionately less of the risk.
Corruption has to be holistically understood as an outcome of continuously
functioning networks rather than as an episode with a distinct beginning and end.
Using the data from the Queensland Police Force corrupt network, this thesis
examines the nature of interactions between all the corrupt network actors using
some of the tools and methodology of social network analysis.
The evidence suggests that corrupt police networks are self contained and highly
adaptive to threatsand opportunities from their environment. The network has a
shape and function that transcends individuals, even though in the case of the
Queensland Police Force corrupt network certain individuals were clearly
important to its successful operation. The network is highly flexible and resilient,
able to maintain itself while reducing activity even during periods of sustained
external threat, and also to efficiently increase activity and access to resources
when the environment is more favourable.
The corrupt network is able to achieve these outcomes, both through using
directly corrupt interactions between actors in the corrupt network, and other
interactions that bear little relation to traditional conceptions of corruption. In
particular this thesis finds that considerable energy is expended by corrupt
network members in conducting interactions that: protect the network from
external attack using network resources; promote the network to grow in
directions that give it greater control of relevant resources; are of a social nature;
and, promote the development of influence relations, access to resources, the
swapping of information and the trading of favours.
In fact, referring to a corrupt network underestimates the complexity of its
interaction with its environment. The corrupt network within the Queensland
Police Force interacted with several self contained networks that had links with
each other: the corrupt police network; the criminal milieu; and, the adjacent
influence network. The inter—relationships between all three networks were
crucial to the operation of the police corrupt network, which at its highest point
was receiving over $56,000 a month in corrupt payments from criminals. The
evidence shows that without links to the criminals the corrupt conduct could not
occur, but that links to the adjacent influence network were also highly important
to corrupt network operation. The adjacent influence network consisted of a
socially connected group of actors from Queensland’s primary social institutions
including: the political sphere (and in particular the ruling National Party); the
judiciary; and, the media. Access to powerholders in these institutions allowed
the corrupt network to receive information and resourCes, thus ensuring it could
protect and sustain itself over a long period of time. Anti-corruption measures
need to take into account these social and network characteristics of corruption
to be successful.
6
Dunbar, Danielle. « The devil’s children : volk, devils and moral panics in white South Africa, 1976 - 1993 ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20179.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There are moments in history where the threat of Satanism and the Devil have been prompted by, and in turn stimulated, social anxiety. This thesis considers particular moments of ‘satanic panic’ in South Africa as moral panics during which social boundaries were challenged, patrolled and renegotiated through public debate in the media. While the decade of the 1980s was marked by successive states of emergency and the deterioration of apartheid, it began and ended with widespread alarm that Satan was making a bid for the control of white South Africa. Half-truths, rumour and fantasy mobilised by interest groups fuelled public uproar over the satanic menace – a threat deemed the enemy of white South Africa. Under P. W. Botha’s ‘total onslaught’ rhetoric, a large sector of white South Africa feared total ‘moral onslaught’. Cultural guardians warned against the satanic influences of popular culture, the corrupting power of materialism, and the weakening moral resolve of the youth. Others were adamant that Satanists sought to punish all good, white South Africans with financial ruin and divorce in their campaign to destroy white South Africa. From the bizarre to the macabre, the message became one of societal decay and a youth that was simultaneously out of control. While influenced by the international Satanism Scare that swept across the global West during the 1980s and early 1990s, this thesis argues that South Africa’s satanic panics reflected localised anxieties as the country’s social borders changed over time. While critically discussing the concept of the ‘moral panic’ and its analytical value in historical study, this thesis further argues that these moments of moral panic betray the contextually specific anxieties surrounding the loss of power and shifts in class and cultural solidarity. In so doing, this thesis seeks to elucidate the cultural changes in South Africa between 1976 and 1993 by highlighting the social, temporal and geographic boundaries which were contested and renegotiated through the shifting discourse on Satanism.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar is oomblikke in die geskiedenis toe die bedreiging van Satanisme en die Duiwel deur sosiale angstigheid aangespoor is en dit ook verder gestimuleer het. Hierdie tesis neem bepaalde momente van ‘sataniese paniek’ in Suid-Afrika – waartydens sosiale grense deur publieke debat in die media uitgedaag, gepatrolleer en heronderhandel is – in oënskou as oomblikke van morele paniek. Terwyl die 1980s gekenmerk is deur agtereenvolgende noodtoestande en die agteruitgang van apartheid, het dit begin en geëindig met wydverspreide verontrusting dat Satan poog om beheer oor wit Suid-Afrika te verkry. Halwe waarhede, gerugte en fantasie, gemobiliseer deur belangegroepe, het publieke onsteltenis oor die sataniese gevaar aangehits – = vyandige bedreiging vir wit Suid-Afrika. In samehang met PW Botha se ‘totale aanslag’ retoriek, het = groot deel van wit Suid-Afrika ook = ‘totale morele aanslag’ gevrees. Die kultuurbewakers het gewaarsku teen sataniese invloede op populêre kultuur, die sedebederwende mag van materialisme en die verflouing van morele vasberadenheid onder die jeug. Ander was oortuig daarvan dat Sataniste daarop uit is om alle goeie, wit Suid-Afrikaners deur finansiële ondergang en egskeiding te straf in hulle veldtog om wit Suid-Afrika te vernietig. Van die grillige tot die makaber, die boodskap was een van sosiale agteruitgang en = jeug wat terselfdertyd buite beheer was. Alhoewel Suid-Afrika beïnvloed is deur die heersende internasionale sataniese verskrikking wat gedurende die 1980s en die vroeë 1990s, dwarsdeur die globale Weste gevind is, voer hierdie tesis aan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse sataniese paniek, soos die sosiale grense in Suid-Afrika verskuif het, gelokaliseerde angs gereflekteer het. Buiten die kritiese bespreking van die konsep van die ‘morele paniek’ en die analitiese waarde daarvan, argumenteer hierdie tesis verder dat hierdie momente van morele paniek konteks-spesifieke angs blootlê, paniese angs wat met die verlies van mag en veranderings in klas- en kulturele samehorigheid saamhang. Hierdeur beoog die tesis om kulturele veranderinge in Suid-Afrika tussen 1976 en 1993 toe te lig, deur te fokus op die sosiale, temporale en geografiese grense wat deur die verskuiwende diskoers oor Satanisme betwis en heronderhandel is.
7
Malan, Martha S. « The scientific politics of HIV/AIDS : a media perspective ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53684.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: When South Africa's President, Thabo Mbeki, began doubting that HfV was the cause of AIDS in the late nineties, the debate he introduced in his country was not new; it had raged in the United States as far back as a decade ago. But, even prior to that, there had been numerous controversies pertaining to the discovery of the Ill-virus. This thesis argues that those contentions created such a heated atmosphere that the causal debates that were to follow, however incredible they were, were largely unavoidable. In its coverage of the epidemic, the media were immersed in its own politics. During the early eighties, the gay newspapers in the US felt a personal responsibility to find the cause of a disease that was rapidly killing many of its readers. But, in the process, the often promoted unscientific and dangerous approaches. By the time the AIDS dissident debate had unraveled in the US, the gay media was so suspicious of the anti-gay Reagan government that they frequently advanced dissident arguments. The mainstream and scientific media, on the other hand, were perceived as rigidly supporting government institutions, excluding critical voices. When the dissident debate reached South Africa ten years later, the South African media was completely unprepared. Most journalists had never heard of AIDS dissidents; some had not even heard of HfV or the anti-AIDS drug AZT, that the President had labeled toxic. Begin a new democracy, with a history of white oppression, the black and white media differed immensely on how to cover 'the President's debate'. Criticism of the newly elected ANC government's arguments were often branded racist and unpatriotic, with journalists suffering regular intimidation at the hands of state officials and governmentaligned editors. This thesis examines the development of the politics surrounding the science of AIDS, from the discovery of'HfV up until Thabo Mbeki's controversial contentions. To an equal extent, it looks at the news media's coverage of the process, focusing on the approaches to the debate of various media outlets and individual journalists. It also raises ethical issues, particularly in South Africa, that emerged during one of the most widely reported debates in the country's history. It in no way attempts to provide a quantitative analysis of media coverage and, in the case of the US media, draws heavily on analytical studies conducted at the time. NOTE: In the analysis of the South African media's coverage of the AIDS dissident debate in Part Three: B, issues pertaining to the country's public broadcaster, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), were not discussed The reason was that the author was the Corporation's Health Correspondent at the time, and therefore too closely involved in the institution in order to provide an objective perspective.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Toe Suid-Afrika se president, Thabo Mbeki, in die laat jare negentig begin het om die oorsaak van VIGS in twyfel te trek, was die debat wat hy in sy land ingelei het, nie nuut nie; dit reeds 'n dekade tevore in die VSA gewoed. Maar, selfs voor daardie debat, was daar 'n hewige omstredenheid wat met die ontdekking van die MI-virus verband gehou het. Hierdie tesis argumenteer dat daardie omstredenheid so 'n driftige atmosfeer geskep het, dat die debat oor die oorsaak van VIGS wat sou volg, hoe ongeloofwaardig ook al, grootliks onvermydelik was. Met die dekking van die epidemie was die media in hul eie politiek gedompel. Tydens die vroeë jare tagtig het gay-koerante in die VSA 'n persoonlike verantwoordelikheid gevoel om die oorsaak te vind van 'n siekte wat baie van hulle lesers vinnig laat sterfhet. Maar, in die proses het hulle dikwels onwetenskaplike en gevaarlike benaderings bevorder. Teen die tyd dat die 'oorsaak-debat' in die VSA begin posvat het, was gay-koerante so agterdogtig oor die anti-gay Reagan-regering dat hulle dikwels 'afvallige' argumente aangemoedig het. Die hoofstroommedia en wetenskaplike joernale is aan die ander kant weer gesien as rigiede ondersteuners van regeringsorganisasies, wat kritiese stemme wou stilmaak. Toe die 'oorsaak-debat' Suid-Afrika tien jaar later bereik het, het dit die plaaslike media geheel en alonkant betrap. Die meeste joernaliste het toe nog nooit van 'VIGS-afvalliges' gehoor nie; party nie eens van MIV of die teenvigsmiddel AZT, wat die president as giftig geëtiketteer het nie. Daarby was die land 'n jong demokrasie met 'n geskiedenis van wit onderdrukking, wat meegebring het dat wit en swart media-instansies grotendeels verskil het oor hoe die 'president se debat' gedek moes word. Kritiek teen die nuut verkose ANC-regering se argumente is dikwels as rassisties of onpatrioties afgemaak, en regeringsamptenare of regeringsgesinde redakteurs het gereeld probeer om joernaliste te intimideer. Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die ontwikkeling van die politiek rondom die wetenskap van VIGS, van die ontdekking van MIV tot en met Thabo Mbeki se omstrede argumente. Dit kyk ook na die nuusdekking van die proses, deur op die benaderings van verskeie media-instansies asook individuele joernalistse te fokus. Dit bespreek ook etiese kwessies wat tydens nuusdekking na vore gekom het, veral in Suid-Afrika, waar hierdie debat van die wydste nuusdekking óóit in die geskiedenis van die land geniet het. Dit poog geensins om 'n kwantitatiewe analise van mediadekking te verskaf nie, en waar die Amerikaanse media beskou word, word daar sterk gesteun op analitiese studies wat tydens die duur van die debat uitgevoer is. NOTA: In die analise van die Suid-Afrikaanse media se dekking van die 'oorsaak-debat' in Deel 3:B word kwessies wat met die nuusdekking van die land se openbare uitsaaier, die Suid-Afrikaanse Uitsaaikorporasie (SA UK), verband hou, nie bespreek nie. Die rede is dat die outeur die korporasie se gesondheidskorrespondent was, en was daarom te nou verbind aan die korporasie om 'n objektiewe perspektiefte verseker.
8
Holtz, Brigitte Elke. « Resistance and reactions to neo-liberal economic globalisation and its institutions : exploring the 'anti-globalisation' movement ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53031.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In recent years, so-called "anti-globalisation" protesters have become an expected, though to many an unwelcome feature at almost all meetings of international institutions and at intergovernmental summits. The protesters are usually portrayed as senselessly violent anarchists, ridiculed in the media as eccentrics and outsiders, while academics have as yet paid them little or no attention. This study attempts to determine whether the predominantly negative perception of the protesters is justified, or whether there is some merit to their concerns. The vague umbrella term anti-globalisation protesters tends to disguise the fact that many different and diverse groups are involved in the protest. Elements of social movement studies are drawn upon to structure the analysis of a number of groups that are represented on occasions of protest. The analysis reveals that the protests are well-organised, active in international networks, and rely very much on the internet to co-ordinate their efforts. From the perspective of social movement studies, the anti-globalisation league represents an interesting new phenomenon. This is due to its simultaneous presence in a multitude of countries, as well as its non-state focus. Effectively, the movement transcends state boundaries and state structures. The changing face of international politics is at the root of the formation of the antiglobalisation movement. A perceived loss of sovereignty and increased international multilateral co-operation has reduced the effectiveness of domestic and state-based campaigning and created an opportunity, if not the necessity, to form transnational groups that have international institutions as their focal point of protest. It is submitted that the movement may be a source for unconventional ideas that could go some way in addressing various problems related to the ever-advancing process of globalisation. This may be accomplished by way of greater formalisation of the movement, and possibly with support from other prominent voices who are not anti-globalisation activists as such, yet in essence share many of the concerns of the protesters. In this way, the anti-globalisation movement could develop into a credible entity to complement the functioning of existing international institutions.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Protes aksies teen globalisering is gedurende die laaste paar jare 'n bekende, maar nie noodwendig 'n welkome verskynsel by feitlik alle vergaderings van internasionale organisasies en staatsberade. In die algemeen word die protesteerders beskou as gewelddadige anargiste, en word hulle in die pers as eienaardige buitestaanders beskryf. Academici het tot dusver ook nie veel aandag aan hierdie verskynsel bestee nie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om vas te stelof die meestal negatiewe opvattings van deelname in aktiewe protes teen globalisering geregverdig is. Die besware van die aktiviste is dalk realisties en nie ongegrond nie. Die vae begrip van anti-globalisering protesteerders is misleidend, omdat dit die groot aantal verskillende groepe tydens die protesaksies verberg. Beginsels van sosiale bewegingsstudies is geraadpleeg om die analise van verskeie groepe wat by protesaksies teenwoordig is, te struktureer. Hierdie analise wys dat die deelnemers aan protesaksies goed georganiseerd is, en dat hulle baie aktief is in internasionale netwerke, en hoofsaaklik op die internet staat maak om hulle bedrywighede te koordineer. Vanuit die standpunt van sosiale bewegingsstudies is die anti-globalisering aksie 'n baie interessante verskynsel omdat die beweging in baie lande teenwoordig is, en omdat dit nie staatsentries is nie. Staatsgrense en tradisionele staatstruktuure word dus oorskry. Veranderinge in die internasionale politieke arena is beslis die rede vir die vorming van die anti-globaliseringsbeweging. Dit word beweer dat die toename in internasionale multilaterale samewerking die trefkrag van aktivisme binne die grense en die konteks van die staat verminder het. Die geleentheid, en dalk noodsaaklikheid, is dus geskep om internasionale groepe te vorm wat hul protes op internasionale organisasies fokus. Die studie stel voor dat die beweging dalk die oorsprong van onkonvensionele idees kan wees wat baie van die negatiewe effekte en probleme wat verbonde is met die globaliseringsproses, sal aanspreek en help om hulle op te los. Voordat dit kan gebeur, moet die beweging egter 'n meer formele vorm aanneem, 'n proses wat beslis gesteun sal word deur groepe en indiwidue wat nie noodwendig anti-globalisering aktiviste is nie, maar wel baie van dieselfde belange het. Op hierdie manier sal dit dalk moontlik wees vir die anti-globaliseringsbeweging om "n geloofwaardige entiteit te word, wat die werk van bestaande internasionale organisasies sal komplimenteer.
9
Baumann, Chiara Manina. « A legal and ethical analysis of the South African government’s response toward Zimbabwean immigrants ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4347.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of the South African government‘s response toward Zimbabwean immigration, focusing on the period from 2000 to July 2009. The aim is to shed light on why the government has acted in the manner that it has, using a human security framework. South Africa‘s legal obligations under international, regional, and domestic law are investigated and the ethical debate concerning issues of entrance and borders is explored. Concepts of morality, universality, and human dignity are central to this discussion. Against this backdrop, the Zimbabwean migration is briefly analysed in terms of push and pull factors and numbers; and the legal debate concerning the classification of Zimbabweans is explored. The challenges Zimbabweans face in South Africa and how the government has dealt with the Zimbabwean immigration is covered. Key actors from civil society and government are interviewed in an attempt to engage opinions about the government‘s response. The main opinions as to why the government has responded in the manner it has are then discussed and other factors are considered. Issues of solidarity, land reform, and South Africa‘s involvement in the Zimbabwean mediation process are some of the factors considered. The conclusion of this study is that the South African government has not succeeded in meeting its legal obligations nor acted ethically concerning Zimbabwean immigrants. The particular sentiments of ex-president Thabo Mbeki, the solidarity amongst national liberation movements, regional considerations, and the capitalist interests of some South Africans are factors that carry the most weight in explaining the South African government‘s response to the Zimbabwean crisis and its subsequent migrants.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is 'n studie van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die immigrasie van Zimbabwiërs na Suid-Afrika, met die klem op die tydperk tussen 2000 en Julie 2009. Die doel is om lig te werp op die regering se optrede in dié tydperk aan die hand van 'n menslike veiligheidsnetwerk. Suid-Afrika se regsverpligtinge onder internasionale, streek- en plaaslike reg, sowel as die etiese debat rakende kwessies soos die binnekoms van immigrante en grense, word ondersoek. Konsepte van moraliteit, universaliteit en menslike waardigheid , staan sentraal tot hierdie bespreking. Teen hierdie agtergrond word die Zimbabwiese migrasie kortliks ontleed in terme van die stukrag-en-trefkrag faktore en getalle; en word die regsdebat oor die klassifisering van Zimbabwiërs onder die loep geneem. Die uitdagings wat Zimbabwiërs in Suid-Afrika in die gesig staar en hoe die regering Zimbabiese immigrasie hanteer het, word bekyk. Onderhoude is gevoer met sleutelspelers in die burgerlike samelewing en die regering in ‗n poging om agter die kap van die byl te kom met betrekking tot die regering se reaksie op Zimbabwiese immigrasie. Die belangrikste standpunte ten opsigte van die regering se optrede word dan bespreek in die lig van faktore soos solidariteit, grondhervorming, en Suid-Afrika se betrokkenheid by die Zimbabwiese mediasieproses. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat die Suid-Afrikaanse regering nie daarin geslaag het om sy regsverpligtinge na te kom nie, en nie eties korrek opgetree het nie met betrekking tot Zimbabwiese immigrante. Die sentimente van oudpres. Thabo Mbeki, die solidariteit onder die nasionale bevrydingsbewegings, en die kapitalistiese belange van sekere Suid-Afrikaners, is van die belangrikste faktore aan die hand waarvan die Suid-Afrikaanse regering se reaksie op die Zimbabwiese immigrasie-krisis verklaar word.
10
Van, Zyl Elizabeth Margaretha, et Zyl Lizma Van. « Too cosy for comfort ? : a media ethical investigation into the Presidential Press Corps ». Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53697.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Govemment and the media are in the process of establishing South Africa's first Presidential Press Corps (PPC) based on the White House Press Corps in the United States of America. The need for a body like the Presidential Press Corps (PPC) has become increasingly evident as the recent relationship between the South African president and this country's press can only be characterised as poor. The establishment of the PPC potentially presents an ethical dilemma though due to various factors. A joumalist can only serve the public with the most comprehensive and accurate news when his or her finger is on the pulse of events that take place within the decision-making bodies. However, being so close to those in power may seriously threaten journalistic independence. This dilemma would be discussed in detail in this assignment. In May 200 I, the troubled relationship between Mbeki and the media was tackled at an Indaba between the South African National Editor's Forum (SANEF) and cabinet at Sun City. The crux and outcome of these discussions are set forth in The lf/oy Fo/wOld, a report prepared by those attending the Indaba. The establishment of the PPC is one of eight joint government and media initiatives outlined in this report. Although there is overwhelming support for the Pl'C, there is concern that the Pl'C members would be censored, manipulated and controlled by government as a result of their proximity. The Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI) believes the implications are far reaching and pose a serious threat to a free press. This first group of Pl'C journalists is going where no other has gone before in this country's history. They are however facing a daunting task, as the arena they are entering is fraught with novelties, challenges, obstacles and temptations. This assignment will examine the media's role in a democracy, the challenges of far closer cooperation between the media and government, the ethical dilemma potentially presented by the Pl'C as well as ways to ensure as far as possible, an ethical and professional relationship between government and the corps's members.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regenng en die media is in die proses om Suid-Afrika se eerste Presidensiele Perskorps (PPK) te stig. Die konsep is geskoei op die van die Wit Huis Perskorps in die Verenigde State van Amerika. 'n Dringende behoefte bestaan in Suid-Afrika aan 'n liggaam soos die PPK aangesien dit duidelik geword het dat die verhouding tussen die president en die media nie na wense is nie. Die stigting van die PPK kan egter weens verskeie faktore eties-problematies wees. Joernaliste kan die publiek slegs voorsien van akkurate nuus indien hulle vingers op die polsslag van gebeure binne die land se besluitnemende liggame is. Joernalistieke onafhanklikheid kan egter in gedrang kom indien die verhouding tussen die "waghond" en die regering te intiem raak. Die PPK-Iede sal na verwagting weens gereelde kontak 'n veel hegter verhouding met die president he as wat die geval is met ander joemaliste. Die vertroebelde verhouding tussen die media en president Thabo Mbeki is in Mei 200 1 bespreek tydens 'n lndaba by Sun City. Een van die inisiatiewe waarop daar ooreengekom is in 'n poging om die probleme aan te pak, is die stigting van die PPK. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Redakteursforum en die regering hoop dat die korps sal bydra tot 'n vryer vloei van inligting asook tot 'n beter verstandbouding tussen die regering en die media. Hoewel daar oorweldigende steun is vir die PPK, is daar ook vrese dat die korps se lede gemanupileer en beheer sal word deur die kabinet.Die eerste groep PPK-lede gaan baanbrekerswerk verrig, maar die pad voor hulle is onbekend en vol potensiele gevare. Die uitdagings, slaggate sowel as maniere hoe etiese probleme oorkom kan word, word in hierdie werkstuk bespreek.
Livres sur le sujet "Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects"
1
A, Genovese Michael, et Farrar-Myers Victoria A, dir. Corruption and American politics. Amherst, NY : Cambria Press, 2010.
Trouver le texte intégral
2
A, Genovese Michael, et Farrar-Myers Victoria A, dir. Corruption and American politics. Amherst, NY : Cambria Press, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
3
Genovese, Michael A. Corruption and American politics. Amherst, N.Y : Cambria Press, 2010.
Trouver le texte intégral
4
Javier, Arze del Granado, et Boex Jameson 1971-, dir. Fighting corruption in the public sector. Amsterdam : Elsevier., 2007.
Trouver le texte intégral
5
Kampf der Korruption : Theologische Ansätze und Anfragen in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Leipzig : Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2017.
Trouver le texte intégral
6
Zheng, Yuan, dir. Meiguo de zheng zhi fu bai yu fan fu bai : Dui Meiguo fan fu bai ji zhi de yan jiu = American political corruption and anti-corruption : a study of the American anti-corruption mechanism. Beijing : Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégral
7
Gildenhuys, J. S. H. Ethics and professionalism : The battle against public corruption. Stellenbosch : SUN Press, 2004.
Trouver le texte intégral
8
Global corruption : Money, power and ethics in the modern world. Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012.
Trouver le texte intégral
9
Office, Home. Corruption : Draft legislation. Norwich : Stationery Office, 2003.
Trouver le texte intégral
10
Zheng, Yuan, dir. Meiguo de zheng zhi fu bai yu fan fu bai : Dui Meiguo fan fu bai ji zhi de yan jiu = American political corruption and anti-corruption : a study of the American anti-corruption mechanism. Beijing : Zhongguo she hui ke xue chu ban she, 2009.
Trouver le texte intégralChapitres de livres sur le sujet "Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects"
1
Frize, Monique, et Irena Zamboni. « Ethical Decision-Making in Biomedical Engineering Research ». Dans Encyclopedia of Healthcare Information Systems, 534–40. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-889-5.ch068.
Texte intégralRésumé :
To be ethical and professional are terms that are synonymous with being an engineer. The work of engineers frequently affects public safety and health, and can influence business, and even politics. Professional Engineering Associations provide ethical guidelines so that engineers will know how to avoid misconduct, negligence, incompetence, and corruption, which could lead to formal complaints and discipline. Knowledge about ethical decision-making guides engineers facing complex and difficult moral dilemmas (Andrews, 2005, pp. 46). Biomedical engineers doing research and development will undoubtedly be involved in projects that impact humans and/or animals, and thus must be informed on all aspects of ethics that guide such research. They should be particularly aware of the specific guidelines of the institution where the work is to be carried-out and be familiar with the application process to obtain a certificate, allowing the research to proceed. There is clearly a need to guide biomedical engineering students and practitioners in performing a balanced analysis of difficult questions and issues, while respecting societal values that may differ greatly from their own (Frize, 1996; Frize, 2005; Saha & Saha, 1997; Wueste, 1997). There exists a number of articles discussing biomedical engineering and ethics specifically aimed at clinical engineers (Goodman, 1989; Saha & Saha, 1986). These are helpful readings for anyone involved in biomedical research or clinical engineering.
2
Chaturvedi, Bal Krishna. « Ethics in Political Life ». Dans Multidisciplinary Approaches to Ethics in the Digital Era, 1–15. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4117-3.ch001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter explores the role of ethics in political life. It is in two parts. In Part 1, the relation between ethics and politics and the moral standards on which the politicians and policies framed by them should be judged is considered. It is also analysed why certain ethical norms well accepted in a society may not be appropriate for politicians due to their obligation to the public office or the nature of politics. In Part 2, the problem of political corruption and areas in which infraction of moral standards in political life occurs across the globe in different countries is discussed. It is also analysed whether objective norms are feasible on which politicians can be judged for their ethical values when they deviate from moral standards applicable to ordinary citizens. While focussing on this, it is argued that greater public vigilance, more vital international institutions, and an ethically strong community can improve moral norms in political life.
3
Singh, Danny. « The political, economic and cultural drivers of police corruption ». Dans Investigating Corruption in the Afghan Police Force, 73–94. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447354666.003.0005.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This is another theoretical chapter that generates a framework to thread through the context of Afghan policing. Theories related to a political economy approach to examine the interrelationship between bureaucratic agents and economic elites and the coping strategies of poorly waged public officials and police officers. This theoretical basis informs some aspects of the political and economic drivers of corruption. The political drivers specifically cover systemic corruption which is when corruption becomes institutionally embedded from the top to the lower levels. In addition, patronage, nepotism and ethnic favouritism forms a ‘moral economy’ to deter meritocratic recruitment. Moreover, state capture occurs when main parts of the state are infiltrated by narrow criminal and affiliated political interests for profit making, usually with illicit markets. The economic drivers are focused on corruption as a means of economic necessity, namely low pay, and opportunities to engage in corruption due to weak oversight or limited sanctions if detected for malpractice. The cultural drivers cover culture, motivation and the socialisation of behaviour within police forces and specific anti-corruption training that can help to mitigate police corruption.
4
Gardiner, Stephen M. « A Perfect Moral Storm : Climate Change, Intergenerational Ethics, and the Problem of Moral Corruption ». Dans Climate Ethics. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195399622.003.0012.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The most authoritative scientific report on climate change begins by saying: . . . Natural, technical, and social sciences can provide essential information and evidence needed for decisions on what constitutes “dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system.” At the same time, such decisions are value judgments. . . . There are good grounds for this statement. Climate change is a complex problem raising issues across and between a large number of disciplines, including the physical and life sciences, political science, economics, and psychology, to name just a few. But without wishing for a moment to marginalize the contributions of these disciplines, ethics does seem to play a fundamental role. At the most general level, the reason is that we cannot get very far in discussing why climate change is a problem without invoking ethical considerations. If we do not think that our own actions are open to moral assessment, or that various interests (our own, those of our kin and country, those of distant people, future people, animals, and nature) matter, then it is hard to see why climate change (or much else) poses a problem. But once we see this, then we appear to need some account of moral responsibility, morally important interests, and what to do about both. And this puts us squarely in the domain of ethics. At a more practical level, ethical questions are fundamental to the main policy decisions that must be made, such as where to set a global ceiling for greenhouse-gas emissions and how to distribute the emissions allowed by such a ceiling. For example, where the global ceiling is set depends on how the interests of the current generation are weighed against those of future generations, and how emissions are distributed under the global cap depends in part on various beliefs about the appropriate role of energy consumption in people’s lives, the importance of historical responsibility for the problem, and the current needs and future aspirations of particular societies. The relevance of ethics to substantive climate policy thus seems clear. But this is not the topic that I wish to take up here.
5
Stuart-Buttle, Tim. « The Place of Cicero in Locke’s Moral Theology ». Dans From Moral Theology to Moral Philosophy, 19–88. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198835585.003.0001.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Locke’s published and unpublished works disclose a marked contempt for classical moral philosophy, with one signal exception: Cicero. This chapter reconstructs Locke’s interpretation of Cicero, to explain why he was held to be an exception to Locke’s more general disdain for ancient ethical theories. This approach also illuminates our understanding of the relationship between Locke’s moral theory, political philosophy, writings of Christian apologetic, and theory of toleration. It suggests that Locke’s moral philosophy is decidedly more complex, and richer, than is often recognized: pregnant with naturalistic impulses that were nonetheless subordinated to a grounding of morality in the authority, will, and command of a divine legislator. These aspects of Locke’s moral theory proved to be immensely stimulating to later British philosophers such as Hume, even if they sought systematically to decouple moral philosophy from Christian theology.
6
van Erp, Herman. « Democracy and Political Obligation ». Dans The Paideia Archive : Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy, 239–45. Philosophy Documentation Center, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wcp20-paideia199841763.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The public life of political servants is characterized by other duties and obligations than private life. Conflicts can even arise between a person's public and private duties. The central point of this paper is to examine whether this difference of duties can be regarded as an effect of different forms of obligation. Can we speak of a particular form of political obligation in the same way in which Kant distinguishes between ethical and legal obligation, the former pertaining to intentions and the latter to external aspects of the action? Could political obligation be distinguished from both of them, for example by its relation towards ends? The first section develops the thesis that if there is such a thing as political necessity, it must be some kind of moral obligation. The second section focuses on the question of whether political obligation can be conceived of as different from legal and ethical obligation, the only two forms of moral obligation that Kant distinguishes. The last section is about a differentiated conception of political obligation and virtue, in democracies, for political leaders, for citizens, and for public servants.
7
Wilburn, Josh. « The Social and Political Nature of Spirit ». Dans The Political Soul, 63–92. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198861867.003.0003.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Chapter 3 explores two aspects of spirit’s social and political nature—its role in the process of absorbing social influences that shape a person’s values, and its responsibility for a person’s emotional reactions to those they consider either part of, or outside of, their social groups or communities—as well as two related problems that arise in corrupt political circumstances. According to Plato’s critique of contemporary Greek society, popular education and politics fail because they reflect a value system informed primarily by human appetite and pleonexia that prioritizes bodily, external, and material goods. When citizens absorb these values through thumos, their resulting moral corruption leads to civic discord as their aggressive spirited desires become directed against one another in their competition for limited appetitive goods. This establishes two challenges for Plato that involve attention to human spirit: making people virtuous through social education and making cities unified and stable.
8
Fuery, Kelli. « Moments of Moral Choice in Debra Granik’s Leave No Trace ». Dans Ambiguous Cinema, 61–90. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399504232.003.0004.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This chapter examines Simone de Beauvoir’s framing of adolescence as political and ambiguous lived experience through an analysis of Leave No Trace (Granik 2018). It argues that Debra Granik’s cinematic consideration of adolescence is resonant of Beauvoir’s many phenomenological reflections, presenting a productive, political comment on feminine becoming in the 21st century. For both Granik and Beauvoir, ambiguity forms the foundation of human experience, shedding light on ethical and political aspects of lived experience. As a cornerstone of their respective projects, each uses the textures and nuances of their creative expression to foreground the phenomenological impact of oppressive situations, drawing specific attention to individual situations in order to make plain the consequences for society at large. Using Leave No Trace as example, this chapter considers the character of the cinematic encounter and the affective economy of adolescence as key elements of ambiguous film-going experience.
9
Crary, Alice. « Against “Effective Altruism” ». Dans The Good It Promises, the Harm It Does, 225—C16P48. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197655696.003.0016.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Abstract Despite its superficial appeal and the sincerity of its many adherents, Effective Altruism (EA) is a textbook case of moral corruption. It owes its success primarily not to its underlying ethical theory, which is problematic, but to its compatibility with political and economic institutions responsible for some of the very harms it addresses. The criticisms to which EA is subject are much more devastating than its advocates acknowledge. This is clear upon an examination of the institutional critique of EA, which has already received some attention, especially when this is combined with one kind of philosophical critique to which EA is vulnerable, and when these two lines of criticism are combined into a composite critique, which brings the core tenets of EA into question, suggesting it ought to be abandoned as philosophically bankrupt and politically pernicious.
10
SPÎNU, STELA. « THE VALUE OF HUMAN LIFE FROM A BIOETHICAL PERSPECTIVE ». Dans Values, models, education. Contemporary perspectives. Eikon Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56177/epvl.ch16.2022.en.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Life and death are fundamental antinomian concepts of human existence. Life as a process of becoming gives us the chance to realize ourselves personally and professionally. Man's attitude towards the value of life, in different historical periods, was different: for the ancient man, life is a complex process, which sums up contemplative and moral aspects, which would help him delimit truth from falsehood, value from non-value, etc.; for the medieval man, the moral life is in close correlation with the observance of church canons, intelligence being defined as the main instrument of morality; for the modern man, life holds supreme value; the postmodern man is confused and uncertain, discussing contradictory issues related to the meaning and value of life in the context of multiple overlapping crises (spiritual, moral, political, etc.). The issue of the value of human life becomes an object of study of bioethics starting from the second half of the XX century. Bioethics has always been focused on ethical-moral norms and values, human life representing the supreme moral value.
Actes de conférences sur le sujet "Political corruption – Moral and ethical aspects"
1
BAKER, Jennifer. « VIRTUE ETHICS BEHIND RIGHTS ». Dans Proceedings of The Third International Scientific Conference “Happiness and Contemporary Society”. SPOLOM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31108/7.2022.4.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Virtue ethics is not typically invoked by academics today for the evaluation of political systems or political action. We could, however, recognize its potential role in this regard, turning to the history of its use as illustration. Interpreters who have attempted to theorize about political rights apart from moral psychology fail to recognize the support the underlying moral psychology provides to the notion of rights. Contemporary objections to the use of ethical theory in justifying rights may assume political theory is adequate enough when kept in terms that abstract away from any particular aspects of moral psychology. Yet a virtue-based approach to political system recognizes the desires for freedom, the risk of preferences being subsumed into a consequentialist assessment, and more readily enables agents themselves to assess what is necessary to condemn political systems as well as political efforts, such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Key words: Rights, Law, Moral Psychology, Cicero, Virtue, Rawls, Virtue Ethics
2
Ciachir, Lilian, Oana alexandra Vochin et Alexandru Motataianu. « FACING ETHICAL CHALLENGES IN THE PROVISION OF ELEARNING BY ROMANIAN HEIS ». Dans eLSE 2016. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-16-161.
Texte intégralRésumé :
According to the EU 2020 strategy, one of the objectives for Romania in the field of education is that at least 40% of the population aged 30 to 34 years to complete tertiary education (university and non-university). In 2013-2014 only 23.8 % of the population is in this situation and the goal set was to reach 26.7%. Due to the fact that the number of pre-university students is estimated to decrease by 40% between 2005 and 2025, the number of traditional students is also declining. Second chance education could be considered as a solution to tackle the discrepancy between the policy goal and the real trend observed in the last few years, and eLearning appears to be an appropriate medium to encourage non-traditional students to enrol for further education and successful finish tertiary education. In Romania, only about 60% of universities are involving eLearning solutions in their current education offer. On the other hand, for the moment being, there is no Romanian HEI offering full eLearning study programs. However, there is a great diversity in Romania combining face-to-face with elements of bended learning and eLearning. Romanian universities have always been concerned with ethical aspects of their activities and many of them adopted codes of moral or ethical conduct. In some universities the principles of ethical conduct are implicit provisions of their charts or mission statements (e.g. Transilvania University of Brasov or West University of Timi?oara). As the practice of eLearning is becoming increasingly applicable in the study programs offered by Romanian universities, the ethical dimensions of the student-teacher relationship and the responsibility for the quality of learning outcomes turns into a real challenge: - Students for cheating and plagiarism attempts; - Professors for their responsibility in quality assurance of the educational resources for eLearners; - Students and professors for their co-responsibility for the quality and relevance of the eLearning outcomes. As the Romanian society perceives high corruption in individual and institutional behaviour, the ethical challenges in the field of higher education merit a closer attention. Another strong argument is offered by the frequent complaints of plagiarism in doctoral theses, which let us understand that in lower levels of higher education there are also practices against the code of ethical conduct adopted in HEIs. In this context, examples of good practice in overcoming ethical shortages in the provision of eLearning and in the evaluation of the learners should become a focus point in preparing for enhanced eLearning and blended learning (UK, etc). The purpose of this article is to analyse the status quo of the ethical challenges in the provision of eLearning by Romanian HEIs and to suggest recommendations to solve existing or potential ethical problems in the delivery of blended and or eLearning programs.