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1
Babayan, Nelli. « Wandering in Twilight ? Democracy Promotion by the EU and the USA and Democratization in Armenia ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/368301.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Although democracy promotion initiatives have spread around the world and supported transition, many countries have fallen back into autocracy or stalled on their way to democracy. However, the events in the Middle East and Northern Africa have revitalised the issue of democratization. On the other hand, this cry for democracy seems to be homegrown, casting doubts about the efficacy of external democracy promotion. Nevertheless, stalled and setback democracies cannot be blamed solely on the flawed strategies of democracy promoters or autocratic stubbornness of democracy targets. Similarly, labelling democracy promotion as “the grand failure†of the West is an argumentative overstretch, which lacks any practical application.
This dissertation argues that democracy can be achieved from outside, but the obstacles associated with it are more serious than anticipated by promoters. More specifically, the chances of liberal democracy being exported from outside will increase provided the utility of domestic adaptation to democracy is at least moderate, promoters are actively involved in resolution of pressing national issues, and there is no regional actor that blocks democracy and receives support for its policies from the target country.
By structurally and conceptually expanding Schimmelfennig’s international socialization framework, this study develops an analytical framework to decipher mechanisms, strategies, and subsequent outcomes of democracy promotion and democratization. While applied to Armenia, the proposed framework is a useful reference for both academics and practitioners as it provides tools for researching the outcome of democracy and democratization and provides policy recommendations. This dissertation introduces the concept of democracy blocker—a powerful authoritarian regional actor capable and willing to influence domestic policy choices of a democracy promotion target in order to block democratization. This study also makes an empirical contribution by comparing democracy promotion policies in a country that has long been neglected by the academic literature. Using process-tracing, within-case, and before-after analyses, this study compares democracy promotion policies of the EU and the USA within three different target-sectors in Armenia. The analysis of three different target-sectors of democracy promotion—elections, parties, and the media—shows democratic transformation on the macro level of a country and micro level of specific sectors.
This study argues that increased political and economic interdependence and interconnectedness of different realms within a democratizing country has led to merging of international democracy promotion and domestic democratization. In addition, the mere adoption of a law or a code of conduct does not guarantee the establishment of democracy and democratic behaviour by domestic stakeholders. Consequently, a likely upgrade of a formal democratic transformation into a behavioural one, would require democracy promoters to guarantee consistency in their efforts and follow-up on their activities, without assuming that a formally adopted rule or a completed project will necessarily assure rule-based behaviour. Thus, democracy promotion needs to be simultaneously cross-sectoral, offering material incentives for democratic transformation. Democracy promotion has the potential to not only produce numerous academic and policy analyses but also to result in a genuine democratic transformation, if promoters rationally choose their strategies and base them on existing domestic conditions.
2
TASSINARI, Mattia. « POLITICA INDUSTRIALE NEGLI STATI UNITI. Teoria, pratiche e una proposta per mitigare i “Government Failures” ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2389380.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In recent years, especially during the global economic crisis, the industrial policy has emerged in political, academic, and public debate as one of the main topics in the promotion of socio-economic development. Alongside this “rebirth”, however, the difficulty of the government to implementing effective and efficient interventions has been highlighted.
The main goal of this work is to understand, through the study of the American case, the characteristics and the major causes of the failures of the industrial policy, in order to formulate new proposals to improving the effectiveness and efficiency of the interventions.
The first part of the thesis describes the dominant theoretical approaches to public intervention. Reinterpreting this debate, this work illustrates how industrial policy should be considered, how State and Market can coexist, and in which way government intervention can be a tool to amplify the collective benefits arising from the productive dynamics.
The second part of the work focuses on the historical reality, analyzing the US industrial policy since the early 80s to the first term of the Obama administration. In order to understand the role that can be played by government in modern economies, the study of the American case is extremely relevant. In fact, while the “traditional” rhetoric of the government, rooted in the US since the years of the Washington Consensus, has always rejected the industrial policy, it has been a constant presence in the history of American development. Therefore, in this scenario it is necessary to overcome the ideological debate on public intervention, and improve the ability of governments to respond to the challenges raised by the contemporary context.
Starting from these considerations, the third part of the work focuses in particular on problems related to the promotion of strategic sectors. In this area a proposal to mitigate the vulnerability of the government in the defining of the policy goals is presented. The main idea developed is to establish a set of criteria to support public decision-makers in the identification of strategic sectors, thus promoting a more rigorous and transparent procedure of decision-making. In this regard, it is built a statistical tool - the Strategic Sector Index (SSI) – which synthesizes the value of different sectoral variables and provides a ranking of the strategic sectors for a given economy on the basis of policy priorities.
3
Ford, E. J. « Life on the Campaign Trail : The Political Anthropology of Local Politics ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002610.
Texte intégral
4
Lam, Maggie. « Language and politics use and abuse of language in political rhetoric / ». Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B38429494.
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5
Lam, Maggie, et 林美琪. « Language and politics : use and abuse of language in political rhetoric ». Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38429494.
Texte intégral
6
Silva, Mojana Vargas Correia da [UNESP]. « A defesa do pan-americanismo nas páginas de Américas : (1949-1968) ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/98115.
Texte intégralRésumé :
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Neste trabalho analisamos a revista Américas, publicação de caráter cultural da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA). Lançada em 1949 e circulando até os dias atuais, passou por diversas reformulações em sua composição por força das variações ocorridas no sistema interamericano e na própria OEA. Em seus primeiros anos, Américas é marcadamente um veículo de caráter cultural, sendo pautada pela divulgação dos hábitos e costumes dos povos americanos. Entretanto, no decorrer dos anos 1950 começa a funcionar como uma pequena janela pela qual é possível vislumbrar o desenvolvimento dos debates sobre as questões econômicas, sociais e políticas do continente, e, após a Revolução Cubana, suas páginas abrem espaço definitivo para a política e o confronto da Guerra Fria.
This work is about the Americas Magazine, printed by the Organization of American States (OAS). Released in 1949, it has been through many rewords on its composition because of changes occurred at the interamerican system as well at OAS. In its first years, Americas Magazine was remarkably culturally oriented, working on publicize the customs of the peoples of America. However, by the 1950’s, it looks like an open window which we could see both social and political problems of the continent, and, after the Cuban Revolution, their pages opened space to the politic and the Cold War confrontation.
7
Russo, Vanda Sauhi. « Partido politico como referencia politica das mulheres : uma tentativa de analise de dados ». [s.n.], 1999. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252601.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Lucia AvelarDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: A participação potítica das mulheres e a sua relação com os partidos políticos foram objeto do presente estudo. foi reaUzada uma pesquisa _ica objetivando a recuperação histórica dos fatores sociais e políticos que impediram por séculos a participação política feminina, assim como suas lutas a partir do final do século passado pelo direito à cidadania, tendo como primeira conquista o sufrágio feminino. A luta pela conquista dos espaços públicos tem sido contínua, sendo que no Brasil, intensificou-se a partir dos anos 70, quando grandes contingentes de mulheres ingressam no mercado de trabalho e na década de 80, quando começam, ainda que em minoria, a assumir postos de direção e a candidatar-se a cargos eletivos para os poderes legislativo e executivo, elegendo-se como chefes de Executivos e parlamentares a nível federal, estadual e municipal. Contudo, a atuação parlamentar feminina é marcada pelos modelos de participação política, como também pelos partidos políticos em que estão inseridas, o que pudemos constatar através de coleta de material empírico entre parlamentares municipais, estaduais e federais e de análise documental nos arquivos da Câmara Federal
Abstract: Women's political participation and its relation to the política I parties were the object of this present study. A theoretical research was accomplished in order to recuperate the social and political historical factors that along the centuries prevented the females from political participation as well as to document their fights since the beginning of the last century for their citizenship rights, having as a first victory the feminine suffrage. The fight for conquering public interests has been continuous, and here in Brazil it has intensified in the seventies when large women contingent entered in the labor market, and in the eighties, when they started, even if in minority, assuming controlling positions and running for both legislative and executive branches and taking office as parliament and executive heads at Federal, State and Municipal levels. However, the feminine parliamentarian performance is marked by the models of political participation, as well as by the política I parties in which they are involved, as we could verify through the empirical material collected from the members of the Municipal, State and Federal parliaments and through the analysis of the documents filed at the Federal Chamber of Deputies
Mestrado
Mestre em Educação
8
Miani, Carlo Alberto. « Il ruolo dell'Unione Europea nella crisi in Ucraina ». Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/7489/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Gli eventi che si sono verificati in Ucraina a partire dal novembre 2013 hanno coinvolto non solo la popolazione e la società del paese in questione, ma, direttamente o indirettamente, anche molte altre parti del mondo. Nonostante soprattutto in Europa la popolazione abbia seguito la crisi con particolare apprensione, anche in virtù della vicinanza geografica (oltre che per la molteplicità, la pericolosità e l’imprevedibilità dei suoi sviluppi), gli eventi che si sono susseguiti e le dinamiche che li hanno determinati sono talmente diversificati che per molti è ancora difficile comprendere pienamente ciò che sta succedendo in Ucraina.
Lo scopo di questo elaborato è analizzare il ruolo dell’UE nell’attuale crisi in Ucraina (facendo particolare riferimento al periodo compreso fra novembre 2013 e settembre 2014) sotto diversi punti di vista e contestualizzando l’argomentazione con esempi tratti dalla cronaca degli ultimi mesi. Pur desiderando fornire una visione d’insieme delle problematiche legate al contesto ucraino, a causa dell’enorme complessità dell’argomento, nonché la sua attualità immediata e la carenza di materiale accademico a riguardo, si è deciso di concentrare questo elaborato sul ruolo dell’UE, al fine di studiare la situazione attraverso una prospettiva europea.
9
Vašková, Eva. « Politický marketing a prezidentské voľby v USA ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-9152.
Texte intégralRésumé :
The main topic of my diploma thesis is political marketing and presidential election in USA in 2008. Firstly, I described American society through its demographic, racial, social and religious aspects. Then I wrote about public opinion and political socializing of individuals, how they are created and learned through individuals' lives. Political ideology in USA is represented by two mainstream political trends: liberals and conservatives. Thesis then describes strategy in politics, planning of political campaigns and marketing communication in politics. Second part of my thesis describes presidential election in USA in 2008. Introduction is focused on two main candidates: Barack Obama and John McCain. Then it continues with main points and highlights of each presidential campaign. Special part is focused on presidential debates which are very popular in American society. Besides main candidates, thesis describes also vice president candidates and wives of presidential candidates. The final part of the thesis is focused on financial aspect of elections and funding in politics.
10
FILOSA, Giovanna. « La partecipazione politica dei giovani : una griglia di lettura ». Doctoral thesis, La Sapienza, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/917234.
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11
Smith, Clinton R. « Online contentious politics : Internet use in the dynamics of political change in Singapore / ». view abstract or download file of text, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1404353501&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 382-403). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
12
Laresová, Martina. « Kampaň Baracka Obamy - Trendy politického marketingu ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-10970.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Based on theoretical background and Barack Obama's campaign analysis this paper is aiming to define the trends in the field of political marketing. The conclusion is (a) a complex employment of marketing tools and strategies with focus on synergy of "new" and "old" media ("postmodern campaigns"), (b) necessity of "permanent campaigning", (c) profesionalization of strategy and execution, (d) personalization of message, political supply and of citizens and (e) change of electorate's reaction to campaign communication, which has been caused by usage of digital technologies and influence of pop culture.
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Guimarães, Elisabeth da Fonseca. « O aluno trabalhador : das possibilidades de um cotidiano politico a uma politica para o cotidiano ». [s.n.], 1990. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252733.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador: Maria de Lourdes Manzini CovreDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Mestrado
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Eriksson, Sophie. « Den politiska budbäraren : Medias personifiering i en digital värld ? » Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-74862.
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When the elections are getting closer, media starts to reports more frequently aboutpolitical parties, leaders and issues to enlighten the public. But the media changes just as time changes as well. Framing and entertainment/ advertising tends to be more common in political media in our time. Studies in media globalization and researches from the newest election in USA shows that the political media has become more personalized, which, according to some hasan effect on the public’s attitude or belief towards politics and leaders. In that very situation, I got interested in finding out if and how the political communication with personalization vs. party-orientated as leading question, has changed in Sweden and USA from the beginning of the millennium to 2016. As help, framing has been used to find entertainment, personalization and party-oriented terms in 200 news articles. The findings and conclusions are as following; the political medias have changed to a new agenda, with framing and entertainment setting political news in a new light and perspective.
15
Silva, Valdir Alvim da. « Poder politico e politicas publicas : inventario politico do poder oligarquico em Santa Catarina uma historia de dominação de classe ». reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 1996. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/76518.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Socio Economico, 1996Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-16T11:05:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0Bitstream added on 2016-01-08T20:33:01Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 104332.pdf: 8907901 bytes, checksum: 6d32258aec6a6997243a0d4fe701694f (MD5)
Este trabalho constitui num estudo exploratório para se conhecer melhor as coisas de Santa Catarina. Assim, o Estado é analisado aqui sob a forma de um espaço de organização e controle do poder político desenvolvido por indivíduos organizados, numa ação de classe, como bloco no poder, expressão real do poder político. Indivíduos que possuem uma trajetória política pelas estruturas do Estado e exercem um papel histórico para a consolidação das transformações da própria estrutura, conformando os elementos do poder político de classe.
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Silva, Mojana Vargas Correia da. « A defesa do pan-americanismo nas páginas de Américas : (1949-1968) / ». São Paulo : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/98115.
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Orientador: Clodoaldo BuenoBanca: Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo
Banca: Shiguenoli Myamoto
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas".
Resumo: Neste trabalho analisamos a revista Américas, publicação de caráter cultural da Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA). Lançada em 1949 e circulando até os dias atuais, passou por diversas reformulações em sua composição por força das variações ocorridas no sistema interamericano e na própria OEA. Em seus primeiros anos, Américas é marcadamente um veículo de caráter cultural, sendo pautada pela divulgação dos hábitos e costumes dos povos americanos. Entretanto, no decorrer dos anos 1950 começa a funcionar como uma pequena janela pela qual é possível vislumbrar o desenvolvimento dos debates sobre as questões econômicas, sociais e políticas do continente, e, após a Revolução Cubana, suas páginas abrem espaço definitivo para a política e o confronto da Guerra Fria.
Abstract: This work is about the Americas Magazine, printed by the Organization of American States (OAS). Released in 1949, it has been through many rewords on its composition because of changes occurred at the interamerican system as well at OAS. In its first years, Americas Magazine was remarkably culturally oriented, working on publicize the customs of the peoples of America. However, by the 1950's, it looks like an open window which we could see both social and political problems of the continent, and, after the Cuban Revolution, their pages opened space to the politic and the Cold War confrontation.
Mestre
17
Artoni, Matteo <1980>. « Cittadinanza e impegno politico. Una ricerca empirica sulla presenza dei giovani nei contesti politici ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1669/1/Tutta.pdf.
Texte intégral
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Artoni, Matteo <1980>. « Cittadinanza e impegno politico. Una ricerca empirica sulla presenza dei giovani nei contesti politici ». Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1669/.
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19
Ekström, Carolina. « En globaliserad värld : En idéanalys av Republikanerna under dem amerikanska presidentvalen 2008, 2012 och 2016 ». Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104094.
Texte intégralRésumé :
After the American presidential election of 2016, it stood clear that the Republican presidential candidate Donald J Trump had been elected as the president of the United States. Trump’s administration was featured by an anti-globalization. The aim with this essay is to account for the Republicans view upon globalization before and during Trump’s administration. The issues that will be addressed in the essay are what is the Republicans view upon globalization and if the view has changed during the elections of 2008, 2012 and 2016. To reach the aim with the essay the concept globalization has been broken down into subcategorizes. By subcategorizing globalization, it was made measurable for the essay. The material being researched upon is the Republicans platforms. For this study the approach is to do a comparative case study and an analysis of ideas. The conclusion of the study is that the Republicans take on the globalization has changed through the years.
20
Angelini, Giulia. « Sull'ethos dell'uomo come zoon politikon. Per una problematizzazione di alcuni nodi del pensiero aristotelico ». Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3424673.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Anche se qualsiasi interrogativo sull’ethos umano è normalmente posto all’interno delle Etiche, così come all’interno della loro strutturazione nella cosiddetta “scienza etica”, la nostra ricerca mette a tema questo preciso nodo della riflessione aristotelica a partire da una particolare interpretazione dell’espressione “zoon politikon” per arrivare, sinteticamente, a due conclusioni: da una parte, si lavora su questa politicità per leggere tutti gli uomini, e non già un particolare tipo, al suo interno, mantenendo le varie differenze che intercorrono tra ognuno. Se questo è necessario, è perché, nel momento in cui non si accetta questa politicità, non si può nemmeno essere uomini, dove lo stesso essere umano deve essere analizzato in tutte le sue sfaccettature, e non solo in alcune sue manifestazioni. Dall’altra, le stesse virtù emergono in un orizzonte che rifiuta ogni astrattezza, dato che derivano dalle differenze che gli stessi uomini manifestano nella concretezza del loro darsi. Non c’è un unico modello di virtù, che è astratto proprio perché generale, ma esso cambia a seconda dell’uomo preciso che è preso in considerazione, il quale, proprio perché è assunto nella sua specificità, ne abbisogna di particolari.
21
Holubcová, Ivana. « Zneužití hrozby terorismu v politice USA ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-3022.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Diplomová práce se zabývá porušováním lidských práv ve válce proti terorismu, vedené USA, a sleduje vztah bezpečnosti a nutnosti dodržování lidských práv. Popisuje právní rámec lidských práv, možnosti zákonného omezení závazků ze smluv o lidských právech a vztah s mezinárodním humanitárním právem. Zkoumá stupeň dodržení právního rámce ze strany USA a podrobně se zabývá porušeními základních lidských práv ve válce proti terorismu, a to jak v zahraničním, tak i vnitrostátním prostředí USA.
22
Ponder, James D. « The Social Nature of Politics : Testing the Relationship between Individual Differences, Motives for Using Media for Political Information, and Political Discussion Partners ». Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1351355352.
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Marconsin, Adauto Fernandes. « Politica publica de economia solidaria : uma politica em construção ». [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252006.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Orientador : Newton Antonio Paciulli BryanTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Esta tese de doutorado, usando uma metodologia qualitativa e conceitos de economia solidária, de política pública e Estado, burocracia, poder político e tomada de decisões, investiga a implantação de política pública de economia solidária no Governo Federal (2003-2006), Governo do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul (1999-2002), Municípios de São Paulo (2001-2004), Santo André (1989-2004), Osasco (2005-2007) e no município de Campinas (2001-2007). Busco, a partir dos marcos legais e das intencionalidades da política, estabelecer nexos dessa construção e, a partir daí categorizá-la como política pública em construção através dos indicadores propostos. Em particular no município de Campinas (2001-2007), utilizando a metodologia do estudo de caso, a partir de um duplo papel de pesquisador e gestor da política, apresento a construção dessa política a partir de seu marco legal, detalhando a ação da burocracia pública na análise das proposições construtivas da política no fomento aos empreendimentos solidários. Utilizo os espaços de construção da política, definidos entre os sujeitos constitutivos da política, para estabelecer os nexos entre o conceito de economia solidária e da política pública de economia solidária. Através de entrevistas envolvendo os gestores públicos e os sujeitos constitutivos dos empreendimentos solidários na experiência de Campinas e resgatando a análise dos textos relativos às experiências dos demais municípios, Estado do Rio Grande do Sul e Governo Federal, finalizo a análise da política pública, caracterizando-a como em construção
Abstract: This doctoral thesis, using a qualitative methodology and concepts of solidary economy, public policy and state, bureaucracy, political power and decision-making, investigates the deployment of public policy for solidary economy in the Federal Government (2003-2006), Government of State of Rio Grande do Sul (1999-2002), Municipality of São Paulo (2001-2004), Santo André (1989-2004), Osasco (2005-2007) and in the city of Campinas (2001-2007). Search, from the legal milestones in intentionalities policy, establish links of this building and from there categorizá it as public policy in progress through the indicators. In particular in the city of Campinas (2001-2007), using the methodology of the case study, from a dual role of investigator and manager of the policy, presenting the construction of this policy from its legal framework, detailing the action of bureaucracy public in the analysis of proposals constructive policy on encouraging enterprises to solidarity. Use the spaces for the construction of the policy, defined between subjects constituting the policy, to establish the links between the concept of economic solidarity and the public policy of economic solidarity. Through interviews involving the public and managers of the subjects constituting empreendimetos solidarity in the experience of Campinas in rescuing the analysis of texts relating to the experiences of other municipalities, state of Rio Grande do Sul and the Federal Government, end the analysis of public policy, featuring as under construction
Doutorado
Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos
Doutor em Educação
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Krämer, Raimund. « Historie : Nicaragua Sandinista : Bilanz einer Revolution ». Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2009/3405/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Im Juli 1979 begann unter dem Begriff „Sandinistische Revolution“ eine tief greifende Umgestaltung in Nicaragua. Diese fand weltweit starkes Interesse. Das „neue Nicaragua“ wurde zur Zielscheibe der Konservativen und zur neuen Ikone der Linken, die einen Sozialismus jenseits totalitärer Strukturen ersehnte. Nach zehn Jahren endete dieses Projekt. 30 Jahre danach diskutiert der Autor, der in jenen Jahren selbst in Nicaragua weilte, die Ursachen der Revolution, ihre Erfolge und ihr letztliches Scheitern.
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Reissová, Zuzana. « Hospodářská politika USA v době finanční krize ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124908.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis analyzes monetary and fiscal policy tools used throughout 2008-2011 in the USA. The objective is to evaluate their effects on the key macroeconomic indicators. The first chapter reflects on the pre-crisis period. It summarizes the economic policy from 2000, describes the development on the real estate market and the collapse of the mortgage market. The second chapter focuses on the economic policy during the crisis. In this chapter, all monetary and fiscal tools are chronologically presented from 2008 to 2011. The third chapter evaluates monetary policy effectiveness and its ability to affect money supply through interest rates. The last chapter addresses the American public funds. It identifies costs of the Troubled Asset Relief Program and focuses on the structure of the Federal Debt.
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Veselá, Veronika. « Zahraniční politika G. W. Bushe ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2006. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-212.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Základní elementy Bushovy doktríny jsou tedy politika preemptivního zásahu, který vychází z práva na sebeobranu a práva jednat unilaterálně, pokud to bude nutné k prosazení amerických zájmů. Stoupenci preemptivních zásahů říkají, že politika odstrašování předpokládá, že potenciální nepřítel je racionální stát, který nezasáhne v případě, kdyby to znamenalo jeho zničení. Tato doktrína vypadá, jako by podporovala přiměřenou reakci na revidovanou koncepci asymetrické války. Vojensky podřadné síly a povstalecká hnutí si tady nárokují právo použít normálně zakázanou taktiku, jako jsou útoky na civilní cíle a další akce zakázané válečných právem za předpokladu, že ty silnější státy jsou jím stále vázány.
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Lopes, Marcio Augusto Falcão. « O fracasso da Comissão Mista Brasil-Estados Unidos (CMBEU) e os rumos da política econômica no segundo governo Vargas (1951-54) ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9375.
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Previous issue date: 2009-05-12This dissertation aims to introduce the essential characteristics of the constitution of Joint Comission Brazil-USA (CMBEU) which agreement was signed in 1950, December, still in the course of the president Dutra governement (1946-1950). The beginning of the CMBEU tecnical works happened in 1951, July, already in the course of the second Vargas government. This commission reunited Brazilian and North-American technicians and elaborated 41 projects which had the goal to eliminate the bottlenecks in the infrastructure and industry. These project s financing which values approximated US$ 390 millions would be disposed from multilateral institutions as the Eximbank and the BIRD, besides about Cr$ 14 billions (about US$ 690 millions) to be captivated internally. The ascension to the presidency of the United States by the Republican Eisenhower in 1953 concomitant to other reasons to be introduced in this work would represent the end of the CMBEU works and as consequence the interruption of the financing of the elaborated projects. The dissertation searchs to analyze the course of the economic policy in the second Vargas government focused mainly the period after the end of the CMBEU works which importance to the Brazilian Economy pretends to be analysed
Esta dissertação visa apresentar as características essenciais da constituição da Comissão Mista Brasil- Estados Unidos (CMBEU) cujo acordo foi firmado em dezembro de 1950, ainda durante o governo do presidente Dutra (1946-1950). O início dos trabalhos técnicos da CMBEU ocorreu em julho de 1951, já durante o segundo governo de Getúlio Vargas. Esta comissão reunia técnicos brasileiros e norte-americanos e elaborou 41 projetos que tinham por objetivo eliminar os gargalos de infra-estrutura e industriais. O financiamento destes projetos, cujos valores aproximavam a cerca de US$ 390 milhões partiria de instituições multilaterais como o Eximbank e o BIRD, ademais de cerca de Cr$ 14 bilhões (cerca de US$ 690 milhões) a serem captados internamente. A ascensão à presidência norte-americana do Republicano Eisenhower em 1953 concomitante a outras questões a serem apresentadas neste trabalho representariam o fim dos trabalhos da CMBEU e por conseqüência na suspensão do financiamento dos projetos elaborados. A dissertação busca analisar os rumos da política econômica do segundo governo Vargas, focando principalmente no período posterior ao fim dos trabalhos da CMBEU, cuja importância para a economia brasileira pretende ser analisada
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Zázvorka, Jiří. « Zahraniční politika Kanady a Spojené státy ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-17981.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Subject of the thesis is the Canadian foreign policy towards the USA. It deals with its historic development from beginnings up to now. Special accent is put on the last 30 years. The thesis is divided into three parts. The actual Canadian-American relation is laid out in the third part, where as the broader context of the Canadian foreign policy is outlined in the first two chapters. Domestic environment of foreign policy such as geographic, demographic, institutional and economic aspects are highlighted in the first chapter. Canada is a former British colony and had to evolve to attain its status as an international agent, this process is introduced in the second chapter.
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Deaton, Richard Lee. « The political economy of pensions : power, politics and social change : a comparative study of Canada, Britain and the United States ». Thesis, University of Warwick, 1986. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4038/.
Texte intégralRésumé :
This thesis suggests that the pension systems in the advanced capitalist countries of Canada, Britain and the United States are on the verge of a crisis and that the problems associated with the marginalization and immiseration of the elderly, the universal and specific limitations of employer-based occupational pension plans and the underdevelopment of the state pension system are inherently and organically linked to the structure of private pension fund power. The impending pension crisis in these countries is explained by four converging structural considerations: first, the inadequate level of retirement income of the elderly; second, the increasing proportion of elderly in the population and the costs associated with an aging population; third, the general and particular limitations of the private pension system; fourth, under conditions of advanced capitalism, the corporate sector and state appropriating the occupational and state pension systems as a source of investment and social capital respectively to meet their finance requirements. The pension system now occupies a strategic position in advanced capitalist economies. The increasing economic power of pension funds is based on their role as financial intermediaries and institutional investors, with significant control over the economic surplus and reserve capital. The structure of pension fund power exhibits itself through formal and informal linkages to financial capital. The private pension system's investment and capital accumulation function has been transformed from a latent to a manifest function to supply the investment requirements of the economy and private sector. The private pension industry, characterized by a high degree of concentration and centralization of capital, increasingly facilitates the systemic fusion of the finance and industrial sectors of advanced capitalist economies. The symbiotic relationship between the corporate sector and private pension industry is identified as the primary economic and political obstacle to reforming and expanding the state pension system in the countries studied. It is concluded that the dynamic of the conflicting structural interests underlying the pension crisis may generate a heightened awareness of power and politics in capitalist countries by transcending the traditional limitations of economism and welfarism. The pension issue, both in the short and long-term, may generate increased social tension manifesting itself through intergenerational, sectoral, political and industrial relations conflict. This may result in increased politicization and progressive alternative economic strategies based on the pension system's investment and capital accumulation function. Public policy towards aging and pensions identifies personal problems and structural issues which may have significance in terms of power, politics, and social change in the future.
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Lenz, Michael. « "Arms are necessary" gun culture in eighteenth-century - American politics and society ». Köln Weimar Wien Böhlau, 2010. http://d-nb.info/998879088/04.
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Bramley, Nicolette Ruth, et Nicolette Bramley@canberra edu au. « Pronouns of politics : the use of pronouns in the construction of 'self' and 'other' in political interviews ». The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040817.141350.
Texte intégralRésumé :
Pronouns play a key role in the construction of self and other. They are not merely a way of expressing person, number and gender as is suggested by traditional grammarians nor do they only do referential and deictic work. Rather, they must be thought of in the context of interaction and in terms of the identity work that they accomplish. In this thesis, it is argued that pronouns are used to construct favourable images of themselves, and others.¶ The context of this study is the Australian political media interview. In this study, the pronouns I you we and they are examined individually, then, as they occur in sequence. This investigation reveals that pronouns are used to construct politicians multiple selves and others and that as they occur in sequence, the changing selves of politicians and different others are created. The construction of these multiple selves and others is a version of reality that politicians construct discursively and is not an objective representation of facts.¶ This analysis of pronouns in political interviews also reveals striking and hitherto unresearched uses of pronouns, which can be used to show affiliation or create distance between people where it would not traditionally be expected. Politicians actively exploit the flexibility of pronominal reference to construct the different identities of themselves and other and use them to create different alignments to, and boundaries between, their multiple selves and others. Thus, pronouns are pivotal in the construction of reality a reality that is created and understood in the discourse of the moment.
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Stoco, Sergio. « SAEB : uma analise de politica ». [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253372.
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Orientador: Jose Roberto Rus PerezDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: O objetivo desta dissertação é identificar e analisar as variáveis dependentes, independentes e intervenientes da formulação e implementação do Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Básica ¿ Saeb. Utilizando instrumental de análise de política e uma lógica de análise dedutiva, que reconstrói o sentido e a direção do processo de formulação e implementação de uma política,identificando suas origens: conceituais, históricas, ideológicas, seus atores, arenas e seus modelos. A seleção das variáveis seguiu critérios de maior recorrência em bibliografia especializada de avaliação educacional, documentos oficiais e entrevistas, sendo organizadas em campos (política, economia e tecnologia) disponibilizados transversalmente na dissertação. Como conclusão da análise apresentada neste trabalho, aceitamos a hipótese de que o Saeb fundamentado no desempenho do aluno não atende as necessidades de subsídios para formulação e implementação de políticas públicas educacionais, não porque esta é uma ação deliberada pelo governo federal em razão de interesses políticos e econômicos, como acreditávamos inicialmente, mas porque o hiato que existe entre a construção e disseminação de indicadores educacionais e o processo de formulação e implementação de políticas públicas educacionais precisam ser preenchidos por perspectivas que considerem o conjunto da realidade social (suas arenas, atores, ideologias, suas relações e interesses)
Abstract: The objective of this dissertation is to identify and to analyze the dependent, independent and intervening variables of the formularization and implementation of the National System of Evaluation of the Basic Education - Saeb. Using instrumental of policies analysis and a logic of deductive analysis, that reconstructs the direction and the course of the formularization process and implementation of one policy, identifying its origins: conceptual, historical, ideological, its actors, enclosures for bullfighting and its models. The election of the variables followed official criteria of bigger recurrence in specialized bibliography of educational evaluation, documents and interviews, being organized in fields (politics, economy and technology) available transversally in the dissertation. As conclusion of the analysis presented in this work, we accept the hypothesis of that the Saeb based on the performance of the pupil does not take care of to the necessities of subsidies for formularization and implementation of educational public politics, because this is not an action deliberated for the federal government in reason of interests economic politicians and, as we believed initially, but because the vacuum that exist between the construction and dissemination of educational pointers and the process of formularization and implementation of educational public policies needs to be filled by perspectives that consider the set of the social reality (its enclosures for bullfighting, actors, ideologies, its relations and interests)
Mestrado
Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos
Mestre em Educação
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Dal, Santo Sofia <1995>. « La politica marittima di Israele nel Mediterraneo : una ricostruzione storico politica ». Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20412.
Texte intégralRésumé :
In questo elaborato viene analizzata la figura dello Stato di Israele in funzione del mare, in questo caso il Mar Mediterraneo, attraverso un percorso logico e temporale: che significato ha avuto il mare per Israele nel passato, nel presente e quale significato potrà avere nel futuro.
Il primo passo è stato di tipo storico: quando in Europa dilagava il pensiero sionista, dalla metà del 900, gli ebrei sognavano di raggiungere la Terra di Sion e l’unico modo per farlo era attraverso il mare, verso cui quindi ponevano le loro speranze. Dopo la Prima Guerra Mondiale questo sogno venne esaudito grazie all’accordo del Mandato Britannico tra gli inglesi e i maggiori esponenti del movimento sionista: i cancelli di Sion quindi si aprirono per gli ebrei che così poterono tornare in Eretz Israel. Le prime ondate migratorie si registrarono proprio in quegli anni e le navi zeppe di immigrati salpavano dai principali porti europei con destinazione la Palestina. Qui vi trovarono, oltre agli inglesi, gli arabi e gli yishuv, gli ebrei già presenti in quel territorio.
Gli immigrati insieme agli yishuv prendono sempre più consapevolezza delle risorse che il mare può offrire, anche per la creazione di un futuro Stato completamente ebraico, a partire dalla funzione che svolgevano i porti di Haifa e Ashdod, ma soprattutto il porto di Tel Aviv inaugurato per la prima volta a metà degli anni 30 come porto interamente ebraico. Le prime comunità ebraiche quindi puntarono tutto sull’attività portuale commerciale e anche sull’immigrazione dall’Europa, portandole ad avere qualche screzio sia con gli arabi(rivolte e boicottaggi) sia con i britannici: soprattutto durante il periodo della Seconda Guerra Mondiale gli inglesi impedirono agli ebrei europei di entrare in Palestina e sequestrarono le navi agli yishuv per poterle usare in battaglia. Questi episodi diedero vita all’inizio dell’immigrazione clandestina ebraica, con le poche navi rimaste disponibili, resa possibile grazie all’aiuto della Pal-yam, il reparto marittimo delle forze di difesa ebraiche del Mandato.
Con la nascita e la proclamazione dello Stato di Israele nel 1948, le forze della Pal-Yam vennero riprese e trasformate nelle forze di difesa marittime israeliane, che durante il periodo delle guerre arabo-israeliane accompagnarono le forze di difesa israeliane via terra e aeree nella difesa del paese. Oltre a ciò la marina svolse un ruolo fondamentale nella difesa dei confini marittimi durante gli attacchi delle cellule terroristiche arabe di Hezbollah e Hamas tra gli anni 70 e 80, che per attaccare Israele arrivavano dalle coste confinanti con il Libano e penetravano poi nell’entroterra.
Dagli anni 90 il mare per Israele, oltre che la funzione di difesa e per la grande attività portuale, ha iniziato ad offrire nuove possibilità dal punto di vista economico: la scoperta di grandi giacimenti di gas naturale ha permesso allo Stato Israeliano di imporsi nel Mediterraneo come nuovo attore regionale in grado di competere le risorse degli stati arabi vicini, non senza qualche screzio, come il problema della delimitazione dei confini marittimi e le controversie sulla divisione delle risorse energetiche, soprattutto con il Libano e la Palestina.
Per quanto riguarda il futuro, le sfide che Israele ha in serbo sono la costruzione del gasdotto Eastmed, in partnership con gli altri paesi del Mediterraneo e la sfida con l’Iran per il nucleare.
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Marinho, Kleber Maia. « In The President We Trust : uma análise da concepção religiosa na esfera política dos EUA presente nos discursos de George W. Bush ». Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2006. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/1988.
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Previous issue date: 2006-06-22Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
As a whole, the present dissertation lies at the intersection between religion and politics. Religion was embedded in the political scenario of the US at the onset of the nation and, since then, religion and politics have been intertwined into a complex system of coexistence that has strongly influenced the country s destiny. Although the debate regarding the amalgam between religion and politics in the US has been ongoing among the most diverse sectors of information and research, both locally and internationally, it was after the inauguration of George W. Bush and the attacks on 9/11, that such issue gained global repercussion, at a level never before seen in history. In this regard, the present work intends to analyze the relation of historical-cultural, sociological and psychological facts on the political-religious events, particularly those related to the international political scenario, which is hereby represented by the US. Thus, the subject of this investigation focuses on analyzing the presence of religious concepts as found in the speeches of President George W. Bush, during his two terms in office. More specifically, this dissertation examines the phenomena that are deeply rooted in the culture of the United States and have played a key role in supporting Bush s political actions. In this way, it evaluates the degree to which the events on 9/11 served as a bulwark for the religious rhetoric in Bush s discourse and became a tool to legitimate the war against Iraq, his political modus operandi and, ultimately, lead him to reelection. It is therefore concluded that, the ethical, moral and religious factors, deeply set in the culture of the United States throughout its history, together with the trauma caused by the events on 9/11, contributed to the acceptance of Bush s political decisions. The theoretical basis for the work is the hermeneutic methodology, built on a theoretical and bibliographic tripartite design that is sociological, philosophical-linguistic as well as psychological. The first line of investigation is based on the concept of Civil Religion, first developed by Robert Bellah and later expanded by other theoreticians; the second one follows Chaïm Perelman s theory of the New Rhetoric, and the third rests on C. G. Jung s Archetype.
Em termos gerais, a presente dissertação localiza-se na confluência da religião com a política. A inserção da religião na esfera política dos EUA fez-se presente desde o início de sua fundação e desde então, ambas permaneceram imbricadas constituindo um complexo sistema de convívio, cuja influência foi determinante nos desígnios da nação. Embora o debate acerca do amálgama entre religião e política nos EUA nunca ter cessado entre os mais diferentes setores de informação e pesquisa na sociedade nacional e internacional, foi, todavia, a partir da posse de George W. Bush e, após os atentados de 11 de setembro, que tal assunto ganhou repercussão mundial como talvez jamais antes na história. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como propósito analisar os fatos histórico-culturais, sociológicos e psicológicos na análise de eventos político-religiosos, mais precisamente, relativos à política internacional representada aqui pelos EUA. Por essa via, o objeto de investigação em questão refere-se à análise da presença da concepção religiosa encontrada nos discursos do presidente George W. Bush durante o período de seus dois mandatos de governo. Em termos específicos, esta dissertação debruçou-se sobre o estudo de fenômenos arraigados na cultura estadunidense que foram preponderantes na sustentação da política de Bush. Assim, buscou-se avaliar até que ponto o 11 de setembro serviu de ênfase na retórica religiosa do discurso de Bush, servindo de meio instrumentário para legitimar a guerra no Iraque, seu modus operandi político e, eventualmente, ajudá-lo na reeleição. Concluímos que fatores ético-morais e religiosos profundamente incutidos na cultura estadunidense ao longo do processo histórico, aliados ao trauma do 11 de setembro, foram facilitadores para a adesão à política de Bush. Para tanto, valemo-nos, como procedimento teórico, da metodologia hermenêutica, construída em cima de uma linha teórico-bibliográfica ancorada por três frentes: sociológica, filosófico-lingüística e psicológica. A primeira embasa-se no conceito de Religião Civil inicialmente desenvolvida por Robert Bellah e, depois, ampliada por outros teóricos; a segunda pauta-se na teoria da Nova Retórica de Chaïm Perelman e a última, no conceito de Arquétipo de C. G. Jung.
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Bednář, Martin. « Měnová politika USA ve dvacátých letech 20. století ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85928.
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This diploma thesis tries to analyse the monetary policy of the Federal Reserve System in the 1920s. Through a detailed scrutiny of the influence of the American Central Bank on the economic activities it also tries to answer the question whether the Federal Reserve System could be considered as the main factor behind the causes and consequences of the Great Depression. This analysis can be divided into two periods. In the first period it explores the connection between the Federal Reserve System and the so-called New Era of American Capitalism in the 1920s. In addition, it raises the question whether the Central American Bank (through monetary policy tools) influenced the contemporary economic and political development to such an extent that it resulted into the Great Depression. The focus of the second period is the behaviour of the Federal Reserve System right after the Stock Market Crash of 1929.
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Oliveira, Duzolina Alfredo Felipe de. « Uma avaliação politica do projeto SARESP ». [s.n.], 1998. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/253892.
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Orientador: Lucia Merces de AvelarDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Mestrado
Administração e Supervisão Educacional
Mestre em Educação
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Dumont, Tiago Vieira Rodrigues [UNESP]. « Os efeitos do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida para a população de baixa renda em Marília-SP : a construção de uma ilusão ». Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/123160.
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000823390.pdf: 1965787 bytes, checksum: efe8a7b90ac472fdfd5c253231932a70 (MD5)A idéia central desta dissertação esta na compreensão de como a construção e produção da habitação compõe a trama urbana no Brasil. Através de uma perspectiva sociológica e do resgate histórico, buscamos evidenciar os efeitos e as limitações da recente política urbana brasileira e, mais especificamente, a política habitacional para a população de baixa renda, focada no Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. Entende-se que esse Programa objetiva democratizar o acesso à moradia para as populações excluídas do mercado imobiliário, resultando num direito a cidade. Nossa hipótese é de que a atual política habitacional, por está articulada à política de emprego, se impõe de modo desarticulada da política urbana e em especial da política urbana municipal e dos Planos Diretores, acarretando prejuízos à população e à cidade. É tomando a cidade de Marília como um universo de investigação social, mais especificamente, a problematização da questão da habitação, com base no Programa Minha Casa, Minha Vida, que pretendemos demonstrar a importância que a habitação assume no país. A partir da problemática apresentada buscamos observar as lacunas na produção de uma política habitacional que estabelecem na prática da autoconstrução, autofinanciamento e favelização, as soluções para que população possa reparar o déficit de políticas habitacionais e urbanas no país, verificamos ainda, a adoção ou não de práticas clientelistas em diferentes governos. Esse processo é analisado ao longo de um percurso histórico, o que nos permite situar o viés econômico intrínseco à produção habitacional, assim como, de demonstrar como a promessa de avanços numéricos coabita com retrocessos, já que parte da população atendida pelo programa tem sido confinada em áreas que crescem de forma aleatória, deficiente e desassistida, portanto à margem dos direitos urbanos e dos benefícios coletivos. Com esta ...
The central idea of this thesis is on understanding how the construction and production of housing comprises a trama urbana in Brazil. Through a sociological perspective and the historic rescue, we seek to highlight the effects and limitations of recent urban policy brazilian and, more specifically, the housing policy for the low-income population, focused on Program My Home My Life. It is understood that this Program aimed at democratizing the access to housing for people excluded from the housing market, resulting in a right to the city. Our hypothesis is tha the current housing policy is articulated with employment policy, it is necessary to so disjointed urban policy and in particular the urban policy and municipal Plans of Directors, causing damage to the population and the city. Is taking the city of Marília as a universe of social research, more specifically, the problematization of the housing issue, on the basis of the Program My House, My Life, that we are to demonstrate the importance that the housing is in the country. From the problem presented nicer note the gaps in the production of a housing policy that establish the practice of install, self-financing and benefited areas, the solutions that people can repair the deficit of housing policy and urban in the country, we still, the adoption or not of clientelistic practices in different governments. This process is analyzed over a historic route, which in situating the economic bias intrinsic to the production housing stock, as well as, to demonstrate how the promise of advances numeric live in households with another person with setbacks, as part of the population served by the program have been confined to areas that grow in a random manner, deficient and unattended, so the margin of municipal rights and collective benefits. With this research will try to understand, through a case study, in the municipality of stockholm, the social consequences and urban planning, such...
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Coole, David R. « Expansion and Validation of the Political Skill Inventory (PSI) : An Examination of the Link Between Charisma, Political Skill, and Performance ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2007. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001882.
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Silva, Nayara Moreira Lacerda da. « Como circulam as elites políticas : uma análise sobre a seleção partidária de candidaturas ao executivo da capital goiana ». Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2017. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/7992.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
Political-party elites are one of the most pertinent objects of study in Political Science. The composition of the political classes and the functioning of party organizations were and continue to be systematically analyzed by scholars who seek to contribute to the development of the area. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note the existence of very imprecise aspects when issues related to the formation of political elites and the exercise of intraparty activities are addressed. By accepting the party statutes as possible explanatory variables of the candidature selection processes, the main objective of this dissertation was to verify to what extent the norms defined by the statutory documents are reflected in the profiles of the candidates that are, in fact, selected. To that end, the adopted cut turned to the nominations to compete for the position of mayor in the city of Goiânia in the municipal elections of the year 2016. Methodologically, the analysis was organized as a case study and was based on the structure proposed by Hazan and Rahat (2001; 2006), which listed some criteria of inclusiveness about the selection of candidates perceived from aspects present in the party's own statutes. In addition, candidates profiles were observed based on information provided by the Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. Thus, data collection and analysis allowed us to state that, without disregarding sociocultural factors and local political dynamics, statutory norms can be considered as one of the dimensions capable of influencing the results of candidature selection processes.
As elites político-partidárias constituem um importante tema de estudo da Ciência Política. A composição das classes políticas e o funcionamento das organizações partidárias foram e continuam sendo sistematicamente analisados por estudiosos que buscam contribuir com o desenvolvimento dessa área de pesquisa. Ainda assim é interessante perceber a existência de aspectos bastante imprecisos quando são tratadas questões relativas ao recrutamento e formação das elites políticas e sua relação com as atividades intrapartidárias. Admitindo os estatutos partidários como possíveis variáveis explicativas dos processos de seleção de candidaturas, o principal objetivo dessa dissertação foi verificar em que medida as normas definidas pelos documentos estatutários se refletem nos perfis dos candidatos que são, de fato, selecionados. Para isso, o recorte adotado foram as candidaturas indicadas para concorrerem ao cargo de prefeito na cidade de Goiânia nas eleições municipais do ano de 2016. Metodologicamente a análise se organizou como um estudo de caso e se pautou na estrutura proposta por Hazan e Rahat (2001; 2006) que elencaram alguns critérios de inclusividade acerca da seleção de candidatos percebidas a partir de aspectos presentes nos próprios estatutos partidários. Além disso, foram observados os perfis dos candidatos com base nas informações disponibilizadas pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. Nesse sentido, o levantamento e a análise dos dados permitiram afirmar que, não desconsiderando fatores socioculturais e dinâmicas políticas locais, as normas estatutárias podem ser tidas como uma das dimensões capazes de influenciar os resultados dos processos de seleção de candidaturas.
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Morehouse, Christal. « Combating human trafficking policy gaps and hidden political agendas in the USA and Germany ». Wiesbaden VS, Verl.für Sozialwiss, 2008. http://d-nb.info/992304946/04.
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Daniels, Amy E. « Constructions of narrative identities of women political candidates ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002821.
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CAVALCANTE, Maria Jeane da Silva. « Padrão ideológico das coligações nas eleições brasileiras : uma análise das alianças eleitorais a deputado federal em 2002 e 2006 ». Universidade Federal do Pará, 2010. http://repositorio.ufpa.br/jspui/handle/2011/4985.
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O presente trabalho faz uma discussão acerca do comportamento coligacionista dos partidos políticos brasileiros nas eleições para o cargo de Deputado Federal em 2002 e 2006. O enfoque adotado buscou apresentar dados que possibilitem a reflexão sobre o comportamento dos partidos políticos brasileiros ao se apresentarem para a disputa eleitoral. Este trabalho parte da hipótese de que a formação das coligações partidárias brasileiras não evidencia um padrão de comportamento ideológico nacional, estas se constituem de forma diferenciada nas diversas regiões brasileiras, visando maximização dos ganhos eleitorais. Para a execução da pesquisa elaborou-se um índice estatístico, com a finalidade de mensurar possíveis padrões ideológicos das coligações entre os partidos políticos brasileiros que concorreram ao cargo de Deputado Federal nas eleições de 2002 e 2006.
The present work is a discussion about the beharvior coligacionista of Brazilian political parties in electionas for the Office of Congressman in 2002 and 2006. The approach adopted sought to present data to enable reflection on the bahavior of Brazilian political parties to present themselves for election. This paper considers the hypothesis that the formation of coalitions in Brazil does not show a pattern of national ideology, they are constituted differently in different Brazilian regions, aiming to maximize their electoral gains. To conduct the research was conducted a statistical índex, in order to measure possible coalitions among ideological patterns of Brazilian political parties that competed for the posto f Deputy Federal elections of 2002 and 2006.
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Miguel, Antonia Celene. « A inspeção do trabalho no governo FHC : uma análise sobre a política de fiscalização do trabalho ». Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2004. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/1431.
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Previous issue date: 2004-12-15Through the analysis of the politics of fiscalization of the in the period fhc, we show that the labor inspection is an important actor for the agreement of the labor market as a normative space. The actions of the labor inspection display the labourite guide lines delineated and decided accordant the labourite politics applied by the labor ministry each government.
Através da análise da política de fiscalização do trabalho no período fhc, mostramos que a inspeção do trabalho é um ator importante para o entendimento do mercado de trabalho como um espaço normativo. As ações da inspeção do trabalho expõem a pauta trabalhista delineada e decidida conforme a política trabalhista aplicada pelo ministério do trabalho a cada governo.
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Forman, Jan. « Fenomén Ron Paul : Hospodářská politika a volební kampaň ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162538.
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The goal of my Master's Thesis is to analyze the reasons of Congressman Ron Paul's unsuccessful nomination in US 2012 Presidential elections. The paper is divided into two main chapters; theoretical and applied. The first one is focused on economic policy aspect of his election program, whilst the second is mainly concerned with his communication campaign. In this analysis, I will combine outputs of particular observations of both his presidential campaigns, in 2008 and 2012, with respect to its consistency. Using the political marketing methodology, we should be able to decide whether his fail was caused by the inappropriate selection of election topics, or by the communication campaign itself, or even by combination of both factors.
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Frisch, Scott A. « The politics of pork : a study of congressional appropriation earmarks / ». New York [u.a.] : Garland, 1998. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0652/98037454-d.html.
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Hunčová, Dagmar. « Zahraniční politika Mexika vůči Kubě v období 1958 - 1976 ». Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-1789.
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Disertační práce zkoumá a hodnotí vliv vnějších a vnitřních faktorů, které působily na formulování zahraničně politického postoje Mexika vůči Kubě během období od roku 1958 do 1976. K tomu využívá metodu analýzy na hladinách: mezinárodní systém, stát, vnitrostátní prostředí a jednotlivec. Soustřeďuje se na témata jako je hegemonické postavení USA na americkém kontinentu, vývoj na Kubě, postavení Mexika v regionu, vnitrostátní režim vlády jedné strany - PRI, vč. historického vývoje, který ovlivnil tehdejší koncepci zahraniční politiky. Ukazuje, že v určitých obdobích domácí faktory zásadně ovlivnily postoj Mexika k revoluční Kubě.
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Pariľáková, Jana. « Menová politika FEDu do roku 1929 ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-8193.
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This diploma thesis is trying to analyze the monetary policy of The Federal Reserve System in context of the economic process in the period 1913 -- 1929 and its reverse influence on the economy of The United States. In an effort to expose incompetence of the central control of money stock it brings more complex view including preceding development from the end of 18 century, trough the foundation The Federal Reserve System in the year 1913, the period of the world war I., trough era of prosperity of the twenties to the beginning of The Great Depression. In the theoretical part it brings monetary centralism face to face with liberalism of the Austrian school. Theoretical ground is based on the Austrian theory of business cycle which considers the reasons of economic fluctuation to be inflationary character of the commercial banking system at the head of central bank.
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Hose, Linda J. « The pedagogy and politics of online education in anthropology ». [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2007. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002180.
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Envall, Fredrik, et Hedman Martin Forsman. « Constructing Politics : Discrepancy and Discourses in the E-waste Domain ». Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema vatten i natur och samhälle, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-88561.
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The societal benefits of new technology and electronic products can hardly be underestimated. However, new technological achievements bring problems as well since obsolete products, due to ever-growing amounts and complex composition, are difficult to handle in a sound manner. Currently electronic waste constitutes the single fastest growing waste stream in society. It is also common that e-waste is exported to low-income countries where it generally is recycled under rudimentary conditions, leading to large-scale environmental and health effects. The political handling of the issue has enjoyed moderate success internationally as well as nationally. The shaping of environmental politics is however, according to many researchers, a complex process involving many actors, something that generally is not reflected inofficial politics. The purpose of this thesis is to map out the different discourses inherent in the public debates on e-waste in Sweden and the USA respectively, and compare how they might influence the political management of the e-waste issue. A number of newspaper articles, reports and press releases from NGOs and trade organizations have been analyzed with a discourse analysis method, influenced by John Dryzek and Michel Foucault. The term “order of discourse” has been borrowed by Norman Fairclough as an analytical tool. In the U.S. material a conflictual, unclear order of discourse appeared where most of the actors were portrayed as equal political players. However there was an apparent red thread as the question was framed as an economic issue by the majority of actors. In the Swedish material a very clear order of discourse was identified, where mainly two discourses were dominant. Drawing on the analysis it could be concluded that there were several probable explanations for the contemporary political handling. The perspective of the key actors El-Kretsen and the U.S. EPA was concluded to impair the political handling, while the framing of the issue as a question for experts in the Swedish material was considered another explanation.Samhällsnyttan med ny teknik och elektroniska produkter kan knappast underskattas. Nya tekniska landvinningar medför dock problematik då elektronikavfall är svåromhändertaget på grund av dess komplexa sammansättning. Numera är dessutom elektronikavfall det enskilt snabbast växande avfallsflödet i samhället. Ytterligare problematik uppstår då det är vanligt att avfallet exporteras till låginkomstländer där det ofta återvinns med primitiva metoder, vilket leder till att avfallet utgör stora miljö- och hälsorisker. Sammantaget innebär detta att elektronikavfall utgör en av de största miljöpolitiska utmaningarna, men den politiska hanteringen av frågan har hittills rönt blandad framgång internationellt såväl som nationellt. Skapandet av miljöpolitik är dock enligt många teoretiker en komplex process som involverar många aktörer, något som generellt inte avspeglas i officiell politik. Syftet med denna uppsats är att försöka urskilja vilka diskurser som finns i den offentliga debatten om elektronikavfall i USA och Sverige, och jämföra hur de kan tänkas påverka den politiska hanteringen av elektronikavfallsfrågan. Ett antal tidningsartiklar, rapporter och pressreleaser från NGO:s och branschsammanslutningar har analyserats med en diskursanalytisk metod, influerad av John Dryzek och Michel Foucault. Begreppet ”diskursordning” har lånats av Norman Fairclough för att som analytiskt verktyg koppla diskursanalysen till den politiska hanteringen i respektive land. I det amerikanska materialet framträdde en konfliktfylld, otydlig diskursordning där flertalet aktörer framställdes som likvärdiga politiska spelare. Det fanns en tydlig röd tråd i det faktum att samtliga aktörer diskuterade frågan utifrån ett ekonomiskt perspektiv. I det svenska materialet fanns istället en tydlig diskursordning, där framförallt två diskurser var förhärskande. Utifrån analysen kunde konstateras att det fanns ett antal troliga skäl till den nuvarande politiska hanteringen. Nyckelaktörerna El-Kretsen och det amerikanska Naturvårdsverkets perspektiv lyftes som två troliga anledningar, medan inramningen som en expertfråga i det svenska materialet framhålls som ytterligare en orsak.
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Chocholová, Zuzana. « Hospodářská politika republikánských administrativ v USA ve 20. letech ». Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-2926.
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Práce se zabývá charakteristikou hospodářské politiky v USA ve 20. letech 20. století s důrazem na historická a myšlenková východiska této politiky, její širší souvislosti a praktické uplatňování. Sleduje vliv hospodářsko-politických opatření na hospodářský vývoj s ohledem na vznik velké hospodářské krize ve 30. letech.